17 AUGUST 1839, Page 1

NEWS OF THE WEEK.

REPORTS of Parliamentary proceedings are now referred to for re- sults rather than discussions. The period of the session has, at length arrived when the fate of bills long pending is decided. The Lords make quick work with bills which were suffered to linger in the "other place" till their existence became a burden. They II murder the innocents," exclaim the Ministetialists : but if some- times they ruthlessly trample upon a useful measure, they also sometimes deserve thanks for crushing noxious jobs. Did the Lords throw out every bill, requiring deliberate examination, sent up to them after three-fourths of the People's Representatives have quitted

• London for the season, small apology might suffice. The mischief would not be of the Lords' making, but chargeable against Ministers, who wasted months in doing worse than nothing with their House of Commons.

The "late period of the session" was Lord LYNDHURST'S prin- cipal reason for spoiling the pleasant arrangement which Ministers bad concocted for their Admiralty Judge and serviceable friend, Sir SAMIEN LUSHINGTON. But Lord BaouctitAst adduced in- trinakkobjections to that bill, which ought to be fatal at any time. Thst :4. allowed the Judge to sit in the House of Commons, was itself a sufficient "NtSOIL True, Dr. LUSHINGTON'S predecessors have been in Parliament, and other persons holding judicial ap- pointments are Representatives of the People : but it is a bad cuotom, and every opportunity of a new arrangement should be taken to "reform" it ; instead of which, this measure for regu- lating and improving the Admiralty Court, sanctioned and conti- nued one of the worst of the ancient abuses. Moreover, there are peculiar reasons for objecting to the union of judicial and political functions in the person of the present incumbent. Dr. LUSIIINGTON is a keen partisan, ever ready in the struggles of factions. He is Member for the Tower hamlets, and may be called upon to decide causes in which the most influential of his constituents are inte- rested. The increase of salary, too, where the old salary was more than sufficient remuneration for the labour, was discreditable. Well, the Lords quashed this bill ; and shall the deed be recorded among the sins of the session ? The Metropolitan Police Courts Bill has been deprived of what the Ministers doubtless considered its chief beauty and value. The clauses extending the jurisdiction of Magistrates, and autho- rizing higher pay and retiring pensions, have been struck out. The " summary jurisdiction" and the patronage arc gone. The Metropolis, however, for whose benefit the measure was professedly framed, will not suffer much from this alteration ; for, as Lord BR. OUGHAH remarked, since the establishment of the Central Cri- minal Court, the confinement of prisoners before trial is neces- sarily brief. In fact, punishment or acquittal follows quickly on the heels of accusation : the culprit is often detected, tried, and sen- tenced, within a few days after the first rumour of the offence. It is more than doubtful whether additional authority would be wisely confided to some of the present Magistrates, who are by no means renowned for the enlightened and discreet exercise of the power they already possess, but whom it might not be easy to displace. R ith these considerations in view, few will feel inclined to blame the Lords for their slashing operations on the Metropolitan Police Courts Bill.

The Duke of WELLINGTON allows the second Portuguese Slave- trade Bill to pass : not that he approves of it, or that his objections have been removed, but for the same reason that induced him to acquiesce in the Penny Postage Bill—the general feeling in its favour. He offered a formal opposition to the motion for the second reading, but only mustered on the division 28 Lords against 39.

It is pretended, that., armed with this bill, the Government can proceed effectually for the suppression of the slave-trade. Mr. FOWELL BUXTON, pointing to the failure of similar means, thinks it

worse than useless to persevere in employing them. Lord i'mumast maintains, that by the capture of slaves the traffic has been diminished : and so it has in one direction, by the amount of- all the slaves captured and released. But that is not tile question: Mr. BUXTON says, in spite of your detention and searching of vessels, and your capture of slave-ships, the trade now flourishes to an extent it never reached betbre ; and in the meanwhile your mea- sures have aggravated its horrors. This statement of the case has not yet been fairly met in Parliament ; and until it can be refuted, we must continue to expect little good with much mischief from slave-trade suppression laws.

The Government promises to use cautiously the extraordinary powers the act will conlim, and that no difficulty with foreign nations (Portugal of course excepted) shall arise from the pro- ceedings taken under it. The bill declares that any persons acting under orders from the Admiralty Board may seize and detain, not only Portuguese slavers, or ships suspected of being slavers, but the ships of any other state whatever, supposed to be engaged in the traffic—the American for instance ; and that they shall pro- tected from all suits which may be brought ill consequence of such seizures. But though this power is taken, it will not, it seems, be exercised except in accordance with treaties. Then, why enact a general indemnity for captures made in violation of treaties, or not under the sanction of treaties ? Why authorize Lord MINT° to search and capture an American slaver, and indemnify him from the consequences, if he has not the slightest intention of so acting in the case of America ? We can imagine much trouble to the Government, in our international relations, from the working of such an act, however inefficient it is likely to prove as regards its main object.

The Commons have done little this week. The Irish Municipal question is once more staved off to the next session ; when Lord JOHN RUSSELL thinks it really will be settled—that a measure can be franied on which both Houses will agree. Such a settlement might just as well have been effected two years ago, as next year.' Ministers knew the terms which their masters, the Tory Lords, would insist upon : but it suited their purpose to keep this ques- tion open, and that is the only reason why Irish Corporation Reform is again to figure in a Queen s Speech. Mr. SPRING RICE has got his Irish Bank Bill into Committee— but when to come out ? Mr. O'CONNELL, Mr. Hums, and Mr. ELLis, supported by fewer than twenty Members, have stopped the bill at its first clause by repeated motions for adjournment. The gross indecency of attempting to push through Parliament such a measure, after six hundred Members have left town, justi- fies the course taken by the minority. Mr. RICE is charged, in direct terms, with having deceived the opponents of the bill and violated distinct promises. But what of that ? is not Mr. Rims about to be made a Lord ?