frobintes.

• The Central Short-time Committee of the West Riding, deeming Lord Morpeth's answer to their previous representations unsatisfactory, have again appealed to him on the subject, urging him to support Lord Ashley's intended bill.

An effort is making at Newark to induce Mr. Gladstone to come forward again as a candidate. At a public meeting, on Friday last, attended by electors of all parties, a formal invitation was agreed to, and pretty nu- merously signed. Mr. Stuart has been enjoined in a handbill to evince the sincerity of his friendship for Mr. Gladstone, by retiring.

Mr. Darby does not resign his seat for Sussex: the appointment of Commissioner under the Enclosure Act, made not by the Crown but by the Secretary of State, does not oblige the accepter to vacate his seat.

The Protection meetings in the provinces exhibit agriculturists very anxious to preserve things as they are; and meeting with more or less support from their chosen Representatives. In some cases, much har- mony in denouncing the League and Sir Robert Peel has prevailed; in others, irresolute Members—men who wish to understand before they judge—have been gruffly treated, and received a notice to quit at the end of their term. A third class exhibits Members who espouse the, cause of protection, admonishing their excited constituents to prepare for inevitable change. The list of meetings is copious; including the Exeter Society, the Blandford, Cambridge, East Norfolk, Grantham Dorchester, Leicester, Ashby, Arundel, Fareham, Great Grimsby, Durham, Oxford, Shrewsbury, and Brighton.

Lord Worsley presided over the meeting at Great Grimsby, on Saturday. He expressed surprise that Mr. Christopher, and those other Members who had given a general support to Sir Robert Peel's Government, should have reposed confidence in that Minister for so long a time, after he had proposed and carried measures at variance with their principles. His own opinion was that some extensive alterations were intended; and it was the duty of the farmers to be prepared with a more fully organized opposition. Mr. Heneage, the Member for Great Grimsby, urged the meeting to prepare for the worst, and to yield to no compromise. Several tenant-farmers addressed the meeting; among others, Mr. Richardson. He thanked Lord Worsley for giving up a day's sport with the hounds in order that he might attend the meeting. But where were the tenant-farmers?

Were they not galloping about the country after the hounds, when their own interests were at stake? H' e did not come to that meeting bedecked with a rich wardrobe of words, or provided with an artillery of eloquence which qualified him to utter withering sarcasms or scurrilous abuse against those who were seeking to rob the farmers of their rights. No; but he came to tell the farmers what their duty was. Were they to be intimidated by the smoke-dried denizens of murky towns? Should the basis of England's glory and renown, the mainstay of her in- dependence—agriculture, be neglected and unprotected? Why, if they opened the ports to foreign corn, they would open the floodgates of destruction upon the British fanner.

He put a question to the meeting— "Are yon determined to oppose all further attempts to deprive you of your just rights?" [To this appeal there was no response from the meeting; and the speaker exclaimed, in a loud and indignant tong— Why stand there likes parcel of block- heads ?" This observation seemed to excite much more astonishment tluin mirth; and Mr. Richardson proceeded with increasing vehemence]—" Have you voices or have you not? Have the agriculturists tongues in their heads, or are they without? (Continued laughter. ) Am I to ask you five thousand times whether you will submit to be trampled on or not? You seem either to be half asleep or very dreadfully tired of what I have to say--(Laughter)—and so, gentlemen, I thinkI shall conclude. Why, Grimsby ought not to have been able to contain all the people who should have flocked into the town to attend this meeting; but you could see a cat run anywhere in the room." [Loud laughter; during which Mr. Richardson left the room.] Lord Worsley accounted for the scanty attendance by stating that the meeting was composed merely of members of the Grimsby Protection Society, who are few in number because Protection Societies exist in every market-town. As it was, he had not seen so large an attendance on any previous occasion.

The Ashby de la Zonch demonstration, on Saturday, consisted of a public meeting and a dinner; Mr. Pye presiding at both. A reason as- signed by Earl Howe for nonattendance was not accounted satisfactory. In his letter, the Earl stated that he deemed it both impolitic and unfair to Ministers to discuss measures of which nothing was known. The chair- man made allusion to the compensation rumour— It was of no use to talk of an equivalent for a repeal of the Corn-law. Why, what equivalent was it possible to grant? He was satisfied that if the protective duties gradually came down to nothing, the result would be that the capital of the farmers would ooze out as corn through a sieve, until they found themselves with- out any. If an alteration were to be made, for God's sake let them have it at once. But he confessed that he would rather see Mr. Cobden coming forward with free trade than Sir Robert Peel giving them a scale gradually coming down to nothing.

The Honourable Eliot Yorke, one of the Members for Cambridgeshire, was somewhat roughly handled at the Cambridge meeting, on Saturday. Mr. Allix, his colleague, fared better; but even his reception was not flat- tering. Some disappointment was felt at the absence of Lord Hsudwicke, the Lord-Lieutenant; an idea being entertained that he might shed a ray of light on the darkness which surrounds the Ministerial intentions. A letter was read from his Lordship, explaining: he stated pretty broadly, that he ought to have been consulted ere a "county meeting" had been called; still, from friendly feelings to the chairman, (Lieutenant Cotton, R.N.,) and other considerations, he would have waived the informality, had he thought that his presence would be of service. But his main reason for not attending was this- " I have endeavoured to learn what these [the rumoured changes] are; and I have failed. I have heard various opinions, but no facts; and I have no knowledge as to the intentions of the Government. I therefore feel, were I to attend your meeting, I could give no advice, neither could I combat nor support any plans. I think it better to wait until I hear and know what is intended.'

The Chairman disclaimed all intention to slight the Lord-Lieutenant in his " official capacity"; and he did not think that anything of the kind could be imputed, as the meeting was not " exactly a county meeting." Mr. Johnson, of Wicken, expressed dissatisfaction at the desertion of the County Members generally: had he been placed in their position, he would not have acted as they had done. He called upon Mr. Yorke and Mr. .Allix to come forward and help them. He did not want to turn them out of their seats, but he wished to be satisfied that they intended to do right. He thought it was wrong in them to enlist under one banner and serve under another. He concluded with moving a resolution expressing the deep re- gret of the meeting at the conduct of those Agricultural Members who yielded in 1842 to the withdrawal of the protection which then existed; and pledged the meeting to return those only who should offer an "inde- pendent and unflinching opposition to further reduction." In seconding this resolution, Mr. Hicks bespoke a liberal construction of the acts of their Members: they had been taken in the position of the man who suddenly received a severe hit in the eye from one whom he supposed to be his friend. He thought it unfair to prejudge any set of men; opinion should be sus- pended till the facts were known. He did not think that Ministers would be base enough to desert those who had placed them in power. [This remark was met with cries of " We know them!" " We have found him out!"] He thought that Mr. Yorke and Mr. Allix were prepared to pledge them- selves against sacrificing the interests of agriculture. [Cries of " What is the use of it ?" " Have we not before been deceived ?"]

The resolution was carried; but four dissentient hands were held up.

Mr. Yorke rose "to explain," and was received with a storm of cheers and hisses. During the confusion, cries of all sorts were heard; such as " We won't have him!" " Turn him out!" " Don't condemn him unheard!" At last the Chairman mounted the table, and, appealing to the national love of " fair play," requested a hearing for Mr. Yorke. Mr. C. Pemberton characterized the interruption as "unbecoming," and wished his opinion to go before the public. Mr. Yorke was then heard; but disparaging inuen- does disturbed the flow of his eloquence. We quote the Morning Post— He had expected that a constituency that he had represented ten years would have the grace to hear quietly what he had to say. (" You deceived us before.") Who would venture to say so? Was there any man present who would say to his face that he had ever broken a pledge that he had ever given? Was there a man present who would dare to say that to his face? (Great confusion, and a cry of "Not one.") Then let there be an end of this trifling. ("Hear, hoar!") That meeting had been surreptitiously convened, for the purpose of making an attack on the County Members. (Loud and repeau4 expressions of dissent from all parts of the room, and very great commotion) Let him state his reasons for thinking so. No other sentiment in the resolution was so loudly cheered as that which attempted to reflect disgrace upon the County Representatives. ("Hear, hear, hear!") And in the next place, he was received with groans and blase; when he presented himself to the meeting. ("By a small partonly," "Do not condemn all," and great uproar.) He had no right to complain of their conduct, but he had a duty to perform to himself as well as to them. He regarded the resolution as conveying a censure on the County Members; but he was not bound to apologize for the course he had pursued, as he had acted conscientiously and in accordance with what he conceived to be right. But what was he to do for the future? That was what they were anxious to know. (" To be sure it is.") What was he to do for the future? (" Vote against Peel!" and loud cries of "No, no! " " Yes, yes! ") Was that a sample of English justice ? (" Hear, hear! ") "Then, if you would not act so yourselves in your own private affairs," said Mr. Yorke, "concede to your representative, who may claim to be as honour- able and high-spirited as any individual amongst you, that which you yourselves

i

would demand.' He pledged himself to give an unreserved ex ion of opinion

on the Ministerial measures so soon as they were known: till such time, he thought he had a right to be silent. It was not his intention to pledge himself to any direct vote on the subject of the Government proposition, of which he knew no- thing. (Great uproar, and cries of "Resign, resign!") Nor did he intend to resign. (Loud cries of "Hear hear!" and hisses.) Why, such conduct as he now witnessed would almost Make him believe, that notwithstanding what Mr. Johnson said, this meeting was altogether a personal attack. He was unwilling to think so: but it could not shake his firmness even if it were so. (Continued confusion.) They had a right to do as they pleased, but at the same time he must do that which he conceived to be most honourable and upright. (Great confusion)

Mr. Foster asked Mr. Yorke, what inference he drew from Mr. Glad- stone's letter to the electors of Newark; and whether he intended to sup- port a relaxation of the present law? Mr. Yorke replied—

He was too old a bird to be caught with chaff. (Laughter.) Mr. Foster bad asked him a question about a letter which he had never seen. (" That's of no consequence.") But if Mr. Gladstone had stated broadly that the present law was to be relaxed, he knew not that Mr. Gladstone was to be taken as theexponent of Ministerial views. He repeated, that when the time came they should have the fullest possible opportunity of hearing his sentiments: it was not a long time to wait. He would take nobody's letter: be would take nothing bat the words of the Minister himself. (Very great uproar and confusion.)

Mr. Allis mounted the table. His reception was cool. He also reserved his opinion till Ministerial parturition had taken place— For himself, he was attached to the soil from his earliest infancy: he lived by the land, and had the privilege of sporting over it every week; for which he thanked many of those before him. (Laughter.) By the land he would stand till his dying day. But until he knew what measures were intended, he could form no opinion about them. He would not, however, go to sleep; and when he stood before the tribunal of public opinion at another election, he should be pre- pared to vindicate every vote he ever gave.

Mr. Ball renewed the attack on Mr. Yorke; and Mr. Yorke gave a re- joinder—

It had been stated that this is a crisis for which all should be prepared. Quite right. Don Quixote was armed; but if he had looked at what he was going to tilt against, and found it to be a windmill, perhaps it would have been as wise if he had waited a little longer before he exerted his courage. (Laughter.)

The squabble was kept up more or less during the subsequent proceed- ings. A dinner afterwards took place; but reporters were excluded, and the County Members did not share in the festivities.

At the Arundel meeting, on Monday, a letter was read from the Duke of Norfolk, stating that as the whole question of Protection would very likely be brought before Parliament early in the session, he thought it best in the mean time not to attend any meeting upon the subject. Mr. Oliver, who occupied the chair, could not imagine a reason for the apprehended change. As for Sir Robert Peel, he wished that his political life might be speedily extinguished—

If Parliament was warranted in granting the duties under the act of 1842, there was no reason why that act should be disturbed now, when corn was actually cheaper than it was at that time, and when the general aspect of the country was more favourable. But that unconstitutional faction the Anti-Corn- law League had come forth and presented itself to the country—had sent its unprincipled emissaries into every distriet—had spread a thousand lies—had en- deavoured to carry into the families of the poor the fear that starvation was at their door—until their vile and infamous report had reached the ear of that Minister who never was a good friend to the farmer, and who at this moment was rea.dy to turn traitor to the farmer's cause, and was endeavouring to undo his own deeds; a gentleman not content with filching from time to time all the powers of his own political child—the existing Corn-laws--but who was at this moment about to stretch out his hand to take its very life. Such a political apostate he called a downright real rogue in grain. (Laughter and groans.) He hoped the groans of the farmers would extinguish that Minister's political life; that this was his last, his departing moment.

A meeting for Durham was held on Monday, at the County-town. The Duke of Cleveland, who presided, commenced his address by stating that he should be neglecting his duty if he did not tell the agriculturists of Great Britain, that they were placed in a more dangerous and perilous position than they were perhaps aware of, or had been exposed to hitherto. In his opinion, they had much to fear and little to hope— The assertion he made was not founded on anything which had transpired at the meetings of the Anti-Corn-law League in Covent Garden Theatre, or in the Fran-trade Hall at Manchester, or still more recently in a neighbouring town. He believed that such displays were held in contempt by the Protectionists. But when the agriculturists saw themselves, he must say bartered, for he could use no milder term—at least if what he had heard be true, and he spoke only from com- mon rumour—when they saw themselves bartered by one who had always stood forward as the champion of agricultural interests, and had during a long course of years been the leader in the Commons House of Parliament of the Opposition which had defended the agricultural interest whenever it had been attacked, and he must say successfully defended it—who, when Lord John Russell abandoned the Corn-law then in existence, and proposed to substitute a fixed duty of 8s , moved a resolution expressing a want of confidence in the Government, and car- ried it, thereby ousting the Ministry of that day—and who is now supported by a clear majority of a hundred in the very same Parliament—a majority returned by the agriculturists, who were still willing to support him so

long as he stood by them,—when he saw this, he thought they bad good reason to quail and tremble. He could not believe, after all, that Sir Robert Peel would desert the agricultural interest. As to the existing Corn-law, if it could be proved that it contributed merely to the benefit of the landed interest and of those connected with the soil, it could not have stood so long as it had done, nor ought it to stand a moment longer. His own conviction was that no such case could be made out against it; that, on the contrary, it actually benefited all classes of the community.

Letters of excuse were next read from the Honourable Mr. Liddell, M.P., Mr. Hudson, M.P., Lord Harry Vane, and Lord Seaham. The substance of Mr. Liddell's communication was this—

Whatever the propositions of the Government might be, it would be his duty to support them if they were calculated in his opinion to promote the interest of the nation, and to oppose them if they had a contrary tendency. In one respect he considered the present system of Corn-laws might be susceptible of a safe and decided improvement. He considered that the principle of the Canada Corn-bill

should be extended, under proper regulations, to all our Colonial before and such an amendment, so limited, he should beprepared to defend before any public assembly, whether composed of farmers or mannfacturers. One of the speakers was Mr. Surtees, of Hamsterley Hall; who gave a personal turn to his discourse—

On the accession of the Conservative Administration, he had sold out of the Funds, and invested his money in land; the result of which he would state to the meeting. He gave 10,0001. for a farm adjoining the estate on which he lived, which at the time he bought it brought in an income of 8001. a year. That farm on his marriage was included in the settlement, and taken to represent SOU a year: but twelve months or so after he was married, Sir Robert Peel's new tariff came into operation, and reduced the income derived from that property to 2501. a year. He asked what were they to think of such uncertain vacillating policy ? The other speeches and the resolutions foreboded calamitous results to all interests from repeal of the Corn-laws.

The Brighton meeting took place on Tuesday evening, at the Town- hall. The High Constable was in the chair; and the Members for Brighton, Captain Pechell and Lord Alfred Hervey, were present. An amendment to a Free-trade resolution, claiming protection to agriculture, was moved by a farmer; but only six hands were held up in its favour. Captain Pechell declared his continued readiness to vote for an immediate and un- conditional repeal of the Corn-laws; but Lord Alfred Hervey, while avow- ing himself an admirer of Free-trade principles, seemed to think that a total repeal would be injurious to the working population. Mr. John Villiers Shelley, a landowner and farmer, supported the total repeal view of the question.

The Shropshire Society met on Wednesday, at Shrewsbury. It was attended by Lord Hill, (who presided,) Lord Berwick, and the following Members of the Commons—Lord Newport, Viscount Clive, Sir Robert Pigot, Honourable R. H. Clive, and Mr. Ormsby Gore. The several Members indicated various courses of action for themselves. Mr. Clive had supported Sir Robert Peel, and would still do so: he would also support the principle of protection, but would not pledge himself to details. Sir Robert Pigot would resist any change. Lord Clive would be guided by the nature of the proposals to be submitted by Sir Robert Peel. Lord Newport would not vote for diminished protection without consulting his constituents. Mr. Gore was a supporter of Sir Robert Peel, but only in so far as he adhered to the principle of protection.

The Oxfordshire Society met at Oxford on Wednesday. The Earl of Abingdon Lord Parker, Lord Norreys, M.P., Mr. G. V. Harcourt, M.P., Mr. W. Henley, M.P., and many others, were present. Mr. John Ashurst occupied the chair. After some preliminary speaking, Mr. Gardner called upon Lord Norreys and Mr. Harcourt to come forward and let them know whether they meant to let the farmers drop through their fingers, as they did before? As to Mr. Henley, no doubt could exist of his devotion to the cause of protection. Lord Norreys expounded his views at some length.

He had always been of opinion that the dissolution of Sir Robert Peel's Admi- nistration would lead to a state of things which would end in a great alteration, if not a total repeal, of the Corn-laws. Recent events had confirmed this im- pression. but he had hoped—he had expected—he had confidently and fondly anticipated—that Sir Robert Peel at least would remain firm to the principles of his bill of 1842, making such alterations only as the progress of events might render necessary. He knew not the course Sir Robert intended to pursue, and he was bound to allow him to be heard in his own defence before passing judgment. If he should come before Parliament and state, that owing to peculiar and tem- porary circumstances a temporary suspension of the law was necessary to avert famine and starvation—if he could prove the emergency of the case—he did not doubt that such a measure would be sanctioned. He denied, however, the right of any Minister to legislate permanently for the remedy of a temporary evil. If Sir Robert Peel should come forward with a sweeping measure of Corn-law re- form unaccompanied with compensation to the kndowner, Lord Norreys would dissent from such a proposition. Still, difficulties had to be looked at; and it should be borne in mind that it was much easier to overturn an Administration than to found one.

He had seen speeches delivered in various parts of the country, at which the agriculturists were first instructed to look to the Duke of Wellington, and subse- quently to Lord Stanley and the Duke of Richmond, as likely to form an Admi- nistration. Now, it so happened that since these circumstances occurred, he met a gentleman who served under Lord Stanley, and who retired from office with him. [This is understood to indicate Mr. G. W. Hope, late Under-Secretary for the Co- 'conies.] That gentleman told him that the question had been put to Lord Stanley previously to Sir Robert.Peel's resuming office, whether he would undertake the government of the country; and Lord Stanley answered that he would not do so, because he believed that it would be impracticable to form and to carry on such an Administration. He asked the gentleman whether he was certain of these facts; and whether he was at liberty to promulgate them, as he was very anxious to give his constituents all the information in his power. In answer to that ques- tion, he had received the following letter-

" 24th December 1845.

" In consequence of our conversation yesterday, I asked Lord Stanley whether or not I had understood him rightly as having told me that he would neither have consented at the time Sir Robert reel resigned to form an Administration, nor would he now under- take to do so ; and he answered that I had understood him rightly. " I may add, I know Lord Stanley deprecates more than anything any party decla- ration on the part of the agricultural body arising out of feelings of personal resent- ment; and that he would earnestly recommend a full and impartial consideration of all the consequences which may arise from the breaking up of the present Government, and all the responsibility which must attach to those who may he instrumental In breaking It up, before they preclude themselves, by making speeches and pledges, from a fair examination of such measures as the Government may be prepared to submit to them on the meeting of railitunent."

Now, why did Lord Stanley say this ? Because he saw the difficulty arising from the few public men of public character and official habits in the House of Commons to form and carry on such a Government. He believed that the prin- ciple of that great man would be fully gained by the recommendations which had just been addressed to himself and his honourable colleagues, that he thought it

was due to the agriculturists that they should know the position in which they stood. The name of the Duke of Richmond had been mentioned: that noble- man had fined the post of a Cabinet Minister; he was a member of the Cabinet which carried the Reform Bill; and therefore, from his position as having been a Minister of the Crown, and being at the head of the Protection Society, he trusted the Duke of Richmond would speak out, and tell them whether or not he was prepared to form an Administration. 'What they wanted was, that some one should strike out an effective Parliamentary course, which would be successful not !or a temporary triumph but for a permanent position or maintenance of protection. He feared, if the Duke of Richmond could not do so, the speeches to which he had alluded would only tend to excite hopes and expectations which would ultimately end in bitter disappointment. He believed that they were strong enough to overturn an Administration; but, unless they could form an- other in its place, such convulsion and confusion would arise in the country as could only end in the settlement of the question by the total repeal of the Corn- laws.

He hoped that the demonstrations now made would have some effect on Sir Robert Peel; but he was afraid that he had made up his mind to the measure, and would obstinately adhere to it. If he meant to abolish the law gradually, it was likely he would address the agricultural members after this fashion—" I offer you a settlement of this question on terms better than you will obtain from gentlemen opposite. They are for total and immediate, I am not for total and Immediate repeaL They are for striking at once, and suddenly; I am for avert- ing the suddenness of the blow: choose which yen will prefer." He would thus place the agricultural members in the position of either precipitating their des- truction by this proposal, or of risking a still more alarming change. Mr. Gillett—` Wewould rather be drowned at once than be ducked to death." (Cheers and laughter.) Lord Norreys would pledge himself thus far, that if the anticipated measure did not place British agriculture in a position to compete with foreigners, he would oppose it.

Mr. Harcourt thought that all the circumstances connected with the apprehended change, particularly when the cautions character of Sir Robert Peel was taken into account, showed the necessity of suspending judgment till the truth was fully known— It was all very well to make speeches spicy for public meetings—to draw forth temporary and unworthy applause. He would not abuse them in their absence; if he chose to do so, he had the opportunity in their presence. He would not speak of the Minister, or of the League-' he would only say, that the able and powerful man who was at the head of it,—(Uproar, hisses, and cries of " Hear, heir!")—no doubt, he was very annoying to them; but Mr. Harcourt did not know that the leader of the League took a course less conscientious than what actuated themselves. He was acting for the good of the manufacturers, as they were acting for the good of the landed interest. (Loud cries of "No! the general interest.")

In some places, protection had been spoken of as the right of the landlord, in order to maintain his station in society, to pay the interest on his mortgages, and to bring up his family: but Mr. Harcourt thought that the landlords had no right to protection on such grounds. They had no right to protection apart from what was required for the benefit of the country generally. It was impossible to guess at the cause of Sir Robert Peers present course. It might be alarm at the ex- aggerated apprehensions of scarcity, or it might be the example of foreign coun- tries, or it might be the vote-manufacture of the League.

As for himself, he could only say, that he continued to wish to give effectual protection to the agriculture of the country. He was happy to find that the Members for this County were more trusted—that they were allowed to stand in a more independent position than other counties would allow to their Members. He would not pledge himself to this meeting that he would stand by every part of the present Corn-law. Did they suppose that a man no longer young, who had been forty years in Parliament, and had had the misfortune to vote for seven or eight alterations in the Corn-laws—did they suppose that he would be fool enough to pledge himself that the last Corn-law was the only one that was fit to endure to all eternity ? (Laughter, and cries of " Hear! ") Entering into a review of the various Corn-laws that had been in existence since 1815, he contended that the most stringent of them had been very far from securing agricultural pros- petit'. He had seen too much of Corn-laws to be bound down hand and foot; and for the present he would judge of the new measure when it came before him. (Partial cheering, and a cry of" We can't get Mr. Harcourt to be explicit.") Mr. Henley agreed with his colleagues in thinking that many difficulties would beset the agricultural Members in the approaching session. As to the future, he could not but look upon it with great apprehension. His faith in the present Government was not so strong as it had been. He thought that Sir Robert Peel meant to let them down easy; and to any plan of that kind Mr. Henley would give his decided opposition.

-The proceedings closed with a vote of thanks to the Chairman.

The Duke of Richmond presided at the aunnal dinner of the Sussex Society, which took place at Brighton on Thursday. Some few points in his speech may be noticed. He did not think that Sir Robert Peel, with all his cleverness as a statesman, and all his cunningness as a courtier, could, if the Corn-laws were repealed, ever replace England in the same position she now held. He was himself prepared to represent in Parliament the interests of domestic industry; and he thought, if Sir Robert would dissolve his Parliament, that another Government on that footing could be formed. Blame had been attached to him (the Dnke of Richmond) in connexion with the burning of the Times newspaper at Chichester: but he could assure the company that he knew nothing at all about it; and if his opinion had been asked beforehand, he would have said that it was paying too great a compliment to that paper to burn it: he did not think be lighting of the paper was a judicious thing.

Free-trade meetings have been held at Sunderland, Kendal, Carlisle, Brighton, and Leeds.

The Sunderland meeting, which took place on the night of Friday week, was attended by several leading shipowners and merchants. Mr. Robert Brown, the Mayor, who presided, is said to be one of the largest ship- owners in the port. The bearing of the Free-trade principle on the ship- ping interest was adverted to by several of the speakers. The Mayor thought that its adoption was well calculated to promote the shipping and local interests of Sunderland, and the interests of the country generally. Mr. Joshua Wilson stated that great alarm was felt at the time the reci- procity laws were under consideration, lest they should encourage the foreign shipowner to extend his business and thereby swamp his English competitor. Prussia was particularly dreaded; but the apprehension had proved baseless: after twenty years' trial, the whole commercial marine of that country was less than the registered tonnage of the port of Sunder- land. The Marquis of Londonderry's claims to share the representation of the county and city of Durham were repudiated by some of the speakers; and arrangements for returning, at the next election, a Free- trader in place of Mr. Hudson, were suggested by others. It was stated that Mr. Barclay was to vote for the total repeal of the Corn-laws. A Free-trade dinner took place at the Leeds Music Hall, ma Thursday; Mr. Lucock, the Mayor, presiding. The company mustered four hundred in number; Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Aldam, and Colonel Thompson were guests; and the party generally consisted of eminent manufacturers and traders, carrying on business in Leeds and in the towns and villages which thickly stud the West Riding of Yorkshire; many ladies were also present. When Mr. Cobden rose to speak, he was prevented from begin- ning, for some minutes, by the plaudits which greeted him: in the midst of the demonstration, a wreath of laurel was thrown over his head. He spoke of the rise and progress of the League, as if in excuse for some past mistakes— Difficulties had beset its progress from the want of any precedent to guide its leaders. Half the seven years had been employed by them in learning thew work, and not a little time had been employed in undoing what had been done badly. The League had committed errors, and he felt that he was responsible for many of them himself: but if their opponents and the Government had resisted Free Trade for seven years, were the Leaguers the only parties chargeable with indis- cretion? Ought not something to lie at the doors of those who resisted that righteous measure, and who forced the Leaguers to the labour of compelling them to do justice? He said he had beard on good authority that the address in the Commons was to be moved by Lord Francis Egerton, and seconded by Mr. Beckett Denison. This was good policy on the part of the Minister. It indicated to the Squires that Sir Robert Peel intended to govern the country through Lancashire and Yorkshire, or that he would not govern at all: nay, more, the arrangement was ingenious, because it was bringing two men to his aid, both of whom were well disposed to assist him; and both of whom were able to say that they would not be returned again for Lancashire and Yorkshire. So long as the White and Red roses [of York and Lancaster] remained twined in the same chaplet, Monopoly with all its power could not and would not prevail against their union. A list of subscriptions to the League fund was handed to the Chairman by delegates from the different districts in the West Riding, The sums were these—Barnsley, (district,) 6251.; Birstall, 1,0411.; Bradford, 4,42614 Doncaster, 2501.; Halifax, 4,5001.; Hebden Bridge, 1,4281.; Huddersfield, 6,3001.; Keighley, 5001.; Leeds, 8,6001.; Batley Bridge, 1001.- Otley, 1251.; Rotherham,. 1381.; Skipton, 250L; Sheffield, 3,7691.; Wakefield, 1,0581.; making a total of 33,440L A meeting was held at Birmingham, on Friday, to receive a statement from Mr. M. D. Hill, the Recorder for the borough, on the subject of discipline for juvenile offenders. The meeting was, in fact, a tea-party one a large scale' invited by Mr. Hill; who entertained his guests at Dees HoteL The Mayor took the head of the table, at seven o'clock. Among the company were, Lord Calthorpe, Mr. George Frederick Mintz and Mr. Richard Spooner, the Members for the borough, the Town-Clerk and other legal and civic authorities, and a great number of ladies and gentle- men. A similar meeting on the same subject was held two years ago, when Mr. Hill expounded his plan; and the present meeting may be considered as one to report progress. He went, however, back to the origin of the prac- tice which he had adopted— He had found, when he attended the circuit sixteen years ago, that the Magis- trates at the Sessions were in the habit of returning young prisoners to their em- ployers, when the offences for which they had been convicted were their first transgressions. There were, however, several difficulties in the practice, on ac- count of the distance between Birmingham and Warwick, where the Sessions were held; and also no regular record was kept of the results, good or evil, of such leniency. When he was appointed Recorder of that borough, he followed the steps of the Magistrates: but after some time it occurred to him, that the circumstance of having an organized police in that town furnished him with some advan that the Magistrates at Quarter-sessions did not possess; and he established a registry of masters. The master's name was registered, and also that of the boy or girl; and once in every quarter, not at stated but uncertain periods, the masters and young persons were visited by some persons in his confidence and on whose report reliance could be placed as to the report which he might lake being one. - founded upon truth and careful examination. That registry had now been kept for four years. He was afraid that the benevolent but somewhat sanguine dis- position of the Mayor had led him to hope for better results than bad been obtained,. but it must be remembered that they had to deal with the ignorant, who were open to temptation; and that they had no means of preventing those young persons from leaving their employers, if they were so disposed. One fact, however, went a long way to show them that they were in the right course, although the results were not such as they hoped fora-olamely, that they found the number of lapsed cases greater in these young persons who were sent to prison than in those who were dealt with by being given over to masters and mistresses. The total number of young convicts was seventy-eight; who had been dealt with as he had stated. Of that number, nine bad been reconvicted; and he had thought it necessary, for many reasons, that the reconviction should be followed in every case by a sentence of transportation. The number reconvicted, then, was the number trans- ported, and that was nine; for trial at the present Sessions, three; there were eight cases of the seventy-eight where the subsequent conduct of the young con- victs was doubtful; one was dead; fifteen were not to be found, having left their employers. It would be uncharitable to suppose that all of these had relapsed, and vet it was to be feared that a considerable portion had done so. There had left the town, but there was no reason to suppose in disgrace or that they had fallen into cnme, eight; and there remained thirty-four, of whose good conduct they had something like a satisfactory proof. Of that number—and he wished to impress them all with the fact—of that number of seventy-eight there were thirty- six who had not the slightest rudiments of education: they could neither read nor write. There were'thirty-eight who could write and read imperfectly; and he was afraid that for practical purposes it was the same as if they could net write nor read at all. The number who could read and write well, of the seventy- eight, was only four. But of that number he hoped he might be permitted to say, that there were three whose conduct was good, and who were among the thirty- four; and there was only one amongst them who had been subsequently convicted. That wax the report which he had to make to them. Mr. Hill paid a tribute of praise to the employers who had undertaken the onerous duty of receiving back those who had betrayed their confi- denee— It discovered a strong feeling of benevolence, not confining itself to mere feel- ing', but expanding and proving itself in action, in those masters and mistresses who had incurred this weighty responsibility which they bad done, and who had discharged all responsibility, as the reports which were made to him every quarter of the year showed they had done, zealously, faithfully, and in a spirit of love and a spirit of perseverance. He was sure they all respected these individuals: he did not mean to say that they should be set apart and their names published and held up in a situation which must be painful to their good feelings; he would only say that they were mingled among the present company—they were in that room, all of them who could honour the company by their attendance; and what- ever rank in life they held, whether high or low, he disdained to mention. He had applied to his excellent friend Mr. Sergeant Adams, Assistant Judge of the Middlesex Sessions, to know if he had acted on any analo

gout plan-

In his reply, Mr. Adams stated, that of 270 boys, from nine to fourteen years of age, convicted in the course of eighteen months, the Bench of Middlesex Magistrates had not been able to return more than four or five to their employers, and.scarcely one to their parents and relatives, from the circumstance that the great mass of these unfortunate children were alone in the world without home or protection.

Mr. Hill proceeded to make some remarks on the necessity of improving the plan of secondary punishments, and of discarding the spirit of vindic- tive retribution which still lurks in our system of punishments. To illus- trate the inefficacy of revenge as a corrective, he instanced the punishment of death for forgery— For half or three-quarters of a century, which only ended about 1832, the punishment of death was inflicted invariably, relentlessly, and without remorse, on every person convicted of forgery. There was a trial of three-fourths of a century as to whether that one crime could be repressed by the invariable punish- ment of death. Now it was within all their knowledge—within the recollection of almost every one within hearing of his voice, that forgery, far from being re- pressed, was rot merely not extinguished, but spread with the greatest velocity during the operation of that tremendous penalty; not merely a penalty exist- ing in-the law—not merely a threat to be executed, but one actually executed, and cutting off all hope from the detected forger from the very instant of his detection. And was that at all wonderful ? When they came to consider it, it was not; for it had been observed by all writers upon the subject; and he might refer to the great Lord Bacon, who said, " It is worthy of observation, that there is no passion so slight in the human mind that you cannot make to master the fear of death."

Lord Calthorpe moved the following resolution- " That this meeting has heard with great satisfaction the learned Recorder's report of the four years' trial of his important experiment of returning to their employers juvenile criminals convicted of their first offence, and most sincerely congratulates him on the result."

The meeting was addressed, in furtherance of similar views, by Mr. Spooner, Captain Maconochie, (celebrated for his Australian experience-and his writings on this subject,) and other gentlemen of influence.

An extensive series of forgeries has been discovered at Hull. From June 1844 to October 1845, a number of forged checks, purporting to be drawn by Messrs. Brownlow and Pearson, were paid by Messrs. Pease and Company, bankers, amounting in all to 2,3791. 15s. Two brothers, Edwin and Benjamin Adamson, were arrested and examined. Benjamin keeps a public-house, and had been for- meely in the employ of Messrs. Brownlow; Edwin had been a clerk in the house for five years. The Magistrates resolved upon committing both; on which Benjamin appealed to his brother to declare his innocence. This the other did; admitting his own guilt, and stating that his brother Thomas, and Doran, a fellow clerk, were implicated with him. Doran was at once apprehended, and all three were remanded. The Police are in pursuit of Thomas Adamson.

Two of the pretended railway surveyors, who committed a robbery last week at Colonel Wayde's mansion, Garfield Hall, near Harlow, have been arrested at Chelmsford. One of them was the leader of the gang. Much of the property has been recovered.

The man Yarham, accused of murdering Mrs. Candler at Yarmouth, has been committed for trial. It is said that a case similar to this—where the prisoner gave evidence for the Crowu as an accessory to the crime for which he is now to be tried as a principal—has not occurred for upwards of sixty years.

A poacher has been killed on the lands of Sir John Broughton, at Blakenhall, near Betley. Two keepers discovered two men watching for game at night; the poachers ran away; but one was overtaken by Basford, a keeper, a very powerful man: a struggle ensued; the poacher's skull was fractured, and he died instantly. A Coroner's Jury has returned a verdict of " Justifiable homicide."

The inquest at Thetford on the bodies of the two men killed by the recent acci- dent on the Norfolk Railway, when the engine ran off the rails, was resumed and concluded on Tuesday. Major-General Pesky, the Inspector-General of Railways, was the only witness examined. He declared his belief that the sudden shutting- off of the steam could not possibly produce an accident to an engine; it would not cause it to jump if the road were m.good order. He attributed the accident to the engine-driver's proceeding at an imprudent and excessive speed on a descend- ing gradient. The engine had suffered no injury which could have forced it off the rail. It was well-constructed, and inperfect repair; but it was of dangerous form for great speed on a narrow-gauge line; of extraordinary length—of such a length ,as was never used on the narrow or any other gauge before. He had been upon a similarly-constructed engine on the South-eastern Railway: when going at the rate of about forty-five miles an hour, that engine rolled like a ship at sea; and he had warned the railway authorities, that if they attempted with such an engine to-run trains at fifty miles an hoar, as they did on the Great Western, there would be a considerable danger of the engine's rolling over. This kind of engine was manufactured by Mr. Robert Stephenson: in order to in as great power as the broader engines possessed on the wide-gauge lines, he had constructed them with longer boilers, so that their length was four or five feet more than those originally made. The smoke-box overhangs the fore-wheels; the fire-box and dome the hind-wheels•, which causes the engine to oscillate. General Pasley thought the kind safe for a speed of thirty-five miles; he had been at forty-five - at fifty he believed it decidedly dangerous. An accident arising from similar causes had recently occurred on the North of England Railway. The Jury were not unanimous, but twelve came to this decision—" Accidental death, caused by the imprudent conduct of the engine-driver in going at an excessive speed." The three jurors who dissented were desirous of giving this verdict—" Accidental death, ceased by the misconduct of the engine-driver, and the defective construction of the engine ' ; with a deodand of 5001. on the engine. The Foreman said that the Jary earnestly recommended the Board of Trade to take immeclkite steps for discontinuing the, running of such engines until measures were adopted to render them safe for the conveyance of passenger-trains.

A violent collision between two trains happened on the Midland Railway, at Chesterfield station, on Tuesday. A mineral-train was crossing the line, when a paesenger-train from Derby dashed into it. The engine of this train was thrown off the rail and completely smashed; yet no one was injured! It is alleged that the engine-driver could not stop the train on arriving at the station, from the slippery state of the rails.

A Mr. Olding, of Langford, had a very narrow escape from destruction on the Eastern Counties Railway, at the Hatfield station, one morning last week. He went to see his daughter start for London: and while waiting, with, a box under his arm, he imprudently went upon the lineas the train slowly approached, when it was not more than two yards distant from him: he was knocked down by the buffer; but tha " life guard," which precedes the wheel of the engine, fortunately cleared his legs off the metal: the whole train passed over him as he lay in the middle of the line, without inflicting further injury than a slight wound upon his head.