17 MARCH 1860, Page 10

In the House of Commons last night, the question of

Savoy was again raised by Mr. KLNGLAKE, who asked Lord John Russell whether he has any objection to lay on the table of the House his answer to Lord Bloom- flad's despatch of the 3d of March ?

Sir ROBERT PEEL remarked that the information which was reaching England was very serious, if it were true. He was in the receipt of a telegram that morning from Annecy, stating that Savoy was being can- vassed from one end to the other, and that the municipalities were perfectly ready to vote for annexation to France because all sorts of terrorism was used, as in the first Revolution, to excite these poor inno- cent people, who were led to believe that their annexation to Ferance would lead to no serious consequences. Mr. Bright had on a pr,vious

evening said—" Parish Savoy !" It has perished, and with will perish all the liberties of Europe. This annexation will not only effect the future interests of Piedmont, and the independence of Switzerland, but it is the first act of a conspiracy against the rights and privileges of every European State. Lord Jona Rcasati, said the despatch contained an account of con- versations between Lord Bloomfield and Count Schlienitz, the Prussian Foreign Minister, and the French Minister at Berlin, and did not call for an answer from him. Lord John has had conversations with the Prussian Minister in England, and he could state that England and Prussia completely coincided in their view of the case. He did not think he could say more than he said in July last and in January of the present year.

Lord John then announced that yesterday he received a despatch from M. Thouvenel to Count Persigny, in which he stated a case for the annexation, which had become ' a necessity," founded upon the fact that the position of Italy had been rendered better and that the position of France had consequently become worse. It was added that the opinions of the people of Savoy should be collected. From the terms of the despatch, he could hardly view it as a reference to the Great Powers of Europe ; and he doubted whether an answer would have much effect. The matter was of such serious importance, and required so much grave deliberation, that he could not say what answer he should give. He would, however, submit an answer to the Queen with as little delay as .possible, and as soon as it received her Majesty's approval he would lay it on the table of the House.

A conversation took place upon some resolutions proposed by Sir De LACY EVANS, and subsequently withdrawn, with regard to operations in China. In the course of it, Lord Jolla- Rnssaia. said it would be inju- dicious to tie the commanding officers by any particular instructions when the scene of operations was so far away, and especially so to order that there should be no march upon Pekin ; but Lord Elgin, who was to proceed to China, was at present in Paris, engaged in giving explanations to the French Government upon points which were still unsettled. Lord John then adverted to the circumstances which led to the ascent of the Peiho, and asserted the right of this country to have its commercial in- terests represented by a Minister having constant access to Pekin. To this statement, Sir JOHN Etemaiaroaa objected that it was " bald," and expressed his regret that Lord John had not stated broadly the nature of our relations with China. Dissappointment with Lord John Russell's statement was also expressed by Mr. Baron; who considered that, when the country was likely to be involved in a bloody and costly war, the Foreign Secretary, should be more explicit. He contended that the disasters in China were attributable, not to the treachery of the Chinese, but to the folly of the Admiral and the Minister. Mr. Bruce, he thought, was guilty of a great want of judgment, and the result was a disastrous failure, and that he ought not to have been continued in a place of such high responsibility.

After Mr. Bright had condemned our policy in China as vile and vicious, Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT expressed a hope that Lord Elgin would set matters straight. Sir join,/ Paxnvorox joined in disapproving the conduct of Mr. Bruce, and other Members continued the discussion. Ultimately, a vote of 850,0001. for China was agreed to.

Soon after the House met, Mr. BRIGHT complained that Mr. Newde- gate had charged Mr. Cobden with having become " Napoleonized," and having deserted Liberal principles. Mr. Cobden had requested Mr. Bright to vindicate his character. Amid cries of " Order !" Mr. NEWDEGATE reaffirmed his former state- ment, and, bringing up in array what he called reasons in support of it, refused to retract his opinion. Mr. Baroirr said that Mr. Cobden utterly denied the truth of the accusation.

In the House of Lords, the Earl of Mama:loam:an remarked that there were very alarming reports in circulation in reference to Naples. The reports might be considerably exaggerated, but nevertheless it was apparent that the state of things said to exist at Naples could not last much longer. Among other things, it was said that there was a con- siderable number of her Majesty's ships in the Bay of Naples. Assum- ing that to be the fact, he wished to ask whether any special instructions had been given with regard to those ships, as to what the conduct of the officers in command should be, in the event of the King of Naples being driven by a fear of personal danger to claim protection. The Duke of Someasz-r said, the officer in command of the fleet had received no special instructions; but, although fugitives from justice would not be received, it was customary to afford the protection of the British flag to political refugees. Lord REDESDALE thought the explanation was not sufficiently explicit, and asked whether the protection of the British flag would be af- forded to persons who committed high treason.

The Duke of SOMERSET said the course taken by the Government was the course it was usual to pursue when foreign countries were in a state of revolution.

The Earl of DERBY was not aware that there had as yet been any ac- tual outbreak of revolution or insurrection at Naples, and the usual practice was only to afford protection when such an event occurred. Earl GREY expressed his approval of the course taken by the Govern- ment, and remarked that, in the present state of Naples, it was impossible to say how long it would be before her Majesty's ships were called upon to afford protection to political refugees. The subject then dropped.

The Earl of Csamanvos called attention to a telegram from Turin which appeared in that day's papers, announcing that Sardinia had agreed to annex Savoy and Nice to France ; that the Great Powers were not to be consulted until a special treaty had been concluded, and that Switzer- land was net to be consulted at all. As M. Thouvenel had intimated that a circular despatch would shortly be issued, explaining the course the Emperor of the French was prepared to take, he begged to ask if such a despatch had been received; and if so, whether there was any objection to lay it upon the table.

The Duke of NEWCASTLE complained in strong terms of the practice of putting questions to the Government on the authority of newspaper telegrams. No doubt, there was a flagrant discrepancy between the de- spatches and the telegram, but the Government knew no more of the latter than any other Member of their Lordships' House. The despatch of M. Thouvenel had been received within the last twenty-four hours, but he was not prepared to say that it would be at once laid upon the table.

In reply to Lord Diaraaaarox, the Duke of NEWCASTLB stated that the Government had under consideration the propriety of dividing the see of Rochester, so as to establish a bishopric at St. Alban's, but no decision had yet been arrived at.