Towards Coal Nationalisation
Nothing stops Mr. Shinwell from fighting, not even the consider- ation that, in his own words, it will not produce an ounce of coal. He flung the Coal Nationalisation Bill at the Commons in January, rubbed their noses in it for eighteen days in Committee and has now rammed it down their throats at the Report stage. Despite this treatment the Bill looks much the same now as it did when it was first introduced and it cannot be said that there has been a great change in the appearance of the Opposition either. It remains tacitly resigned in principle, critical in detail, ineffective in debate and more and more vindictive towards the Minister of Fuel. The fact is that the Bill is going through and the Government has no intention of importing greater precision into its clauses. This is the first real nationalisation measure and it must be regarded partly as an experiment. Consequently there is no disposition to define too pre- cisely how the work will be done, in case it has to be done in some other way. This is understandable enough, but it takes no account of the fact that neither the Government nor the House of Commons nor the public is going to be able to find out how the plan is working unless the process of enquiry is made easier. The effective work must be done by the Coal Board, and the safest way to Parliamentary and public supervision is to make careful and detailed provision as • to the nature and publication of its accounts and reports. A con- cession here would be of greater value than a dozen minor amend- ments to the functions of consumers' councils. The efficiency of the coal industry is now more of a national interest than ever it was and it must be possible to ascertain whether as a whole and in each part it is self-supporting and whether the prices it charges are fair and scientifically determined.
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