THE END OF THE TEMPORAL POWER.
THE manner in which the Italian occupation of Rome has been brought about, makes it almost impossible to con- centrate attention on the event itself and the great issues permanently involved. In almost any other circumstances, Europe would have been filled with the noise of the event. Had it occurred directly, as the result of the incessant action of political forces,—the agitation of Italy, the disgust of Catholic Powers with the declaration of Infallibility, the gradual awakening of France to the perils of its interference and its own need for an Italian alliance,—it would have visibly dwarfed all the incidents connected with it, and we should have been free to speculate on the probable con- sequences. There would have been little else to think of but the influence of the new condition on the pro- spects of the Church as a great political corporation, and on the faith of Christian communities. But the manner of the event calls up, or at least gives great prominence to, quite a host of extrinsic considerations, which, though important, are certainly not so important, and yet will force themselves on our minds from their association with the pressing politics of the hour. We do not refer merely to the fact that the occupation of Rome is due to such a political earthquake as the overthrow of France, which so changes the aspect of inter- national questions and the moral position of the leading Con- tinental power as to make every other topic seem idle beside it. This would be quite enough to make the incident at Rome seem only an episode in a greater drama. But quite apart from this, the immediate political question which is raised is that of the alliance of France and Italy. This was always one of the issues of the Roman question,— the identity of interest between the two States, if only this irritating topic could be put out of the way, always making it a vital question how their future relations would be arranged. But when the dividing question is got rid of at a critical time for France, and when France appears in danger of a permanent loss of position, the probable attitude of Italy to the Power which has so long vacillated between dictation and patronage, may well take precedence of many other ques- tions. Observers in Europe may be excused for waiting to see whether anything is to come of the union of the Latin races. The chances apparently are that something will come, that the great obstacle to the association—the insulting attitude towards its associates of the Power which ought to have taken the lead—will probably be removed by the disasters which have taught every Frenchmen to perceive the need of allies. The association may also be furthered by the internal political changes consequent on the collapse of military despotism in France. But whatever may be the upshot, and whatever may be its immediate effects, though for the present one can hardly see how the alliance can be put together in time to save France from the present cup of mis- fortune, it is certain that for some time to come we shall have to look on with interest at the attempts towards a mutual alliance or understanding between the three South-Western Powers of Europe. This will be the external aspect of the internal movement, which may be expected to be all the more intense under the compression of a predominant Germany.
But after all, it is the inner life of nations which is most worth studying, and which we take leave to say is becoming daily of greater and not less importance in relation to external events, notwithstanding the loud din of such a struggle as that which now engages all Europe. The question of the external relations between Italy, France, and Spain is, at any rate, sure to be governed and modified by the internal movements of religion and politics, on which the new position of the Roman Church cannot but have a great influence. In spite of the pre-occupations of the hour, then, we may well turn aside for for a little to consider that position of the Church, and the probable course of the conflict on which it must enter. It is evident, we think, that the blow which has been struck at the Papacy, and indirectly at the faith of the vast community which knows of no Christianity but what is Roman, is a great one. The adversity which has come to the Church may be, and we believe is, that sort of adversity which ultimately profits, but in the meantime it is unmistakeably adversity and loss. Superficially, every state or corporation must be lowered in pres- tige and reputation by the loss of an object which it constantly declares to be vital, and which it struggles to retain or get by all the force it possesses. On such a point men take it at its word ; it is let down in all people's eyes ; and those who support it, in proportion to the sincerity of their belief, are depressed by the disaster which befalls them. Still more is this latter effect produced when the faith is held that the object will be secured by providential interposition, and Providence goes over to the enemy. For the time the discouragement to sincere Ultramon- tanes who proclaim loudly the necessity of the temporal power must be overwhelming, even if the suddenness of the disaster, its resulting from events so disconnected with anything directly concerning Rome, and its close succession to the last apparent triumph of their cause, might not seem to a superstitious mind the revelation of a hostile providence. To doubt whether, after all, he had not mistaken the decrees of Heaven, must be the torment of torments to the enthusiast. For all these reasons, the Catholic Church is struck, and struck hard, by the loss of the Temporal Power ; and the blow is the more overwhelming because it seems to be irreversible. It is quite certain that Ultramontanes hope against hope, that they have faith which is proof against any adversity, that intrigue upon intrigue will yet be tried to reverse the fate which has descended, but even the sincerest of them must acknowledge that there is no visible means of a counter-revolution in their affairs. It is not, as in 1818, when the revolution had all the governments and dynasties against it. For some time the cause of the Temporal Power has been clearly upheld by a single foreign dynasty, at least not unanimously supported by the people it ruled, against the ambition of another people and dynasty and the sympathies of every people and govern- ment in Europe. Now, the sole dynasty which befriended it is swept away, and the people which that dynasty governed have not the power to help as before, while events have cer- tainly so changed as to deprive them wholly of the will. The moment, too, finds the Ultramontane cause in opposition to every civil government in the world, and there is no prospect of any material help. Judged in any way that such events must be judged, the proportions of the defeat of the Roman Church can hardly be exaggerated.
But, besides the moral defeat, the change must in some respects be highly prejudicial to the ordinary working of the Church. The loss of the Temporal Power is a real loss, and not merely of prestige or reputation. No doubt the Pope is to retain some image of his former power. It is apparently settled that he will stay in Rome, and the Italian Government engages to respect his independence within the limits of the "Leonine City." No government, however powerful, which ventured to interfere with the Pope at all, would find it expedient to touch him rudely, or treat him as an ordinary subject. Least of all could a new Government like that of Italy do so, which has not only the prejudices of all Europe, but of a large following of its own subjects, to respect. The concession of a restricted independence to the Pope was, there- fore, all but a necessity of the occupation of the Roman States. But the concession is to popular sentiment alone, and not of any reality which can benefit the Papal power. The essential thing to the Papacy was that the Pope was Sovereign, actually governing a large lay community at his pleasure, able to form a real Court, and, so far as distance could do so, fencing off the civil power from interference. This kind of temporal authority undoubtedly was of use in setting off his spiritual pretensions ; there was one sacred area at least where Papal infallibility and all the dogmas of the Church could be made parts of the political constitution as well as articles of faith, and in this area a free development of faith and spiritual temper was possible which might be injurious to the real interests of the Church, but could not seem so to its genuine believers. Now all that is gone ; there is no sacred area, or, at least, too small a one, since the civil power of Italy will close round on every side, and its influence will permeate to the very heart of the Papal Court. A mere section of a city will be no safeguard against hostile influences. The Papal Court with an alien power close up to its palace gates will henceforth be a smaller thing to the pilgrims who flock to it from every country. There will be a real inconsistency besides in a power which claims absolute authority, having no sphere for action at all, being set at naught at its own centre, so that no specimen of a priestly-governed community can anywhere be exhibited. We question farther whether even the shadowy independence of the Pope is a permanent possi- bility. It is one of the most inconvenient political arrange- ments for a great community to have a small enclave in its midst, governed by different laws, the asylum of its criminals and refugees, a spot where its writs do not run. Such an enclave is essentially a nuisance, not to be tolerated very long ; and we believe it will be still less tolerable when the rival authority is so great as that of the Pope. His great position in the world due to his spiritual authority will un- doubtedly induce him to try experiments on the temper and forbearance of his neighbour, of which an ordinary small com- munity would not be capable. The temptation to intrigue and to form a rival Court in Rome, sheltered by the quasi-independ- ence conceded, will be all but irresistible. In course of time, then, we should expect that, in mere self-defence, the Civil Government of Italy will gradually encroach on the restricted independence which is yet left to its enemy, enforcing extra- dition treaties and other arrangements to prevent the Leonine City becoming an unbearable nuisance, till, at last, the Civil Government of Italy pervades the restricted area, leaving the Pope only his spiritual authority. This result will not be arrived at, perhaps, without many additional contests which will be dangerous both to Italy and the Church, but that it is now possible only indicates the descent which the Pope has been compelled to make. The Church, in spite of itself, will be reduced to the position of having only spiritual authority, which is, apparently, so repugnant. Even the doubtful com- promise of having its Chief freed from subjection to the civil power will not long be left to it.
We are content with pointing out the magnitude of the change which is really effected. That the Roman Church and the faith of a large part of Christendom will both be shaken, we cannot but believe. Of course, it is an entirely different question whether the commotion will not very soon produce infinitely greater good to the world, and possibly even through the agency of a Church which will first be greatly transformed. It is hardly possible but that even Ultramontanes must change their front when they find that at last they have nothing but the consciences of men to appeal to, and that they are submerged in a civil society which becomes daily of a type and temper more and more foreign to their influence. According to ordinary chances, the adherents of the Papacy would have much to gain by accepting frankly the change ; by acknowledging the fact that power is gone, and that the chief of their religion, who should have the highest authority in human affairs, is himself a subject to more or less alien powers ; and per- haps by shifting the seat of their spirittial government from its ancient place, so as to avoid the degradation of a contest on the very site of their old supremacy. The cue of the Papacy should, in fact, be to become once more a persecuted Church, living in a society over which it claims an unrecognized authority, but still suffering and submitting to that society, which is surely less intolerable than the old Pagan rule to which the Apostles preached obedience. But we forbear to speculate what changes of this kind may take place. So much might happen, if only the Church had men of genius ; but we own to a fear that the old traditions of the Church will weigh it down, that the temporal power will be clung to in theory and laboured after in fact in spite of reason and necessity, and that the old Church will not even make a sensi- ble struggle for existence. But even such a course, whatever immediate trouble it may bring, may turn out, after all, to be- the most favourable to European welfare and the revival of real Christianity.
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