Vitas to tly Rita.
SHORT PARLIAMENTS OF FIXED DURATION.
Rafael, 13th April 1857. Sin—Mr. Freeman, in his letter published in your number of the 4th, advocates the holding of elections at fixed triennial periods, instead of at the pleasure of the Ministry as at present, in order to prevent the Ministry from appealing to the country, on a false issue, as Lord Palmerston is doing now. The possibility of such a manoeuvre is no doubt an evil ; but elections at regular triennial periods would be far worse. Such a system would insure that the last year of the three would be always spent in electioneering, which would be an insufferable nuisance. The short time that the present elselions are occupying is, on the contrary, a great advantage. I do not see that any case is made out for shortening the duration of Parliaments; but if it is to be shortened, by all means let the term be annual. I say this without feeling the slightest sympathy with the extreme Radical party on other questions. Were elections annual, the proportion of contested elections would be much less than it is now, and the excitement, which is now produced by every general election would occur only when some question of first-rate importance was before the country for immediate decision—perhaps not twice in a lifetime.
Annual elections would make the political action of the constituencies constant, instead of intermittent, and consequently regular and tranquil, like all constantly-acting forces.
The real question concerning the wisdom of shortening the duration of Parliaments, however, is, whether we ought to approach so near to the principles and practice of Democracy, by so greatly increasing the direct power of the constituencies,. and I confess myself doubtful of this. One great advantage would no doubt be obtained by annual elections, for it would scarcely be worth while to give bribes for a seat in Parliament lasting only one session. Respectfully yours, J. 7„ 31,
EMIGRATION NO REMEDY FOR WANT OF EM PLO TRENT.
Reform Club, 2d April 1857. Bra—The Emperor of the French, some short time ago, recommended to his subjects the study of political economy. If a like recommendation had been made in our Queen's Speech, perhaps it would not have been altogether amiss. For when we find men of the literary reputation of Mr. Hoaitt suggesting, as he did in a letter published lately in the noes, that in order to remedy a slight derangement of our industrial system, by which a few labourers have been temporarily thrown out of work, Government should instantiy ship off the unemployed to Australia—when we find such doctrines as these proceeding from such a man as Mr. Howift, and published in such a journal as the Times, then I think we may say there is a great lack of political knowledge even amongst the best-educated and enlightened amongst us.
Whenever any part of our working population, however small the number, experience a want of demand for their labour, then there is instantly
raised a cry among a certain class of writers of surplus population and
emigration. Now if the question upon what depends employment was fully understood, it would be at once perceived that the constant demand for la bour has nothing to do with the amount of the populationand that the individual workman of England would be just as likely to be kept in constant employment if the number of the inhabitants were thirty millions, as if the number was merely ten millions. The true theory of employment is a very simple one ; and, if von will allow me, I will shortly explain it. To secure employment two things are of course necessary,—first, what the labourer produces must be in demand or desired by others ; and second, those others must be in a condition to recompense or pay the labourer for his toil. When those two elements exist, the labourer will be kept in constant work, and it is only when they fail that he is thrown idle.
Now, who is the great customer or consumer of the produce of labour ? Why, the labourer or producer himself. At least eight-tenths of the produce of labour or of the annual income of the nation is consumed by the labourers or producers themselves. Thus each labourer, by his wants and his produce, becomes the customer, the employer, and the recompenser of another labourer; and when the population of England increases, if the number of workmen is increased, the number of customers is increased in a like proportion. therefore, that is required in England with our immense capital, our exquisite machinery, and our hardy, skilled, and industrious population, in order that every workman may be kept in constant employment, is that there shall be a proper distribution of labour—that capital shall be directed so as to fabricate what is most required and in most demand, so that there shall be no gluts, no over-speculation, no manias. When such things occur, and they cannot be altogether avoided in our complicated industrial system, partial derangement in our trade ensues, and certain portions of our operatives are temporarily thrown upon the pave. But as long as the proper distribution of labour exists—as long as what I shall call the balance of labour is maintained—the workmen of England will be kept in constant employment, and it will make no difference, so far as their profits are concerned and their employment secured, whether the population be ten millions or a hundred millions.
Allow me to explain shortly how work is secured to our operatives at present. In arguing this point, I shall lay aside the question of money. This would only confuse it, and is not at all necessary, as money is the mere machinery by which produce is distributed and barter facilitated. I shall suppose for the moment that trade is carried on by dead barter. Well, then, to secure sufficient food for our population and raw materials for our fabrics, we must obtain from abroad large supplies of corn, tea, sugar, coffee, cotton, flax, &e. ; all which articles, now that trade is free, can be always obtained from the foreigner in exchange for our manufactures. I shall suppose, that in order to fabricate the articles for the foreign market required to be exchanged for the food and raw materials necessary far our industry, a third part of our working population is employed, say ten millions out of thirty millions, the gross number of the inhabitants of the country. Here we have ten millions working for the foreign market, and secured in work and recompensed by the foreign commodities obtained by their labour. But then we have twenty millions remaining., and M.-. Hewitt will probably ask, how is occupation to be found for them ? These twenty millions are usefully and profitably occupied in working for the home market. They are tailors, shoemakers, masons, millers, &c. &c. They supply with the necessary articles of life the fabricants for the foreign market, and they work for one another. The shoemaker makes shoes for the tailor, and the tailor coats for the shoemaker; the mason works for the miller, and the miller for the mason; and the whole population becomes absorbed into useful and necessary workmen, dependent upon each other for their employment as well as for the supply of their wants. Now there would be no difference in this state of things, as long as we could secure from abroad the necessary food and raw material, should the population increase from thirty millions to sixty millions. In the latter case, twenty millions would be required to work for the foreign market instead, often, and forty millions for the home market instead of twenty, but everything else would be exactly the same. Foreign trade is only necessary for us in order to get what we cannot obtain so cheaply at home. But beyond this, the artisans of such a country as England with our immense capital and our free and enlightened institutions, are totally independent of colonies or of foreign commerce either for their employment or their wellbeing. These depend upon themselves.
i
It s above fifty.years since Malthus first wrote, and since then the population of Great ]fntain has nearly doubled. Instead of his prognostication turning out correct, the people have become more comfortable with every increase in their number. In spite of the partial clouds which have passed over the commercial horizon, the working classes, as a whole, were never better off than they are at present. They never could with their wages obtain a larger amount of food, clothing, and comforts. That an increase in the population should bring about with it an amelioration in their condition is easily explained. For in a country like England, where property is perfectly secure and the employment of it perfectly free, and where capital is abundant, an augmentation in the number of workmen always brings along with it great improvements in the power of production. The division of labour is carried further; machinery becomes niece perfect, and the workman more skilful. So that each individual labourer fabricates users; and there is an increase in the gross produce or annual income of the nation out of which the workman is paid, and upon the amount of which in proportion to the number employed his real wages depend.
It may perhaps be here asked what is to be done when, by a derangement in any department of trade, a part of our workmen are thrown idle ? This will occur from time to time, there is no doubt of that. In such a ease, we can do nothing but wait until the balance of labour is restored by the immutable laws of demand and supply, which will always in time restore things to a healthy state. All that can be done is to support, as we best may by a well-regulated poor-law, the unemployed until they become absorbed again into the working part of the population. But if we were to attempt, as recommended by the advocates of emigration to ship off instantly from our shores all the artisans who might temporality find themselves out of work, we should inflict the greatest injury upon our industrial system we should be depriving ourselves of part of the s.trength and sinews of 'our working population, and we should run the danger of losing that commercial and manufacturing supremacy which places us at the head of the nations of Europe.
It was my intention in this letter to have touched upon the causes of the derangement which occurs from time to time in our industrial system, but I find I have already trespassed too long on your indulgence. I remain, Sir, yours, JAMES ATTOLM.
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