CONDITION OF ENGLAND.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SPECTATOR.

8th February 1843.

Sin—Among living writers on subjects connected with political economy, there is hardly one whose talents-entitle him to more attention than Colonel TORRENS. The mistakes and errors of such a man are pernicious in propor- tion to the weight of his authority. Impressed with these considerations, I venture to send you a few observations on his late publication, which do not aim at completeness, but which may at any rate serve to excite the attention of persons more competent than myself to form a judgment on matters of overwhelming importance as respects the public good. The circumstance that you have already devoted an editorial article to the doctrines propounded in

A Letter to Sir Robert Peel " does not arrest my pen, because, agreeing as I do with much of your criticism, I do not think that you have exhausted the subject.

Colonel TORRENS'S work seems to me essentially to involve the following sequence of assumption and inference.

First, That this country is in a declining state ; indeed, that it has reached the point where wages and profits are at a minimum, owing to the accumula- tion and competition of capital and labour, and the effects of hostile tariffs, narrowing the field of employment, &c.

Secondly, That errors in legislation, especially and indeed almost wholly those committed by the late Whig Government, have mainly given rise to this unhappy position of affairs; but at any rate, that our ruinous condition is necessarily dependent upon the circumstances in which we have been placed; in other words, that the policy of our rulers, aided a little by natural causes, has led to a state of things which, unless counteracted by some extraordinary

measures, will render a minimum of profits and wages our habitual state. . Thirdly, That the only remedy for our overwhelming evils is systematic colonization.

Now, in all this, I think that, mingled with somewhat of correct principle, there is a vast deal of pernicious exaggeration. It will be seen that Colonel TORRENS, in asserting, first, that we are in a state of ruin—secondly, that this state of ruin arises from the causes which he enumerates—must imply that, according to his views, these causes, in their actually existing extent, are ade- quate to produce it. If, then, it can be shown that our actual condition is far less deplorable than he imagines—that our malady, instead of being chronic, is in its nature acute, but carrying with it the seeds of recovery—his argu- ments are at once overthrown, so far at least as they are based on the example he has adduced. Upon this point, then, I proceed to assert an opinion totally , different from that of Colonel TORRENS. I can see nothing in our actual , condition differing in kind from what I have repeatedly observed in a pretty, long career. It seems to me, that we are at the lowest point of the Ord's:afry, mercantile cycle, so well described by Mr. S. J. LOYD ; that the generaUdiao tress is not even so severe as it has been on some past occasions—in 1826, for instance; and that we' may anticipate, with almost unhesitating confidence, that, without any extraordinary legislative measures, a state of things resem- bling their normal condition during the last twenty years will recur within a period more or less remote. It would occupy too much space were I to en- ,

large upon the facts which lead me to this conclusion ; but I may appeal to most acute observers for an opinion whether or no an extravagant course of over- banking and overtrading, aided by bad harvests and the condition of America, are not quite sufficient to account for all we see. A speedy improvement can- not perhaps be expected after so long a period of active excitement. In morals and economics, as well as in physics, there is a close relation between action and reaction.

I am quite aware, that on this point my views are based in some degree on an assumption ; but at any rate they are supported by past experience; while those of Colonel TORRENS, equally founded on assumption, are directly opposed to past experience. A few words now upon systematic colonization. No man can feel more strongly than I do the advantages of founding upon a well-arranged plan, in various parts of the world, new communities of producers and consumers, bound to us by the ties of a common origin, language, laws, and for a time of a common Government. But I think that Colonel TORRENS overlooks an immense mass of difficulties in the practical application of his views ; that their realization is as difficult a problem as could well engage the energies of a statesman ; that we should proceed upon them slowly, and as it were tentatively ; and that any Administration which should, as a remedy for existing distress, at once proceed to raise a loan of twenty millions on the security of land-sales, and employ it in making surveys and transporting labourers, would act unwisely and obtain no corresponding good result. I could bring many important arguments to bear upon this point, but will now content myself with calling to your atten- tion the undoubted facts—that Canada is of difficult access, and has a bad climate ; that Australia and the Cape of Good Hope have a soil and climate on the whole little Suitable to agriculture ; that Van Diemen's Land is of very limited extent ; that New Zealand is mostly covered with a dense vegetation, requiring au immense outlay to clear it ; and that, finally, most of these colo- nies are on the other side of the world.

M,y advice to the Government would then be, " Colonize as fast as you can "; but I should add, " in doing so, proceed with the greatest care and delibera- tion—do not raise hopes only to frustrate them "; and the result, I fear, would be a rate of progress which would impose a severe trial on the patience of Colonel TORRENS.

In conclusion, I will remark that the effects produced on the public mind by Colonel TORRENS'S recent publications seem calculated to give, and indeed have given, new force to the almost exploded absurdities of the old mercantile school. In fact, there is little practical difference between its doctrines and his a_ 'respects legislative measures applicable to external commerce. The chief variation between them appears to be, that the Colonel would admit the importation of corn and other raw produce on low terms: but doubt is even thrown on this point by the apparent preference accorded in the " Letters on the Budget" to the Tory sliding-scale over the Whig fixed duty. ' I Will only add further, that Colonel TORR ENS is now the favourite autho- rity among all clisses of monopolists, and is cited as the great opponent of the

Economists and Free-traders. • Economists and Free-traders. • I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient servant,

. [Whatever Colonel TORRENS may have done in his other publications, we cannot recollect that his Letter to Sir Robert Peel on the Condition of England affords any grounds for accusing him of attributing the evils of our social state to Whig legislation, ancIstill less foi believing that he has furnished a'rguments to the Monopolists against the Ecotihmists and Free-traders. The pamphlet in question appeared to us unexceptionable on the score both of party-spirit and of Free-trade doctrine; and it was of this work only that we expressed the farourable opinion which Z calls in question. Confining ourselves, now as before, to the Letter to Sir Robert Peel, it may be admitted that Colonel TORRENS, in expounding his peculiar views of the condi- tion of England, has in some places given way to some degree of exaggeration. We are all apt to do so, more especially in controversy. But, allowing that one or two pictures of the operation of certain causes are somewhat overcoloured, it is not to he questioned that Colonel Tonnmss presents us with new and very in- teresting views of the causes and character of the national distress. Our cor- respondent's objections to those views are merely stated : they are only naked statements of opinion, without the support of evidence or reasoning. Supposing, however, that COLONEL TORRENS is wrong in considering our present extreme difficulties as a chronic disease, and that Z's opinion as to its being an acute one is correct : still, the "state of things resembling their normal condition during the last twenty years," to which Z hopes that we shall soon re- turn, is surely not a state of economical health. During the whole of that term, not excepting the most prosperous years, the competition of capital with capital, and of labour with labour, in a limited field of employment for both, whilst both were continually increasing, has been productive of much suffering for every class, by turns, whose means of subsistence consisted of profits and wages. Suppose us restored to the "normal state of the last twenty years," and then add the six hostile foreign tariffs which have been adopted since the present Administration came into power : would that be a healthy condition of things, permitting to repose in security, instead of making every effort to enlarge the field of em- ployment for our ever-growing amount of capital and labour?

The hostile tariffs are beyond our reach. It seems to have been adopted as a deliberate policy by the more advanced nations, that each should possess within its own bounds the means of supplying its own wants. Very well, then, says Colonel TORRENS, England extends to all parts of the world : the many and diversified countries within the bounds of England admit of agri- culture, manufactures, and commerce without assignable limit : let us answer the hostile tariffs by colonizing.

While Z "feels strongly the advantages of founding upon a well-arranged plan, in various parts of the world, new communities of producers and con- sumers, bound to us by the ties of a common origin, language, laws, and for a time of a common government," he yet objects to the scheme of Colonel TORRENS as being on too large a scale. And here we are inclined to agree with him. Twenty millions would be too large a colonization-fund for the first year, or perhaps for the first half dozen years. One million might suffice is begin with. But it is idle to talk of any sum in particular. There is a rule, by observing which, the emigration could not be overdone : let the de- mand for labour in each existing colony, and for any new colonies which capi- talists, being sure of a supply of labour, would be tempted to found, be conti- nually supplied, and no more. This would prevent excess at any time ; and as each supply of labour to a colony would soon create a demand for more, the safe amount of emigration would ere long be very great. Z does not question that, according to the plan which Colonel TORRENS advocates, the whole fund for emigration would be got from the colonies.

His remarks about the agricultural capabilities of Canada, Australia, the Cape of Good Hope, Van Diemen's Land, and New Zealand, appear to us to he founded on erroneous information : but we have not space to mention any facts leading to a different conclusion, except that Canada, with its " bad climate," produces wheat in great abundance in proportion to labour, and of the finest quality. The distance of the other colonies is, doubtless, an unfa- vourable circumstance as respects a direct trade in flour between them and

England : but if they were enriched by being plentifully supplied with labour,

they would pay for our manufactures with something that would enable us to Pay for Euporean wheat with bard money, or with something else that Euro-

pean nations would be glad to take though they should refuse our manufac- turea: Z and Colonel TORRENS have equally overlooked this last very im- portant consideration.—En.]