Ziorttlautuno.

Cabinet Councils were held at the Foreign Office on Tuesday, Thurs- day, and yesterday : most of the Ministers were present, and the sittings were long.

Lord John Russell came to town, for the season, on Saturday last ; and gave a Cabinet dinner on Tuesday after the Council. He gives a Parliamentary full-dress dinner to his adherents of the Commons on the 3d of February, at his official residence in Downing Street. The Mar- quis of Lansdowne came to town on Tuesday ; he gives a Parliamentary full-dress dinner to the Ministerial Peers on the 3d of February, at Lansdowne House. Earl Grey has been in town since Christmas ; and the other Ministers have arrived on different days of the week.

Another letter from Lord John Russell's late prelatical confidant, the Bishop of Durham, is now supposed to indicate the measures incubating as an antidote to the Papal insolence. The letter, which appeared in the Globe on Thursday evening, by the courtesy of the writer, duly recipro- cated, is formally addressed to the Archdeacon of Lindisfarne. After a lengthened panegyric on the hereditary loyalty and tranquillity of Eng- lish Catholics, and a specially warm recognition of the gratitude due to the Duke of Norfolk and Lords Beaumont and Camoys, it proceeds to a cate- gorical enumeration of Romanist errors to be combated ; and then at the end, with an air of negligent accuracy, it drops the real kernels of dis- course— " I am persuaded that no wish exists generally for any measure but what self-defence requires. An outrageous attack has been made upon us; but I trust adequate means may be devised for our own security without disturb- ing, the free exercise of religion by others or infringing their rights of con- science. It surely cannot be necessary to the maintenance of these great ends that a foreign potentate should be permitted to insult a great nation, trample upon the rights of the Sovereign as secured by law, and disturb the peace and good order of the Established Church. In order to Rrevent such evils, it may be necessary to provide some restrictions upon the introduction and circulation of Papal bulls in this island ; and to prohibit the assumption of episcopal titles conferred by Rome and deriving the name from any place. in this country. It may also be desirable to forbid the existence of monastic institutions, strictly so called; nor can the residence of any Jesuits appear otherwise than injurious among Scotch and English Protestants. That order is well known to have shown itself so dangerous, that it was suppressed by Clement XIV. in 1773, with the approbation of all wise and good men. What species or amount of merit may have brought them again into favour at Rome, 'profess myself unable to determine ; but I am sure you will agree with me, that a bode of men whose principles and conduct have been so justly reprobated in Catholic countries cannot be looked upon as desirable neigh- bours among Protestants like ourselves."

The Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol has replied to an address from his clergy, with a letter in which he says, "All our protestations against Papal aegression will be made in vain, unless we defend those who are exposed to the machinations of the enemy by the only practicable method —an extension of the influence of our Church, and the diffusion of Scrip- tural knowledge among the benighted parts of the population." Assert- ing that "the present temper of the times seems to hold out a pecu- liarly favourable opportunity for effecting a great increase of church- extension," he enjoins sermons in aid of a Reformation memorial fund," which a committee of influential Churchmen has been established in Los don to collect.

A more than usually large number of applications have been made to the Lord Chancellor by gentlemen of the bar for silk gowns ; but it is understood that at present his Lordship does not intend to accede to any of the applications.

Reports have been floating about relative to the Police arrangements in connexion with the Exhibition in Hyde Park. On the one hand, it has been asserted that an importation of foreign detectives was about to take place; on the other, it was confidently stated that the Police force of the Metropolis was about to be 'doubled. Neither of these reports can be said to be strictly correct. The arrangements, so far as they have been perfected up to the present time, consist simply in the reorganization of the superannuated officers. At present, we may state on authority, the Police Commissioners do not intend to provide any further Police force than that we have indicated. It has been finally determiped to protect the immediate vicinity of the Exhibition Building with military ; but whether or not it will be necessary to import a foreign detective force to point out foreigners of ill-repute, remains, we are informed, a matter for future considetation.--Arity :Yews. '

The lingering illness of the Duke of Newcastle terminated with his life on Sunday afternoon ; when the Duke expired, at Clumber Park, in the . presence of almost all the members of his immediate family.

Henry Pelham Fiennes-Pelham-Clinton, Duke of Newcastle, Earl of Lincoln, and Baron Clinton, was the son of the fourth Duke, by a daughter of the seconclEarl of Harrington; and was born on the 30th January 1785. His father died when he was but eleven years old ; and his mother mar- ried a second time, ,(to Sir Charles Crawford,) in the year 1800. After seven years at Eton, he was proceeding on a Continental tour, in the in-' terve offered by the peace of Amiens, when the resumption of hostilities made Mai one bfNapoleon's detenus; and he remained in France during four of the most linpressible of his youngyears, amidst a circle described as "extremely limited in its numbers and narrow in its views." On his return to England, in 1807, he took his scat in the House of Peers. Thus, circumstances prevented him from receiving the usual education of an English nobleman either at the University or in the House of Commons.- Soon after his return, he married one of the greatest heiresses of that day, Miss Georgiana. Elizabeth Mundy, of Shipley in Derbyshire ; and thus added to possessions considerable on their descent from his parent, and further increased by judicious trust management during a long minority.. The wealth of the Duke, however, is understood to have waned and dis-, appeared under his own management, from indulgence in a disastrous habit of unprofitable land-purchasing. At the time of his decease, he was Custos Rotulorum of Newark, Steward and Keeper of Sherwood Forest and Folewood Park, and High Steward of Retford : he was formerly also Lord-Lieutenant of the county of Nottingham, till removed by Lord Chancellor Cottenham, for a characteristic cause—his refusal to place a gentleman, on the commission of the peace because he was not a member of the Established Church. The general political position of the stanch Tory Duke, respectable from the lasting consistency of his antique pre-

judices, has been so individual and so well marked before the public, that it will be more interesting to show the process by which he formed his con- victions than to recount his struggles. The means have been supplied by himself, in an autobiographical introduction to a publication issued by him in 1836, entitled "Thoughts in Times Past tested by Subsequent Events."

"In my youth and early manhood," wrote the deceased, "I laboured under many serious and weighty disadvantages. The worst, as I appre- hended, though possibly it may have been for the best, was the want of counsellors during many of my ripening years. Those ripening years were passed in a foreign land, far away from the scenes of my interests and affec- tions : many years were thus passed in languishing banishment, cut off from all connexion with my own country. I at last returned to it ; but, to avow the truth, though my heart was still British, I found myself absolutely a stranger in my native land. Every one and everything were strange to me; forgotten myself, I too, from long absence, had forgotten them. All was to be learned. There would have been little difficulty if friends and instructors had been at hand ; but such was not my fortune. I floundered on, doubtful what course to take ; fearful of doing wrong, uncertain what was right. , I was at once and immediately thrown on my own resources; those resources, as I was too well aware, being perceptibly weak and feeble. Nevertheless, as they arose, I contended with the various difficulties, and marked out for myself a course of my own. The effort was painful, for sub- jects of the highest importance frequently bewildered my noviciate with their unexplained, and, to me, almost unintelligible matter : but a stern sense of duty impelled use ; I persevered, and I could discover no other way of easing an anxious and busy conscience. My object was to fulfil the duty required of me ; and to accomplish this end by no other means than such as my searching conscience could most sacredly and scrupulously approve. Thus, then, was I trained into acting upon conscience. I endeavoured to discover the truth; and if I failed it was not from want of intention, but from want of capacity. This course I have continued to pursue from the earliest period of my entrance into life up to the present hour. On looking back to the past, I can honestly assert that I repent of nothing that I have done : Yestigia nulla retrorsum.' . . . . Such has been the cradle of my opinions : time may have matured them and given them something like au- thority—at all events, the sentiments which might have been originally doubtful are now rootedly confirmed : my mind within me is as the needle to the pole—on no point more decisively than that I cannot be a' Reformer, and that from conviction, as well as from affection, I am a Conservative. . . . . Reform has been a mania, and it has, been suffered to invade every institution of the state. I always dreaded its consequences; I always abhorred its sorceriea ; I have never ceased to oppose its advances. I care not who dislikes the deelarallon. I openly avow that I am not a Reformer ; and more, I declare that I have my suspicions of all men who profess them- selves to be Reformers."

A reverend member of the Peerage has also been removed, in the person of Lord William Somerset, the uncle of the Duke of Beaufort : he died at Clifton on Tuesday, after a severe illness of several weeks. The deceased was fifth son of the fiftb. Duke ; be was born in 1784, and has left seven children. He was a Canon of Bristol, and Rector of the valuable livings of Llangattock, Breconshire, and Tormarton, Gloucester- shire.

Viscount da Torre de Moncorvo, Minister of Portugal at this Court, died on Sunday. He had represented his Sovereign in England since 1839 ; and had given great satisfaction on all sides.

The name of the popular author of Wild Sports of the West and of many humorous sketches in the periodical literature of the day is noted in the obituary list. Mr. Maxwell expired on the 29th December, at Mussel-

burillnear Edinburgh. A mourning admirer writes in the Globe— generally vigorous health had of late broken down, and he crept into the retirement of this sequestered village to die. He had been in early life a Captain in the British Army ; and was, of course, the delight of the mess- room, and a general favourite in social circles. He subsequently entered the Chareh, and was some years Prebendary of Balla, a wild Connaught church- living, without any congregation or cure of souls attached to it ; though it afforded what he was adnurably capable of dealing with, plenty of game. Of a warm-hearted, kind, and manly.temperament, he made 'friends of all who came within the range of his wit or the circle of his acquaintance. He was the founder of that school which counts the 'Harry Lorrequers' and others among its humble disciples • but 'The Story e my Life' and Wild. Sports of the West' will not be easily surpassed in the peculiar qualities of tit it gay, off-hand, and rollicking style of penmanship, of which he was the originator."

A correspondence between Mr. Daniel Webster, the American Home Secretary, and M. Hulsemann, the Austrian Envoy at Washington, on the appointment of Mr. Dudly Mann as the confidential agent of the Re- public to the Hungarian Committee of Defence, has been laid_ before the Congress. On the 30th September last, M. Ilulsernanu addressed to Mr. Webster a protest against the appointment of Mr. Dudly Mann. He declared the lan- guage of the appointment to be offensive to the Imperial Cabinet, inasmuch as it " designated the Austrian Government as an iron rule " " represented the rebel chief Kossuth as an illustrious man," and " introduced improper expressions in regard to Russia, the intimate and faithful ally of Austria." M. Hulsemann asked—" How is it possible to reconcile such a mission with the principle of nonintervention, so formally announced by the United States as.he basis of American policy, and which had just been sanctioned with so much solemnity by the President, in his inaugural address of March 5, 1849 Was it in return for the friendship and confidence which Austria had never ceased to manifest towards them, that the United States became so impatient for the downfall of the Austrian monarchy, and even sought to accelerate that event by the utterance of their wishes to that effect ? Those who did not hesitate to assume the responsibility of sending Mr. Dudly Mann on such an errand, should, independent of considerations of propriety, have borne in mind that they were exposing their emissary to be treated as a spy. It is to be regretted that the American Government was not better informed as to the actual resources of Austria, and her historical perseverance in defending her just rights."

The offence, however, might have been overlooked, but for the allusion to the subject in General Taylor's message to Congress • and even since thatal- lusion, M. Hulsemann declases the intentions of his Government still to be amicable and pacific. "Having thus fulfilled his duty, the undersigned con- siders it a fortunate circumstance that he has it in hie power to Assure the Secretary of State that the Imperial Government is disposed to cultivate re- lations of friendship and good understanding with the United States; relations which may have been momentarily weakened, but which could not again be seriously disturbed without placing the cardinal interests of the two countries in jeopardy."

The tone and the matter of Mr. Webster's reply will be alike calculated to flutter the conventional diplomatists of the Court of Vienna. "The Government and-people of the United States, like other intelligent governments and communities,.take a lively interest in the movements and the events of this remarkable age, in whatever part of the world they may be exhibited. But the interest taken by the United States in these events has not proceeded from any disposition to depart from that neutrality towards foreign powers which is among the deepest principles and the most cherish- ed traditions of the political history of the Union. It has been the necessary effect of the unexampled character of the events themselves, which could not

fail to arrest the attention of the contemporary world, as they will, doubt- less, fill a memorable page in history. But the undersigned goes further, and freely admits that, in proportion as these extraordinary events appeared to have their origin in those great ideas of responsible and popular governments on which the American constitutions themselves are wholly founded, they could not but command the warm sympathy. of the people of this country. Well-known circumstances in their history, indeed their whole historyshave made them the representatives of purely popular principles of government. In this light they now stand before the world. They could not, if they would, conceal their character, their condition, or their destiny. They could not, if they so desired, shut out from the view of mankind the causes which have placed them in so short a national career in the station which they now hold among the civilized states of the world. They could not, if they desired it, suppress either the thoughts or the hopes which arise in men's minds in other countries from contemplating their successful example of free govern- ment.

" That very intelligent and distinguished personage the Emperor jaseph the Second was among the first to, discern this necessary consequence of the American revolution on the sentiments and opinions of the people of Europe. In a letter to hirshanister in the Netherlands in 1787, he observes that it is remarkable that France, by the assistance which she afforded to the Ame- ricans, gave birth to reflections on freedom. This fact, which the sagacity of that monarch perceived at so early a day,. is now known and admitted by. intelligent powers all over the world. True indeed it is, that the s.revalence' on the other continent of sentiments faveurable to'Republican liberty is the result of the reaction of America upon Europe ; and the source and centre of this reaction has doubtless been, and now is, in these United States. The position thus belonging to the -United States is a fact as inseparable from their history, their constitutional organization, and their character, as, the opposite position of the powers composing the European alliance is from the history and constitutional organization of the governments of those powers." Proceeding to deal with the particular complaints of M. Hulsemann, Mr. Webster continues--"No state, deserving the appellation of independent, can permit the language in which it may instruct its own, officers, in the dis- charge of their duties to itself, to be called in question, under any pretext, by a foreign power. But even if this were not so, M. Hulsemann is in an error in stating that the Austrian Government is milled an iron rule' in Mr. Mann's instructions. Thatphrase is not found in the paper ; and in respect to the honorary epithet bestowed, in Mr. Mann's instructions, °on the late chief of the Revolutionary Government of Hungary, M. Hulsemrum will bear in mind that the Government of the United States cannot justly be ex- pected, in a. confidential communication to-its own agents, to withhold from an individual an epithet of distinction of Which a great part of the world thinks him worthy, merely on the ground that his own Government relards him as a rebel. At an early stage of the American Revolution, while Wash- ington was considered by the English Government as a rebefehief, he was reoas Med on the Continent of Europe as an illustrious hero." But Mr. Webster "will take the liberty of bringing the Cabinet of.Vienna into the present* of its own -predecessors, and of citing for its consideration the conduct:of the Imperial Government itself." " In the year 1777, the war of the American Revolution was raging all over these United States ; Eng- land was prosecuting that war with a most resolute determination, and by the exertion of all her military means to the fullest extent. Germany was at that time at peace with England ; and yet an agent of that Congress, which was looked upon by England in no other light than that of a body in open rebellion, was not only received with great respect by the Ambassador of the Empress-Queen at Paris, and by the Minister of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, who afterwards mounted the Imperial throne, but resided in Vienna for a considerable time—not, in&ed, officially acknowledged, but treated with courtesy and respect : and the Emperor suffered him- aelf to be persuaded by that agent to exert himself to prevent the German powers from furnishing troop, to England to enable her to suppress the rebellion in America. Neither M. Hulsemann nor the 'Ca- binet of Vienna, it is presooned, will undertake to say that'anything said or done by this Government in regard to the recent war between Austria and Hungary is not borne out, and much more-than borne out, by this example of the Imperial Court. It is believed that the Emperor Joseph the Second habitually spoke in terms of respect and admiration of the character of Wash- ington, as he is known to have done of that of Franklin ; and lie deemed it no infraction of neutrality to inform himself-of the progress of the revolu- tionary struggle in America, nor to express his deep sense of the merits' and the talentt of those illustrious men who were thenleading their country to independence and renown. The underaissmed may add, that in 1781 the Courts of-Russia and Austria proposed n diplomatic eoneresss of the bellige- rent powers, to which the Commissioners' of the United States should be ad mitted."

From the imaginary interview with their predecessors, Mr. Webster leads the Austrian Cabinet to a retrospective interview- with themselves. n In the autumn of 1848, an application was made to the Charge d'Affaires of the United States at Vienna, MI behalf of hf. Kossuth, Formerly Minister of Fi- nance for the kingdom of Hungary by Imperial appointment, but at the time the application was made chief of the Revolutionary Government. The object of this application was to obtain the:good offices of-Mr. Stiles with the ImperiaiGovernment, with a viewsto the suspension of hostilities. This ap- plication became the subject of a conference between Prince Schwarzenberg, the Imperial Minister for Foreign Affains, and Mr. Stiles. The Prince com- mended the considerateness and propriety with which-Mr. Stiles had acted; and, so far from disapproving of his interference, advised him in ease he re- ceived a further communication from the Revolutionary Government in Hungary, to have an interview with Prince Windisehgritz, who was char- ged by the Emperor with the proceedings determined • on in relation to that kingdom. A weeknfter these occurrences, 'Mr. Stiles•received, through a se- cret channel, a communication signed by L. Kossuth, President of the Com- mittee.of Defence, and countersigned by Francis Pulsky, Secretary of State. On the receipt of this communication' Mr. Stiles had an interview with Prince Windischgratz ; who received hint with the utmost kindness, and thanked him for his efforts towards reconciling the existing difficulties.' Such were the incidents which first drew the attention of the Government of the United States.particularly to the affairs OrHungary s and the conduct of Mr. Stiles, though Acting without instructions in a matter of much delicacy, having been viewed with satisfaction by the Imperial-Government, was ap- proved by that of the United States." The charge of ignorance as to the occurrences in the kingdom of Hungary is at once admitted and made the natural justification of Mr. Dudly Maun's appointment. The insinuation- that Mr. Mann would have been a spy is then dealt with in trenchant style—".A spy is a person sent by one belligee rent to gain secret information of the forces and defences of the other, to be

used for hostile purposes. According to practice, he may use deception, under the penalty of being lawfully hanged if detected. To give this odious name and character to a confidential agent of 'a neutral power, bearing the commission of his country, and sent for a purpose fully warranted by the law of nations, is not only to abuse language, but also to confound all just ideas, and to announce the wildest and most extravagant notions, such as certainly were not to have been expected in a grave diplomatic paper ; and the President directs the undersigned to say to M. Hulsemann, that the American Government would regard such an imputation upon it by the Cabinet of Austria as that it employs spies, and that in a quarrel none of its own, as distinctly offensive, if it did not presume, as it is willing to presume,

that word used in the original German was not of equivalent meaning with 'spy' in the English language, or that in some other way the employ- ment of such an opprobrious term may be explained. Had the Imperial Government of Austria subjected Mr. Plana to the treatment of a spy, it would have placed itself without the pale of civilized nations ; and the Cabi- net of Vienna may be assured, that if it had carried, or attempted to carry, any such lawless purpose into effect, in the case of an authorized agent of this Government, the spirit of the people of this country would have de- manded immediate hostilities to be waged by the utmost exertion of the power of the Republic, military and naval" The extent of the "power of the Republic" thus aroused, Mr. Webster had already presented to the Austrian mind in a previous description, at once sarcastic and picturesque—" The power of this Republic, at the present moment, is spread over a region one of the richest and most fertile on the globe, and of an extent in comparison with which the possessions of the house of Hapsburg are but as a patch on the'earth's surface. Its popula- ion, already twenty-five millions, will exceed that of the Austrian emp ire within the period during;which it may be hoped that N. Hulsemann may yet remain in the honourable discharge of his duties to his Government. Its navigation and commerce are hardly exceeded by the oldest and most com- mercial nations ; its maritime means and its maritime power may be seen by Austria herse/f, in all seas where she has ports, as well as it may be seen also in all other quarters of the globe. Life, liberty, property, and all personal rights, are amply secured to all citizens, and protected by just and stable laws ; and credit., public and private, is as well established as in any, government of Continental, Eurepe : and the country, in all its interests and concerns, partakes most largely in all the improvements and progress which distinguish the age. Certainly the United 'States may be pardoned, even by those who profess adherence to the principles of absolute govern- ments, if they entertain an ardent affection for those popular forms of politi- cal organization which have so rapidly advanced their own prosperity and happiness, and enabled,them in so short a period to bring the country, and their hemisphere to which it belongs, to the notice and respectful regard, not to say the admiration, of the civilized world."

The reference to Russia is briefly despatched—" The only observation made in those instructions [to Mr. Dudly Mann] about Russia is, that she 'has chosen to assume an attitude of interference; and her immense preparations for invading and reducing the Hungarians to the rule of Austria—from which they desire to be released—gave so serious a character to the contest as to awaken the most painful solicitude in the minds of Americans.' The undersigned cannot but consider the Austrian Cabinet as unnecessarily sus- ceptible in looking upon language like this as a hostile demonstration.' If we remember that it was addressed by the Government to its own agent, and has received publicity only through a communication from one department of the American Government to another, the language quoted must be deemed moderate and inoffensive. The comity of nations would hardly for- bid its being addressed to the two Imperial powers themselves." Mr. Webster concludes with a compliment to the Austrian Government on its recent progress in Liberalism—" The President has perceived with great satisfaction, that, in the constitution recently introduced into the Austrian empire, many of these great principles are recognized and applied ; and he cherisges a sincere wish that they may produce the same happy-effects throughout his Austrian Majesty's extensive dominions that they have done in the United States."

The followingimportant manifesto from the Colonial Office on military economy appears in some papers from New South Wales recently received. It has no date.

";Despatch .Yo. 30.--Military, from Lord Grey to his .Excellency Sir Marks litzrey, Governor of New South Wales.

"Sir—In my despatch of the 24th of November 1846, (` No. 2 Military,') I instructed you to make inimedistearrangements, in concert with the officer commanding the troops in:New South Wes, for sending the whole of the disposable force now serving there to Wellington with the utmost practicable despatolu I calculated that it would be in your power, without danger, to send at least 900 men for the service, Mill retaining a small force at Sydney, whieh, under the circumstances of New South Wales at that time, was all that I considered indispensable. I was of, opinion that New Smith Wales- might be considered perfectly secure from the attack of any foreign enemy ; there being no Native tribes capable of engaging in serious hostilities with the colonists, and the convict establishment having been reduced so low, while so great an increase had taken place in the number of the free popu- lation, that there was no longer the necessity which some .years ago existed for maintaining a considerable military force to guard Sgainst the risk of an attempt to rise on the part of the convicts i and that, under these circum- stances, there was no part of her Majesty s dominious in which there was less occasion for a large body of troops. "I found, with the exception of those at Sydney, the troops serving in New South ,Vales were broken up into small detachments, and were ob- viously performing duties more analogous to those of a police corps than of, a part of her Majesty's regular army. I considered that these were dutiea which the heavy demands upon the services of the British army did not ad- mit that it should be called upon any longer to undertake. t informed you that her Majesty's confidential servants would consider it their duty to take care that the naval and military forces should afford efficient protection from the attacks of any foreign enemy to so important a p.art of her dominions as New South Wales, but that for the maintenance of internal order and tran- quillity it was only reasonable that the colonists should themselves be called upon to provide, by the formation of an adequate force of police, or, if neces- sary, by militia. I instructed you to bring this subject under the imme- diate consideration of the Legislative Council, and under no circumstances to eonsider yourself authorized to delay sending to New Zealand the force I had named.

"In ,my despatch of the 4th of March 184P, (' No. 11, Military,') I in- structed you to inform the Legislative Council of New South Wales, that while the right of the Australian Colonies to look for their fair share of that protection which it is the object of her Majesty's naval and military forces to extend to all parts of the British empire was fully recognized by her Majes- ty's servants, they were of opinion that these colonies had made so much Progress in wealth and population that their inhabitants might reasonably be expected to bear also a part of the heavy charges which, with a view to that protection, are imposed upon their fellow-subjects residing in the United Kingdom; and that the smallest contribution towards these charges which ought now to be required from the colonists, was that of providing any ad-

ditional means of local defence which might be required ; and I suggested to you the propriety of inviting tho principal gentlemen of the colony to exert themselves in forming a volunteer artillery force.

"In my despatch of the 1st of June following, (' No. 16, Military,') after noticing the report of the Committee of the Legislative Council of New South Wales on the question of how far it might be expedient to make some addi- tion to the police in consequence of the withdrawal of a portion of the troop, , I explained that the force so withdrawn was sent to'New Zealand to meet a pressing emergency ; and I stated that her Majesty's Government did not contemplate the permanent maintenance of a large regular force in that co- lony any more than in New South Wales. " These communications will have fully prepared you for the reduction which her Majesty's Government find it absolutely necessary to make of the military expenditure of the Australian Colonies ; and I have accordingly to acquaint you that her. Majesty's Government propose to transfer to the co- lony. of New South Wales the barracks and all military buildings and lands not immediately required for the preservation of stores ; and that the charge of providing, maintaining, and repairing quarters in New South Wales, must in future be undertaken by the colony ; and that the force to be retained there will be reduced to a guard in the capital of the colony, and in the town of Melbourne, which will be the capital of the proposed province of Victoria. If a greater amount of force is required, the local Legislature must either make provision for, raising a more considerable body of police than is now maintained, or some other description of local force, or else provide for the pay and allowances of an additional number of her Majesty's regular army, in which case there would be no objection to allow additional regiments to serve there.

"In adopting the policy which I am thus called upon to prescribe to you for your future guidance, her Majesty's Government are urged by the con- sideration that New South Wales already possesses representative institu- tions ; that these will, it cannot be doubted, very speedily be extended to the other Australian colonies ; and that all the restrictions heretofore imposed on colonial trade by Imperial legislation have now been removed.

"It is my duty to apprize you, that if the Colonial Legislature should not think proper to make adequate provision for the maintenance of the neces- sary barracks, in the manner in which the health and comfort of the troops will be as well secured as at present, it will be incumbent on her Majesty's Government to remove them altogether.

"I have only further to acquaint you, that in giving up to the colony the barracks and other buildings which are to be transferred to it under the pre- Ben instructions, it must be distinctly understood that her Majesty's Go- vernment reserve to themselves the right of resuming possession of it at any future time, if it should in their judgment become necessary to do so. Some nominal rent must therefore be reserved as a recognition of the title of the Crown to the property. "You will take an early opportunity of reportin to me the arrangements which you shall make in.pursuance of the present instructions. "I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

The War-Office authorities have resolved, that through the increased opportunities of education which have been lately afforded to the Army, a ready means is offered of obtaining soldiers from the ranks capable of filling the situations of clerks in the several military offices on foreign stations, while at the same time a fair reward will be secured to the well- conducted and intelligent' soldier. The general or other officers command- ing her Majesty's forces have accordingly been instructed by circular— "That, on the occurrence of a vacancy among the clerks in the several military offices within your command, you will apply to the commanding- officer of any regiment on the station, to recommend to you a steady and intelligent soldier capable of filling the same. After a period of probation not exceeding three months, this soldier if confirmed as fit for the situation, shall be removed from his regiment and be attested for general service, in order that while holding his office he shall continue to be a soldier in the Army, and liable, if removed from his appointment for irregularity or in- capacity, to be ordered to military duty with any regiment then on the station. Any man so confirmed in his appointment will have the rank and pay of Sergeant, with clothing, rations, lodging, and fuel, and light, or with money allowances in lieu thereof ' • and will have the chance of rising in some of the offices, by succession, to the senior clerkship, in which event he will be entitled to the rank, pay, and allowances of Sergeant-Major. The service, as clerk, of any soldier confirmed in the appointment, will be allowed to reckon towards pension as non-commissioned officer."

Results of the Registrar-General's return of mortality in the Metropolis for the week ending on Saturday last : the first column of figures gives the aggregate number of deaths in the corresponding weeks of the ten previous years.

Zymotic Diseases 2;175 .... 173 Dropsy, Cancer, and other diseases of uncertain or variable seat 670 .... 41 Tubercular Diseases 1,650 .... 165 Diseases of the Brain, Spinal Marrow, Nerves, and Senses 1,302 .... 1/9 Diseases of the Heart and Blood-vessels 398 ....

44

Diseases of the Lungs, and of the other Organs of Respiration 2,723 .... 376 Diseases of the Stomach, Liver, and other Organs of Digestion 610 .... 56 Diseases of the Kidneys,Sc 106

Childbirth, diseeig-a of the Uterus, Re

106

Rheumatism, diseases of the Bones, Joints, ac

Si

Diseases of the Skin, Cellular Tissue, Re.

14 ....

1

Malformations

29 .... '4

Premature Birth 220

Atrophy W

Age 782

Sudden 116

Violence, Privation, Cold, andIntemperanee 230 .... 17

Total isincluding unspecified causes)

11,621 1,023

Mr. E. Lowe communicates from the Observatory at Ilighfield House, near Nottingham, his interesting observation of two very perfect auroral arches in an unusual celestial position, " at right angles to the magnetic meridian," on the evening of-the 9th instant. We subjoin his general note, referring to the Times of January 13 for the more detailed particulars, which he adds for the benefit of professional astronomers.

"At 5h. 45m. a brilliant orange glare existed on the Western horizon, evidently aurora borealis. At 6h. 55m. Greenwich mean tine, a colourless arch extended from-N.N.W. across the Eastern sky to the constellation Orion, being uniform in breadth—viz. 3° 80', and having hard edges; this arch had pulsations of greater and less brilliancy occupying 30 seconds, and theee changes were instantaneous along the whole arch. The arch descended slowly easterly ; the sky cloudless. " At 6h. 20m. a second arch stretched across the sky from W. to S., and at this time was at about the same altitude in S.W. as the other arch was in N.E. ; they both finally disappeared at 6h. 30m."

The printing-establishment of Mr. Thomas Nelson, at Gifford Park, Edin- burgh, was totally destroyed by fire on the evening of Saturday se'nnight. The damage done, chiefly by the destruction of printed sheets of works, s estimated at 3000!. Ten Weeks Week.

of 1839-45. of 1850.