FRENCH AFFAIRS.
TO THE EDITOR OF TUE SPECTATOR.
14th March 1848.
SIR—The astounding events which have passed rapidly before the eyes of Eu- rope within the last three weeks have now come to be somewhat better couipre- heeded, as far as a knowledge of the chain of facts and their mutual bearing on each other can enable us to understand them. It seems to be generally ad- mitted, that the French Monarchy fell, not because of the vigour of the assault upon it but became nobody defended it. Louis Philippe threw away his crown without a struggle, and closed his reign by an act at variance with that character for courage which, op to the present time, never was denied to him. But if, as it would seem, he yielded to a humane impulse in forbidding the military chiefs to employ troops against the mob, and by this unseasonable opposition to his ad- visers sealed the doom of his whole family, one is at a loss to explain why the King sanctioned their being assembled beforehand, and how it was that he felt himself so" safe in his seat," unless he intended to nee them ? There is only one way of accounting for this vacillation of purpose; which is, that the age of the King had bedimmed his judgment, and robSed him of his wonted strength of mind. His obstinacy in so long retaining a Minister who had become universally odious, was a grievous error; but his abandonment of M. Guizot at the moment of collision with his enemies, was a more fatal one still. The formation of a new Cabinet daring a popular tumult was of course a matter of inconceivable difficulty, whilst the loss of those precious hours on the 23d February was fraught with peril to the existing authorities. The over-estimate of their own power over the people of Paris, which led Messrs. Thiers and Barrot to decline employing the soldiers to check disorders, completed the chain of blunders; and the result was a thorough discomfiture of the Government, and the extinction of the Monarchical principle in France.
It is now easy to trace this chain backwards, and to perceive that, in more than one stage of the series, the riot might have been subdued, and a little longer lease of power enjoyed by the late Royal Family. But the evidences which pre- sent themselves of their want of any kind of hold upon the country, and of their entire dependence upon a corrupt majority in the Chamber for the means of carrying on their government, are too strong to induce one to believe that this catastrophe could have been averted much longer. We have heard it dinned into our ears of late till we are almost tired of the phrase, that no monarchy is secure unless based on the confidence and respect of its subjects ; especially the middle class of them, or the " bourgeoisie." Now the government of Louis Philippe never was based on any such foundation. It has been carried on against the wishes and opinions of the French people for many a long year; and, if it has not sooner fallen to pieces, the reason is, that the better-disposed citizens,,feared that a mob might rise on its ruins ; they accordingly lent tke Monarchy a negative support, as against an unbridled Democracy.
A negative support, however, was of little avail when the moment arrived which associated a band of gentlemen of character and substance, members of the Chamber and others, in the same hostile attitude towards the unpopular Minister as was exhibited by the out-of-doors public., The banquet, forbidden by M. Gni/At, senates a fairsapening for all the unquiet anclmischievous spixits of the capital to break loose; and being loose, the Municipal Guard was not slow in contesting their right to disturb the peace. The unlucky mistake committed by the officer in command of the detachment at the Hotel des Affaires Etrangeres, in firing a volley at the mob, (who would probably have swept past without fighting, if not assailed,) was the turning-point of the insurrection, which from that hour assumed a formidable character. Much has been said, and that in a way to disparage the Parisian population, of the criminal apathy displayed by the bulk of the National Guard on the late disastrous outbreak. But it must always be borne in mind, that this body had been, for years, treated with neglect, even with contempt, by Louis Philippe; that they felt no interest in maintaining him and his family on the throne; and that, although a sober calcu- lation might and probably would have led the citizens to set the evils of a revolu- tion at a greater sum than the evils attendant on the continuance of the Monarchy, still, a settled dislike and contempt towards their Government was almost destruc- tive of such sober calculation. They thus folded their arms, and let the Monarchy "go by the board," with a sullen recklessness of consequences but too natural to irritated minds. Besides, it was notorious that immense bodies of the military were within beat of drum : why then need the grocer and baker turn out to defend the Chateau ? Persons well informed on these facts aver, that most of the troops might have been relied on to clear the streets if ordered to do so. The National Guard were not wanted, properly speaking: but if they had been wanted, one does not see how they could have been made to take part with a King and Minister whom they hated. Here is the kernel of the matter; and it does not seem very consistent with sound sense to lament that a Government so odious to its subjects was not kept upon its legs. They who lament say, " Anything rather than what has happened." Possibly; but again it may be replied, that when human feelings are excited to a strong degree, certain pbmnomena succeed each other almost with the certainty of those which occur in the physical world. States of mind generate action, and action brings its consequences. To interpret these laws of sequence as they affect social movements, is the business of a statesman. M. Guizot failed to do so; the laws took their course, and carried him down the stream of public vengeance.
Of what use, then, is it to dwell upon tho doleful chapter of miseries entailed on the people by a revolution ? Trade at a stand, confidence suspended, disquiet in every virtuous family, and all the terrible traces of hideous convulsion strewn around,—these are indeed deplorable to behold. Yet the primary authors of these direful events seem to be regarded here with more respect and sympathy than those who are suffering under the actual results of them. We hear of nothing but the folly of the French, in "tilling an old house about their ears "; in demolishing a Go- vernment which, with all its faults, still repressed crime and disorder, and under which the country flourished and throve, for the sake of trying new experiments and gratifying their bad passions. For my part, it seems to me rather honourable than otherwise to a at civilized people, that they should consent to risk even the horrors of a revolution on account of a moral sentiment. Practical grievances they really had few. Their hatred of M. Guizot was founded upon their disap- proval, first of the ends and aims of his government, and next, of the means lie employed to attain them. The Spanish marriages disgusted the French people, alienated the friendship of England, and led the Government to cultivate the alli- ance of Despotic Powers, and to concur in the repression of Liberal ideas in Europe. All these acts being contrary to the wishes of the French people, I cannot find in my heart to heap blame upon them for hesitating to pay the price of self-abase- ment for the protection afforded by such a Government. To my mind, it betokens
a patriotic way of judging of public matters. Discredit and dishonour were in supportable in the eyes of the people, and they felt unwilling to identify them- selves with the system by aiding the cause of the monarch. Among thi many disingenuous remarks which may be heard on the subject, one relates to their financial difficulties. " See!" cry the admirers of M. Giuzot, "see into what a state they are bringing the finances, with their new-born econo mist Ministers, and their pledges to find work and wages for the unemployed ar- tisans!" No one can deny that the undertaking to multiply the demand for labour is at ones unwise and impracticable. But when men occupy a perilous position, it may well be forgiven them if they exceed the limits of their conviction, to pur- chase the calm so essential to the consolidation of their power; an end so natu- rally desired by all classes possessing Property. But as to the embarrassment they are under, cm respect to the public debt, and enormous expenses habitually pressing on the Treasury,) these embarrassments are owing to the unbounded in- discretion and want of foresight in M. Gnizot's management of the .public re sources. He has left the "books of the firm" in a state of inextricable con- fusion, and no talents can for the present redeem his prodigality. A member of the Gauche, M. Leon Faucher—and no man is more thoroughly acquainted with monetary and fiscal subjects—spoke earnestly to the Chamber, in February 1847, respecting the financial mismanagement of the Minister, setting forth the subject in a clear and striking light: but he was not listened to. Nothing could be done in the face of a steady-going hack phalanx of votes. M. Faucher has, in fact, over and over again predicted that a revolution would be the consequence of per severing in the ruinous system of which he was the strenuous opponent. The Provisional Government have therefore to thank the exiled Minister for leaving them in the jaws of bankruptcy, with huge establishments to maintain. Since a day of reckoning was to arrive, however, we may congratulate the French on its having come at a period when they are tolerably certain to be unmolested by their officious neighbours. Only give them time, and they must be strong enough to reorganize their administrative machinery on a sound looting. I will only add one word in reference to the often-repeated taunt of the leaning to Communism, ascribed to the present chiefs of the Popular party. Consider- ing, as I do, the doctrines of M. Cabot and his disciples as fraught with nothing less than a tendency to dissolve civil society, I must nevertheless say that it ill becomes the influential press of England to revile these opinions- since they formed the postulates on which the whole attack against the Poor-law Commis- sioners was supported during the years 1846-7. If the Times and Morning Post, and others, did not all along preach " Communism," or something equivalent to it, I do not know what language means. And, be it added, our own Government actually adopted, towards Ireland, the very expedients for thinking of which the Provisional Government is censured,—namely, unveiling work for the surplus labourers, and paying for that which was not needful, or which, had it been need- ful, would not have been executed. Seven millions, in short, were thrown as a sop to the surplus labourers of Ireland. Should M. de Larniu-tine's Ministry follow this precedent, we shall doubtless be told that such is the fruit of mob intimi- dation!
Heartily wishing the French Government a happy issue out of their difficulties,
I subscribe myself; Sir, your steadfast admirer, KLEJFICIIENES.
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