18 MARCH 1854, Page 6

,forttgu nth Culuutal.

FRANCE.—The French expedition to the East is assembling at Toulon and Algiers. General Canrobert, the second in command, and General Bosquet, left Paris on Monday, for Marseilles. Marshal St. Arnaud's health is delicate, but he says that the air of Turkey and the smell of gunpowder will soon restore his vigour, and his departure is fixed for the 25th instant.

Prince Hohenzollern Sigmaringen has arrived at Paris, on a special mission from his relative the King of Prussia. He was charged to give explanations respecting the neutrality of Prussia, but he appears to have failed to give satisfaction : he was told, it is said, that the best proof which the King of Prussia could give of his desire to maintain the peace of Europe would be to join the Western Powers in resistance to Russian aggression. Another account of the object of his mission seems on the face of it absurd,—naraely, that be was directed to state that the Em- peror of Russia would be satisfied if the Western Powers obtained from Turkey a guarantee for the full rights of the Christians, and that the Russians would evacuate the Principalities as soon as that guarantee should be negotiated. The alacrity displayed in subscribing for the new loan has exceeded all expectations. There seems to have been quite a race for the shares; and long queues of people were formed at the offices hours before the opening. The Government have been obliged to provide additional offices both in Paris and in the departments.

Russia—The Journal de St. Petersbourg of the 20th February (3d March) contained a memorandum addressed by the Russian Government to its diplomatic agents abroad, accompanied by instructions that it should be communicated by them to the Governments to whom they are accredited. It is a document of great length and artful elaboration; very temperate in expression ; and, though in substance not more truthful than the other Russian state papers, its fallacies are more disguised by an air of candour. It is admitted, at the outset, that the Western Powers, now next to hostile against Russia, have desired peace • but it is asserted that "prejudices, distrust, and an unjust appreciation of our political views with regard to the Ottoman empire, winch has been Use principle of their oonduot from the beginning, could not but lead them natursilly to the very consequences they wished to avoid." Their position and that of Russia have beon false ones-from the beginning—" from the point of view from which they regarded the question, and by the measures they adopted for its solution. The memorandum makes a general charge, that for some time "all the acts of the Turkish Government towards us, as to- wards the Eastern Church in Turkey, bore the evident stamp of hostility," and have shown a firm intention of fostering other faiths in order that the Eastern Church might be weakened, "out of fear of the bonds that unite it to Russia." Several acts are alleged in general terms, but no specific acts : the writer declines to speak of "the massacres at Aleppo, of cruelties, profanations, forced conversions to Islamism in Albania, in Bulgaria, in Herzegovina, in Montenegro—they are gene- rally known." These vexatious acts were crowned by the prejudice done to the Greeks in the affair of the Holy Places; and a settlement by a new flrman, as powerless as the first, could not satisfy Russia. She needed a more express guarantee. That Prince Menschikoff demanded : it contained nothing new, nothing alarming; but was founded on trea- ties, and was implied in the treaty of Kainarji. The political protector- ate was gratuitously discovered in it. Under an idea fixe that Russia has no other aim than to increase her influence and material power and ruin Turkey, this demand has been magnified beyond measure. A striking check was to be given to the political consideration of Russia, and her demands altogether cancelled; and as she could not submit to this, the Imperial legation quitted Constantinople. The memorandum circumstantially repeats the assertions that France took the initiative, by sending her squadron to the East, without know- ing the precise nature of the demands of Prince Menschikoff; that the allied fleets were ordered to occupy the Bay of Besika, "without know- ing how we should act " ; and that the appearance of the fleets at Besika and the rejection of the Russian ultimatum determined the entrance of the Russians into the Principalities. It is contended that the occupation was not a oases belli, it was only a means to negotiate ; and all the pro- positions made to the Russian Government under the sanction of the Powers were "based upon the idea that some satisfaction was due to us." Then came the Vienna note, accepted with empressement at St. Peters- burg, which showed that the Russian Government was animated by pa- cific intentions and anxious to terminate the crisis by withdrawing the troops from -the Principalities while the season permitted a retrograde march. But the • Turkish •Government -was permitted to suggest in- admissible modifications ; the season arrived when Besika Bay no longer afforded a safe anchorage for the fleets ; Russia was charged with having betrayed its intentions by comments on that note ; the Ottoman Govern- ment declared war, and the fleets anchored in the Sea of Marmora. "Thus, in this chain of inflexible necessities, because the fleets had been to Bcsika, it was necessary they should go to Constantinople ; because they had been to Constantinople, it was necessary to declare war to us." The two maritime powers should at ..any price have prevented war from actually commencing, or at least "help us" in confining it to the narrowest limits. Russia spontaneously declared that she would remain on the defensive—" so long as-our interests and dignity permitted it"— but never admitted the pretension of England to limit "our rights of war without making war upon us." The affair at Sinop° was only a legitimate sot of -defence, necessary because Turkey was permitted to send munitions of war and reinforcements to assist the troops in ag- gressive operations on Russian territory. In fine, the memorandum casts the entire responsibility of the war upon the Western Powers.

As the "confidential" correspondence of the Emperor Nicholas with the British Government, briefly alluded to in our last Postscript, has be- come the subject of proceedings in Parliament, we now copy the entire article from the St. Petersburg Journal. "We have just received a report of the sitting of the House of Commons of the 17th of February, and the speech which Lord John Russell made on that occasion. It is not here the place to repeat brutal outrages of which every faithful servant of the Emperor will preserve the recollection, but which do not reach the august person to whom they are addressed. We shall confine ourselves to remarking that the Parliamentary annals might be searched in vain for an example of such intemperate language from the mouth of a Cabinet Minister in reference to a Sovereign against whom the country of that Minister has not yet declared war. What are of importance in this speech are not the invectives of the Minister, but the nature of the determi- nations of the Government which the speech reveals. It must be very evi- dent henceforward, that the peace of the world does not depend upon chance only, but that war forms a decided element of the plans of the English Ministry. From this cause has necessarily arisen that fatal distrust which in the Eastern question was the origin of all the previous difficulties, and which will lead at last to the most deplorable result.

"That such distrust may have been entertained by France—that it may up to a certain point have found a place in the mind of a Government still recent, which has not had time to acquire by long experience of former re- lations with it an exact idea of our real intentions, and abandoning itself in- voluntarily to the almost traditional opinion which has been formed of Rus- sian policy in the East,—that may be easily conceived ; but on the part of England, which is aware of the antecedents and the character of the -Empe- ror from a connexion of long date, an opinion of such a nature justly excites surprise. Leas than any other the British Government should entertain such suspicions. It has in its hands the written proof that there is no foun- dation for them : for, long before the present condition of affairs, before the questions which led to the mission of Prince Menschikoff to Constantinople had assumed so serious an aspect of difference, before Great Britain had adopted the same line of policy as France, the Emperor had spontaneously explained himself with the most perfect candour to the Queen and her Min- isters, with the object of establishing with them a friendly understanding even upon the most important result which can affect the Ottoman empire. Since the year 1829, his Majesty followed with great attention the march of events in Turkey. The Emperor could not shut his eyes to the consequences of the changes which were, one after the other, introduced into that state. Ancient Turkey disappeared from the time when it was sought to establish those institutions diametrically opposed as well to the genius of Islamiam as to the character and usages of the Mussulmans—institutions more or less borrowed from modern Liberalism, and consequently entirely opposed to the spirit of the Ottoman Government. It became evident that Turkey was undergoing a complete transformation, and that these experiments, at least doubtful so far as regarded the reorganization of the empire, seemed rather calculated to lead to a crisis which would overturn it. It seemed likely that a new order of things would arise, which, although indefinable, would at all events destroy that which existed. " To these permanent and increasing causes of dissolution recent compli- cations have been added, resulting from the affairs of Montenegro, the Mk-

gious persecutions exercised in several Christian provinces, a difference with the Austrian Government, considerable financial embarrassment, and lastly, the important affair of the Holy Places, to which the imperious demands of the French Ambassador at Constantinople were beginning to give a serious and menacing character. These complications, which created sullen excite- ment among the Christian population, were likely from one day to another to bring about a sudden catastrophe which it was urgent to prevent. "Penetrated with the extreme importance of such a result, and having at that period almost reached the region of the possible, if not entirely of the probable,— convinced of the disastrous consequences which might result from it, the Emperor thought it necessary to assure himself beforehand whether the English Government shared his apprehensions. He wished more parti- cularly by a frank previous understanding to remove every subject of mis- understanding between Great Britain and himself. It seemed of the highest importance to his Majesty to establish the most perfect identity of views with the Government of Great Britain. With this view, the Emperor en- gaged the English Minister at St. Petersburg to cause her Majesty to be in- formed of his anticipations with respect to the danger, more or less imminent, that menaced Turkey. He requested on this subject a confidential inter- change of opinions with her -Britannic Majesty. That was certainly the most evident proof of confidence which the Emperor could give to the Court of St. James ; and thus did his Majesty most openly signify his sincere wish to prevent any ulterior divergence between the two Governments.

"Sir Hamilton Seymour acquitted himself forthwith of the important com- mission which the Emperor had impressed on him in a long and familiar conversation. The result has shown itself in a correspondence of the most friendly character between the present English Ministers and the Imperial Government.

"It is not permitted to us to divulge the contents of non-official docu- ments, which do not concern the Emperor alone, and which contain the ex- pressions of a mutual confidence. NS hat we are permitted to say is, that in examining the circumstances more or less likely to affect the duration of the status quo in the East,—an examination undertaken from the conviction respectively entertained that every effort should be made to sustain that status quo, and to prolong it as long as possible,—there never was any question of a plan by which Russia and England might dispose beforehand, and between themselves, of the destiny of the different provinces which constitute the Ottoman empire ; still less of a formal agreement to be concluded between them, without the knowledge and unassisted by the counsel and intervention of the other Courts. The two parties were limited to a frank and single confidence, but without reserve on either side, to communicate what might be adverse to English interests, what might be so to Russian, so that in any given case hostile or even contradictory action might be avoided. " In looking over the different parts of this confidential correspondence— in recalling the spirit in which they themselves had interpreted it—the Ministers with whom at the time it was carried on, and who since have per- mitted themselves to be swayed by prepossessions to be regretted, will be able to decide if those prepossessions are just. Let Lord John Russell more especially reperuse that correspondence, in which he was the first to take part,before ceding to Lord Clarendon the direction of foreign affairs. Let him consult his conscience, if the passion which leads him astray permit him to recognize its voice. Ile can decide now whether it be really true that the Emperor has been wanting in frankness towards the English Government ; or if rather his Majesty has not unboson3ed himself to England with as little reserve as possible ; if there exists the least reason for believing that we have ambitious or exclusive views on Constantinople ; or, if on the contrary, the Emperor has not explained himself in a way to remove all doubt as to his real intentions on the subject of the political combinations to be avoided, in the extreme case which he at the time pointed out to the foresight of the British Government."

Through the Paris IlIoniteur of Thursday, we learn the substance of four ukases, dated the 5th instant, declaring various parts of the Russian dominions—apparently all European Russia—in a state of siege : the Emperor names the Governors fur the various districts, and places the go- vernment of St. Petersburg under the authority of the Grand Duke, heir to the throne, and Commander-in-chief of the Guards and Grenadiers.

The exportation of grain from the Danubian Provinces is now pro- hibited.

GERMANY.—The position which Austria and Prussia will occupy in the impending war is still doubtful. It is understood that Prussia has rejected a proposition made by Austria, for a convention to secure the in- tegrity of Turkey in the spirit of the treaty of 1841; and has shown other symptoms of defection from the Western Powers. Public opinion, uneasy at the long silence of the Government, has manifested itself in the shape of a petition, pointing out that England and France are actually advancing to the seat of war, which every day grows more imminent ; and requesting information. On Monday last, the Pre- sident of the Second Chamber inquired what course the Government would take in the impending war ? "M. Manteuffel answered, that the Government will soon make proposals to the Chamber, which will give an opportunity of explaining the course hitherto taken by the Govern- ment, and in which it will persevere. Prussia is on terms of amity with France and England."

Count Pourtales, a moderate Conservative of Anti-Russian politics, and long associated with M. Manteuffel in the Foreign Office, has withdrawn from the Government, on account of its hesitation on the Eastern question.

The Vienna Lloyd has been suspended for eight days, for attacks upon the policy of Russia. There is reason to believe that this has been done at the direct instance of the Russian Government.

TIIRKBY.—There is almost a complete cessation of actual news from the seat of war. Some changes appear to have been made in the dispo- sition of the Russian forces, with what view, non-military writers natu- rally find it impossible to divine. Of the forces before Kalafat, some have gone up the river, nearly as far as Orsova, thus menacing the Ser- vim frontier ; and a Turkish detachment has been sent up the right bank to keep a watch on them. Another Russian detachment has gone down the Danube towards the Schyl. There has been also an unusual concentra- tion of forces at Ibrail, supposed to indicate a design of crossing the Danube there. On the other hand, it is reported that the Russians are intrenching and fortifying their strongest positions, and arranging rally- ing-posts in case of retreat. Folkschan has been fortified as a magazine for stores and ammunition. On the side of the Turks, no movements are reported ; but we still hear of constant skirmishes from Matschin to Ka- lafat. Prince Paskiewitch has gone to the Principalities to review the army. With respect to the Greek insurrection, it would appear that the insur- gents have made little way; and that Arta, Janina, and Prevesa, are still held by the Turks. But in Greece the sympathy with the movement is manifest. Several officers, say reports from Athens, have resigned their eommissions ; and numbers of the people of the country were moving

towards the disturbed districts. Redschid Pasha has addressed a strong note to M. Metaxa, the Greek Minister, declaring that the Turkish Go- vernment will hold King Otho responsible unless he take measures to prevent the Greeks from assisting the rebels.

Dimmeas.—For some time a project of an octroye constitution, pro- jected by the present Danish Cabinet, has been hanging over the heads of the Danes. Questions respecting the intentions of the Ministry having only obtained evasive answers, addresses were moved in both Houses, on the Ilth instant, praying the King to remove all doubts as to whether or not it is intended to proceed with the constitution without the consent of the Parliament. After a debate, the address was, on the 14th, adopted in the Landsthing by 38 to 6, and in the V olksthing by 77 to 3. This amounts to a defeat of the Ministry. Denmark is still making military and naval preparations ; and a fleet of twelve ships, carrying 250 guns and 2182 men, is nearly ready for sea. Isturitz was, at the latest dates, hourly expected at Ma- drid, from London. The cause of his return is accounted for in two ways. One is, that he was ordered not to remain any longer in a coun- try where the Government is powerless to restrain attacks upon Queen Isabella and her Government ; the other, that the Ambassador wanted a holiday. It would seem certain, however, that M. Isturitz has been re- called at the direct, some say, "obstinate insistence," of the Queen her- self.

The Saragosa insurrectiorkhas resulted in a distribution of rewards and punishments. The Captain-General of Aragon, River°, who suppressed the revolt, received the grand cross of the order of Ferdinand ; Madame River° has received the cross of the order of Maria Louisa ; the Marquis de Santiago is promoted to the rank of Major-General ; and the civil functionaries are to be decorated. Lieutenant-Colonel de is Torre, of the revolted regiment, has been shot ; and three journalists—Bermodez de Castro, Rances, and Bustamente—have been shipped off for the Ca- naries.

Frar..v.—The United States corvette St. Louis recently paid a visit to Naples, to settle "the Carbone case" ; but the Neapolitan Govern- ment had anticipated the difficulty by setting Mr. Carbone at perfect liberty to wander about at will. It will be recollected that this Ameri- can citizen landed in Sicily for trade purposes; and that he was placed under strict surveillance by the Government, in the teeth of proper papers, and the assurances of the United States Charge d'Affaires.

INDIA AND CHINA.—The despatches by the overland mail arrived in town on Thursday afternoon. The latest dates are—Bombay, February 14; Hongkong, January 27. The news is of small importance. Captain Barry, while in pursuit of a dacoity in Burmah, was led by the guides into an ambuscade, and shot From the Persian Gulf news had arrived that Bushire was tranquil, and our relations with Persia satisfactory. This stopped the Queen's Eighty-eighth Regiment, en route for Kurra- chee. In the Nizam's dominions, the lawless Robillas and Arabs had re- ceived a severe check at the bands of Captain Orr; but the elements of mischief are more widely extended than was at first apprehended. From China we have several conjectures and one fact. It was be- lieved that neither Pekin nor Tien-tsin had fallen, as previously rumour- ed; and it was thought probable that the Imperialists would regain possession of Shanghai, either by force or treachery. The fact is, that the exports from China were never on a larger scale than at the date of the latest adviees.

According to a letter from the French steamer Cassini, which had been to Nankin, that town contained all the women, 480,000 (!) of Taeping's forces. They were divided into brigades of 13,000, and properly officered, with a woman for commander-in-chief.