POSTSCRIPT.
SeeruBDAY.
The Morning Post publishes a declaration on the part of the Dec de Bordeaux to the French people, with this preface from the English editor- " It has been deemed advisable, in the present condition of the French press, that the subjoined appeal should receive publicity through the columns of the Morning Post. On behalf of a cause which has always found us among its warmest advocates, we cheerfully concur in this arrangement. To those who are, like ourselves, interested in the success of the Legitimist principle in France, aml intimate with the policy that has that success for its object, we need not point out the quarter from which the document emanates: to others, explanation is uncalled for."
This ostentation of reserve is carried out in the document itself: it is written in French, bears no signature, and makes no explicit announcement, but speaks entirely by hints. If we rightly interpret its very enigmatical terms, the French people are counselled to mistrust both parties in the coming election of President; to take no part in it, or at least none that shall involve a concession of principle: " above all things, they must re- main what they are—the intrepid asserters of right, of inexorable dogmas, sole means of safety in the midst of the perturbation of spirits led astray in political and social matters." They are exhorted not to be dis- couraged by the " silent attitude maintained by the supreme representative of the right of which they are the first defenders "; and a hint is thrown out that they should enter into a course of propagandism to restore the elder Bourbon branch.
" Henri V n'est point un pretendant qui entre en lice avec quelques aventuriers ambitieux. Dieu, a sa naissance, la marque du sceau ineffecable de la repute legitime. II n'a nul besoin de reclarner en taveur de son droit: cc droit,
est celui de is nation elle-meme, qui de malheurs en malheurs, y apercevra enfin son unique saint. Déjà fon pout reconnaltre, a des indices certains, qu'un mouvement salutaire se propage dans les esprits fatigues enfin dune ere trop prolongee de deraison et demarchie. Par quelles epreuves doit encore passer Is France pour arriver I cette conviction c'est Is secret de is Providence. " Le Prince Omit stir conviction, malheurs de ses sujets, rnais il no conspire pas; il suit, .avec tine attention soutenue, cette lutte deplorable entre In bien et is maL approuve les efforts, quels qu'ils soient, des gens de hies en favour de la monarchie. Bien instruit de la penible et dangereuse condition des Rois dans les temps ell none sommes, male profondecnent penetre des devoirseque cette condition lui impose, il est entierement devoue a les ac,complir. II est pret a parattre partont oil sera reconnue Is haute mission qual vient remplir. La restauration de son trane, quelqu'en soient les moyens, les instruments et memo les accidents, no saurait etre assimilee ni a one conquete ni a on triomphe. " Ce n'est qu'un pere de farnille qui revient apres un long exit, an milieu de sea enfans reconcilies, pour consoler leurs afflictions et panser leurs blessures. Quo les Royalistes unissent tons leurs efforts pour convaincre leurs freres egares, 5ne sans an retour sincere an principe du droit, la chaine des revolutions ne sera jamais rompue, quo l'Europe entiere sera boaleversee, puis soumise ii d'affrenses tyrannies, et que les nations, an lieu de s'aineliorer, retrograderont vers la bar- bane. C'e.t en favour du progres qu'il faut reinvoquer les principes conservateurs du passe, qui out fait la gloire et le bonheur de nos peres, et de qui Is France actuelle memo tient son existence et sa grandeur. Depuis trois generations con- seentives, bien des institutions out pen, bien des conditions ant ete changees; mais ii rests la morale et la justice, qui ne perissent jamais; cost pour lea retablir, du sommet de fetat jusqu'aux derniers echelons, quo Is restaaratiou du treine legitime est indispensable. A cette noble et difficile tache, le Prince est resolu de devouer sa vie entiere; et feducation du malheur la enrichi des moyeas et des qualites les plus propres I faccomplir avec succes."
The Bishop of' Orleans and the Bishop of Quimper have given their adhesion to Cavaignac's candidature. The former has issued the following manifesto, which the latter has agreed to adopt— "Paris, 11th November 1848. " Monseigneur—Yon will perhaps be happy to know the unanimous idea of the Bishops and clergy of the National Assembly, in the grave circumstances in which the Church of France is placed. After the most mature reflection, it appears to us that the choice of General Cavaignac as President of the Re- public would offer to religion a better guarantee, and to the country more calm and stability, than any other candidature. We believe also, that the clergy ought to join at the approaching elections in making use of all their legitimate influence. "Accept Monseigneur, the homage of my respectful devotion, " J. J. Bishop of ORLEANS." The Bishop of Langres, however, has protested against any movement in the contest by the clergy.
The Re.forme, writing, however, with an eye to the enforcement of paper- currency crotchets, draws a melancholy picture of distress in Paris- " Property, manufactures, and commerce, are utterly destroyed in Paris. Of the population of that great city, the capital of France, there are 300,000 individuals wanting the necessaries of life. One half at least of those earned from 3 francs to 5 francs a day previous to the revolution, arid occupied a num- ber of houses in the faubourgs. The proprietors of those houses receiving no rent, and having taxes and other charges to pay, are reduced to nearly as deep distress as their tenants. In the centre of Paris the same distress exists under another form. The large and sumptuous apartments of the fashionable quarters were occupied before the revolution by wealthy proprietors, or by persons holding lucrative employments in the public offices, or by extensive manufacturers; but nearly all those have disappeared, and the few who remain have insisted upon such a reduction of rent that the proprietor does not receiee one half of the amount to which he is entitled. Should a proprietor of house property endeavour to raise a sum of money by a first mortgage to defray his most urgent expenses, he finda it impossible to do so, even at a most exorbitant rate of interest. Those who possess ready money refuse to part with it, either through fear or because they expect to purchase house property when it must be sold at 50 per cent less thart the value,'
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