18 SEPTEMBER 1841, Page 3

Zbe Vrobinces.

The nomination of candidates for the borough of Tamworth took place on Monday, in the Town-hall. Sir Robert Peel was proposed and seconded by Mr. Tyleeote and Mr. Robinson ; Mr. James Acland, the Anti-Corn-law lecturer, by Mr. Vaughan and Mr. Foster. Mr. W. Y. Peel, who -epresented Sir Robert on the occasion, said that be should take no part in the farce of opposition which had been got up for the vexatious annoyance of Sir Robert and of the immense majority of the constituents. Mr. A clan . addressed the electors at great length, amid perpetual interruption ; and then the Mayor called for a show of hands, it was almost unanimously in favour of Sir Robert Peel; who was declared to be duly elected. Mr. Peel retuned thanks for his relative. Sir Robert, he said, might have adopted the following address, written two hundred years ago by a Member named Marvel, to the con- stituents of Hull, at the prorogation of 1675— " I desire to know whether there be any thing that particularly relates to the interests of your to-sn, and I will strive to promote it to thee best of my ability ; and as to the more general concerns of the nation, I will maiutain that uncorrupted mind and clear conscience, free from faction and from all selfish ends, which by the grace of God I have hitherto preserved."

Mr. Peel laughed at the opposition offered by the Whigs to the new Government— So complete bail been th: destruction of the Whigs ea a party, that he firmly believed it would be many years before any formidable pluenix would arise out of their ashes. He did not mean to say there would not be a thrash-table opposition to the new Government; but it would be composed of those who took a more extensive view than the Whigs did of questions,—for instance, of the Ballot, the extension of the Suffrage, the Repeal of the Union, and other measures con- nected with the Established Chin., h. At a recent convivial meeting, his right honourable relative did say that he should not advise until he was regularly called in ; and he went on to say, and be thought justly, that he thought it not fair that one should he called in to furnish the prescription while another received the fee. The Ministerial journals felt extremely grateful to his right honour- able relative for making that statement ; for it had furnished them with ma- terials for no fewer than twenty leading articles ; and as a token of their grati- tude, they had conferred upon him the degree of M.D. Bot Dr. Peel, upon succeeding to Dr. Melbourne, did nid.t, require to pay a very large sum for tho stock in trade and good-will of the business. Ile very much expected that when the stock in trade of the late Government came to he examined, it would be found to resemble that of the apothecary of Mantua, to whom Romeo ap- plied for the drachm of poison. He did not know whether there would be found "nn alligator stuffed," or "tortoise hung," or "other skins of ill-shaped fishes "; but of this he was quite certain, that when the treasury was examined there would be found " a beggarly Recoil:1- ,f empty boxes." Nine times nine cheers having been given for Sir Robert and thanks voted to the Mayor for his impartial conduct, the meeting separated.

Sir James Graham was reiileeted for Dorchester, without opposition, on Monday. On being nominated he made a long speech, touching upon a variety of the prominent topics of the day, but with less elabo- rate connexion than usually marks his compositions. He alluded "with very great regret" to Mr. Byng's statement at the Brentford dinner, that "the people of this county are living under the thraldout of an Aristocracy." For the last ten years, indeed, it had appeared to Sir James "a great misfortune that the Government of the country charged with the executive has not at the sauce timse been able to command the confidence of the Sovereign, of the House of Lords, and of the House of Commons." But suppose that the country actually was under the rule of an Aristocracy-

Minister of the Crown without a seat in the House of Commons, should be useless; and I cannot Obtain that seat without popular consent, and 1 come here to ask your popular favour to place me in that honourable position."

Sir James next attacked Sir Thomas Wilde, for claiming credit on the part of the Melbourne Administration for measures passed by Lord Grey's government—

"What were the mighty deeds of the Whig Government? First and fore- most the late Attorney-General alluded to the Reform Bill : but I would ask,

in sober seriousness, whether there were not others who were entitled to the credit of carrying that measure besides Lord Melbourne ? was there no other but Lord John Russell and Lord Melbourne who took a part in carrying that great measure into effect ? was not I a member of Lord Grey's Go- vernment when the Reform Bill was introduced ? Then Sir Thomas Wilde alluded to the abolition of Negro Slavery : I would ask, who proposed that bill ? why, no less an individual than Lord Stanley, the present Secretary for Colo- nial Affairs under the Government of Sir Robert Peel. Then again, there was the opening of the trade with China,—a measure of immense importance to the trade and commerce of this country, if not mangled by the maleadmiuis- tration and misconduct of the Whigs: but were Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell entitled to take credit to themselves for passing that measure through Parliament ? Certainly not : that measure originated with Lord Grey, and not with the members of the late Ministry."

Sir James ridiculed the inconsistency of the Whigs, who, after de- claring for Finality, gave a seat in the Cabinet to Mr. Macaulay, "al- most a Chartist "—no doubt to conciliate the Chartists, though it failed of that effect. He condemned the bungling in the China war, risking 7,000,0001. of revenue derived from the China trade—one-tenth of the revenue of the country ; the mismanagement of the APLeod affair; and the deficiency in the revenue. Then he came to the Corn-laws, upon which he developed his views. First as to the past-

" It is said that I once entertained an opinion in favour of a fixed duty on corn. I do not deny that in 1826, when the admission of corn into this country was actually prohibited until the price should be 80s. per quarter, 1 did propose a fixed duty. I proposed 15s. a quarter at that time; and I proposed it in con- nexion with several other measures—with an alteration in the Timber-duties ; but I never proposed to lay on 100 per cent. on Canadian timber, as was done in the measure of last session. I also proposed a reduction in the duties on sugar—not of one quarter of the duty on sugar the produce of slave-labour, and one which was only felt by a reduction of a farthing in the pound to the con- sumer. I say further, that I was well aware that these extensive changes must have been attended with considerable loss to the revenue. The late Govern- ment brought forward their celebrated Budget with the view of increasing the revenue : that was cot my object when Iproposed these alterations. I at the same period suggested a tax upon annuities : I proposed it as a substitute for a tax on consumption. I do not now defend that proposition. If my opinions have undergone a modification—and I admit that they have, in consequence of my increased experience and the altered condition of the country—I have ganged in very excellent company : I changed my opinion on the Corn-laws with Mr. Huskisson, who brought forward a measure in 1815 which prohibited the introduction of foreign corn if the price should be less than 80s.; and when he supported in 1827 a sliding scale, I advocated the same views; and I can say that nothing which has occurred since has induced me to change my opinion. There was Sir Henry Parnell, another Free-trader, the very pink of Free Trade philosophers: that gentleman advanced a step further than Mr. Hus- kisson, and proposed that no foreign corn should be admitted until it had reached the price of S5s. per quarter. Then again, have Lord John Russell and Lord Melbourne been quite consistent in their opinions on the subject ? " The future course which Sir James would recommend—

'I conceive the true principle to be, that a protective duty should be sub- stituted for absolute prohibition ; and I think that, as a general rule, it should be the smallest amount which, on a careful revision, would be found to give to native industry fair play in its competition with foreign countries, the circum- stances attending our relations with those countries being duly considered. Now, I do not pretend to say that parts of the present Corn-law are not open to improvement : I think, for instance, that the present mode of taking the average is susceptible of beneficial alteration. But then, I say that a fixed

duty Is an impossibility. It is an impossibility if you wish to give protection to your own corn-growers : and I must say, that Mr. O'Connell dealt with this

subject with his usual candour when he said, ' Give us a fixed duty : on my principle of instalments, we will take what we can get : give us an 8s. duty, and we shall get riclof it in six months.' If in time of scarcity we demand a fixed duty, what becomes of cheap bread? if you do not, what becomes of the agriculturist? For he who lays the axe to the root of protection—who by forced enactments would decree that diminished produce should not be com- pensated by a high price—would depreciate native industry, and prove fatal to the agricultural interest. In fact, I cannot put the case more tersely or more truly than I did on a former occasion, when I said, that a fixed duty in a time of scarcity would starve the artisan, and in time of abundance would ruin the labourer and farmer."

Alluding generally to the charge that he had changed his opinions, he said that such a change from interested motives was always base ; but he had abandoned office when his conviction obliged him to change his opinions.

Sir James was then declared duly elected ; and was afterwards chaired through the town with the usual honours.

Mr. Goulburn underwent the forms of a reblection, in the Senate 'House of Cambridge University, on Wednesday, without opposition. The election of a Member for the University is not a very interesting affair: there is no speaking either by the candidate or his friends ; the Vice-Chancellor stands at the table with the Proctors to receive the votes, which are given by cards ; and when the affair is terminated, he shakes hands with the Member and signs his return.

Sir Henry Hardinge was returned for Launceston, on Wednesday, without opposition. He was proposed by Mr. Penwarden, seconded by Mr. Lobb, and declared to be duly elected. He then addressed his con- stituents, in a long speech, which was not unlike a repetition of some parts of Sir Robert Peel's in the House at the close of last session. He described the gradual rise of the Conservative party in the last ten years ; repeated several arguments against the Whig Budget proposi- tions; and quoted statistical details to show that fluctuations of price were greater in other articles than they were in corn, and that much of the existing distress owes its origin to the manual labour being super- seded by machinery. With respect to the alteration of the Corn-laws, he said—

The question was not whether the present Corn-laws should continue, or whether there should be a free trade, but whether a fixed duty of 85. a quarter should be preferred to the existing law of a graduated scale. He had not the least hesitation in saying, that a graduated scale was much more fair than a fixed duty; but if he were asked whether he should on all occasions adhere to that opinion, he should answer, Certainly not : he was open to conviction. If the law could be made to work better, or if the scale of prices could be lowered, he was ready to treat the question with every degree of impartiality. But how was it possible to take it into consideration, when it was not yet clear from what parts foreign corn could be imported?

The election for Newark took place on Tuesday, on a temporary hustings erected in front of the Town-hall. The only candidate was

the late member, Mr. William Ewart Gladstone. He was proposed by Mr. T. S. Godfrey, and seconded by Mr. Branson ; and, no second can- didate having been proposed, he was declared duly elected. Mr. Glad- stone then returned thanks. He began by justifying the part which he had taken in overthrowing the late Ministry—

There were two classes of reasons by which he considered himself fully jus- tified in aiding to overthrow the late Administration. The first was, that the measures proposed by the defunct Government were bad in themselves ; and the next was, that the manner in which those measures were adopted and abandoned, at various times, betrayed such inconsistency, that if every Admi- nistration were to adopt a similar course, all confidence in public men must be

utterly destroyed. It did not require much argument to prove the faultiness of measures by which it was proposed to takeaway the property of the Church in Ireland, to do away with Church-rates in this country, to establish education of which no recognized religion was a component part, to allow secret voting, or to abolish laws for the protection of the agricultural interests. The mea- sures of the late Ministry were bad enough, but the manner in which they were introduced and subsequently abandoned formed a still heavier charge against Government. It was clear that they were not brought forward with a view to the public good, but merely to sustain the Government in power anti give a continuance to their official existence. None of their measures appeared to be proposed as bearing on the prosperity of the people, but rather to effect their own continuance in power. He would take as an instance that measure which went by the name of the " Appropriation-clause."

On that well-worn subject Mr. Gladstone enlarged, with no very new remarks. Then he turned to the Whig treatment of Church-rates- Earl Grey proposed to bring in a bill, the professed object of which was to remove the inconveniences and allay the bad feelings which arose out of the present exaction. Instead of the present levy, or paying the amount out of the funds of the Church, he proposed to substitute a payment out of the funds of the State ; and in 1834 a bill to that effect was introduced into the House. When Lord Melbourne subsequently became Minister, he agreed to legislate upon that principle ; but finding that it would offend some of those friends by whom his party was maintained in power, he continued in office procrastinating any settlement of the question through the years 1835 and 1836; and he finally abandoned it in 1837, for the introduction of a bill to provide for the payment of Church-rates, not, as was originally proposed, out of the property of the State, but out of the property of the Church itself. This was the course pur- sued with respect to a question which, when first mooted, was represented as one requiring a speedy and final settlement. It was argued that the existing system pressed with intolerable weight upon the great body of the people ; and with many such grandiloquent phrases and heraldings, a measure founded upon this principle was introduced into the House of Commons ; which, however, in many divisions proved its antipathy to the measure. Did Ministers persevere in pressing the bill; or, abandoning it, did they relinquish office ? No; but with all the alleged disturbances which were said to arise out of the existing levy, they allowed their bill to slumber in that deep sleep from which it had not since awakened. The very same course had been pursued with regard to the question of Education.

They had shown similar inconsistency in their political pledges, par- ticularly in respect to the Ballot and their Irish Parliamentary Voters Bill—a new Reform Bill for Ireland. Mr. Gladstone recapitulated their inconsistent conduct on the Sugar question : they had charged the Opposition with hypocrisy and deceit for using the very same rea- sons against the alteration of the Sugar-duties upon which they them- selves had insisted twelve months before. That their conduct had shaken the confidence of their own friends, was proved by the mutual recriminations of the shattered body. Confidence, however, forms no slight element in our system of government— The people of this country live under a representative system, which, what- ever might be its faults, he contended, worked well for the benefit of the coun- try. It was impossible that the relations between the House of Commons and the people could be maintained in a satisfactory manner, except by the mainte- nance of that principle of confidence. The constituencies sent representatives to Parliament to serve for a series of years, during which they had no means to communicate with their electors in a mass, and therefore the constitution in- trusted to the representative body the right to decide for the people upon the measures which might be submitted to its consideration. It was impossible, also, to know what measures might be brought forward in the course of a lengthened Parliament ; it therefore was impossible for them to instruct him as to all the votes which he might be called upon to give ; and therefore on the basis and principle of confidence, they sent him to Parliament under that gene- ral confidence in the conduct he had heretofore pursued in common with other and better men, and in his adherence to those principles which he knew to be dear to all their hearts. But if the Government of this country was to be at liberty to abandon the principle of public confidence, and give the country no clear creed as a direction to their conduct, then the link which united the House of Commons with the people of the country would be broken, and the entire foundation of their social order could no longer be maintained. Such, however, was one of the heavy charges which rested upon the memory of the late Government.

Mr. Gladstone now adverted to the successors of the Whig Ministers— Ile had stated in the address he had published, and in the language of the great and enlightened statesman at the head of the present Administra- tion, and who, he rejoiced to believe, enjoyed the entire confidence of her most gracious Majesty the Queen, that the duty of the present Administration would be "to maintain upon their ancient foundations the institutions of the country in Church and State,"—to maintain them, not from a bigoted love of their antiquity, but from a deep, solid, and experimental conviction, that upon, the whole they were founded upon principles of truth and justice, and that, compared with other human institutions' they were best calculated to tend to the formation of the welfare of all classes of the community. If there was any class (as he lamented to say there was) who suffered grievously in this country, yet if that suffering was connected with causes of a political kind, it would be their duty to lay it not to the principles on which the institutions were founded, but rather to say that it was owing either to abuses which had been allowed to creep in, or to impediments which prevented the full develope- ment of their powers to promote the public good. His opinion was, that the Go- vernment would not be less zealous to remove every reasonable cause of com- plaint; not as a concession to clamour, not as an ignoble expedient to evade a present difficulty, but for the sake of those institutions themselves, as well as for the happiness of the entire people. The present Government entered upon power in the midst of great and serious difficulties, which gave them a claim upon the patience and indulgence of the country. Look at the state of our foreign relations—

They found the relations with the United States of America—a country

whose influence on the state of trade, on the rate of labour, and the rate of wages, was greater than many present could conceive—in a most critical, though he hoped not an alarming, state. In the great Indian empire they would find the frontier disturbed by a war of which at present there was no prospect of a termination. In China, where it had been expected that there would be es- tablished a great and lucrative trade and a new opening for British manufac- tures, it would be found that trade was impeded by a quarrel which, he must say, reflected disgrace upon the British name. Then look at home— It bad been admitted and declared by their opponents that all the mercantile and manufacturing interests were in a state of depression and exhaustion. Although a change of Government, however, was generally unfavourable to the operations of trade, in the recent case it had not had that effect ; for the price of the Funds had risen one per cent. The late Government, living upon shifts from day to day, had for five years continued to conduct the affairs of the country with a regular deficit in the revenue, which at last accumulated to the amount of 7,500,0001.; and for the present financial year, now only half expired, there was a further estimated deficit of 2,500,0001.; all of which must be pro- vided for by the new Administration. Under the late Administration Chartism and Socialism had been organized. He did not impute to that Administration that they rejoiced in that circumstance; but he did maintain, that having dis- appointed the hope which they had created in the minds of the labouring classes at the time of the Reform Bill, the people had assumed an attitude of deter- mined hostility to the institutions of the country. He lamented also, that acts had been done by the late Government, such as the presentation by Lord Mel- bourne of Robert Owen to their young and maiden Queen, which had had the fatal effect of producing a laxity of opinion and of fostering those evlis which all now most deeply lament. And finally, I; the manner of the late dissolution, Ministers had rendered the settlement of the Corn question more difficult than ever; that dissolution amounted to a direct appeal to the passions and prejudices of men—it was, as Lord Melbourne said, "arraying man against man and class against class." There might be details in the present Corn-laws which wanted amendment ; but the principle laid down by Lord Melbourne's Admi- nistration afforded too little protection to agriculture; whereas the principle of the sliding scale, laid down by Sir Robert Peel, was one upon which farmers might cheerfully rely— He rejoiced to think that whenthe Government addressed itself to that question, it would do so under the satisfactory conviction that it possessed the confidence of the country and of Parliament ; that there would be a fair consideration of their proposals with regard to that and other questions, because the people would believe the Government thought those measures necessary, and that if they could not carry them into effect they would cease to attempt to conduct the affairs of this great nation.

Mr. Gladstone finished by moving thanks to the Mayor ; and the motion was carried by acclamation. The Member and his friends afterwards paraded the town in proces- sion; and they dined together in the evening at the Clinton Arms The united boroughs of Huntingdon and Godmanchester reelected their late Members, Sir Frederick Pollock and Colonel Jonathan Peel, on Tuesday. First, Sir Frederick was proposed by Mr. C. Veasey, and seconded by the Reverend J. Fell ; and he rose to return thanks. In the triumph of principle, after ten years of hard labour to effect it, he proposed to treat the defeated Ministry with the fair and generous con- sideration due to their situation. Many causes had been assigned for their fall-

" Some say that the great question of the Corn-laws, which still absorbs public attention, was their destruction; some that they did not go far enough. )13, firm belief is, that the cause of their fall was that they did not govern the country on principle. They showed a disposition to be Conservative with the Conservatives, and Radical with the Radicals. I am willing to concede this much to them, that their intentions were honest—that their mistaken views were at least sincere. In this spirit in which they are now entitled to be spoken es4 I say, that if they have done some good for the country—and it is impos- sible to deny that they have—let them have the benefit of it, let it in justice be acknowledged. It is, I repeat, impossible not to acknowledge that the Whigs have passed some good measures ; and among these I would particularly point out an act which did supreme honour to a land of boasted freedom like our own—the act which proclaimed the extinction of Negro Slavery, and which put an end to the horrid traffic in connexion with it, which had long disgraced our country and the nations of the Christian world."

The hope derived from the principles by which the Conservatives had triumphed, pointed at much good to come from the new Ministry— principles which inspired a sincere respect for the institutions of the country, and an obedience to the law in every respect. It was quite in accordance with those principles that old prejudices against the Roman Catholics should not be revived, and that education should be extended throughout the land. George the Third said he hoped that he should live to see the day when every subject throughout his realm should have a Bible to read and the capacity to read it.

Mr. D. Herbert proposed, and Lieutenant Thorley, R.N., seconded, Colonel Peel. The Colonel then addressed the electors. He bad the highest confidence that the measures which the present Administration would introduce would meet with the approbation of the country, and the warmest hopes that their foreign policy would conduce to the honour of the country and the peace of the world— He was glad that in the opinion, which he was aware, our present Foreign Secretary entertained as to the expediency of reducing our war establishments to an economical system, more applicable to a period of peace, he was joined by the enlightened statesman at the head of the French Government. This gave fair promise of the extension of our commerce, and the future good-will between this country and France. He promised an investigation of the general distress— He deeply regretted the distress of the manufacturing districts; no man could regret such a state of things more than himself; but he could not join in the cry, that it was attributable to the present Corn-laws. But, whatever was the real cause of the distress, the Government were anxious to discover it ; and no one in the country was more anxious to join in the inquiry than himself, with the view that it should be remedied as soon as possible. What he should stand up for on all occasions was, that to benefit one party another should not be injured, and that the rights and interests of the nation at large should be respected.

Colonel Peel was then declared to be returned.

Sir William Follett was reelected for Exeter on Monday, without opposition. The ceremony excited very little interest.

Lord Ernest Augustus Charles Brudenell Bruce and Mr. Henry Bingham Baring were reelected for Marlborough, on Tuesday, without opposition. The former was proposed by Mr. Gardner and seconded by Mr. W. C. Merriman; the latter by Mr. S. Brown and Mr. T. Hal- combo. Both candidates insisted much upon the difficulties which beset the new Ministry on their entrance to office.

On the same day, the ceremony of the election for Chippenham was performed, in the Town-balL Captain Boldero was proposed by the Reverend R. Ashe, of Langley House, and seconded by Mr. W. R.. Taylor ; and no other candidate appearing, he was declared to be duly elected.

On the same day, at Bury St. Edmonds, Mr. Oakes proposed and Mr. Smith seconded the nomination of Earl Jermyn. No other can- didate appeared, and the Earl was formally declared Member for the borough.

On the same day, the electors of Wenlock went through the formalities of reelecting Mr. Mines GaskelL

The nomination for the vacant seat in North Lancashire, lately occu- pied by Lord Stanley, is fixed for Tuesday next. Lord Stanley has issued a short address to the electors, of which the following is the most pregnant passage- " You know me well enough to feel confident that I would have accepted no office, joined no Administration, in which I did not feel convinced that I should be enabled to give effect to the principles which I entertain. My conviction is, that I shall most effectually support them by accepting a seat in the Cabinet of Sir Robert Peel; and believing that the conduct of his Administration will be such as to deserve and obtain your approbation, I confidently ask of you at once to support your own principles, and to confer upon me, as a member of that Administration, the distinguished honour of again representing you in Parliament."

Lord Howick and Mr. Wolverley Attwood were the candidates for Sunderland. Lord Howick arrived in the town on Friday, and began his canvass at ten o'clock. At twelve he addressed a large meeting in front of the Bridge Hotel. He began by rapidly reciting his own deeds in Parliament, as a supporter of the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, of Catholic Emancipation, the Reform Bills, and Municipal Re- form. The Tories now said that all those questions were " settled" ; but in the progress of human affairs new opinions must always be arising, and the party who declared every thing to be " settled " could not „be depended upon for further improvement however necessary. This brought Lord Rolnick to the proposed change in the Corn-laws. The Whigs were proceeding cautiously towards a more liberal policy ; but the Tories insisted upon retaining, under the name of " protection " the most arbitrary restrictions. He had opposed the bill of 1828; and what had been its result ?- " I remember since this act was passed, nearly half of the years which have gone by have been years of agricultural distress. I know, in the years 1833, 1835, and 1836, a large proportion of the time of the House of Commons was occupied by the consideration of complaints, and just complaints, of agricul- tural distress. If I look on the other side, I also see the law which in many years worked most disadvantageously for the landed interest, working still more so for the manufacturing and commercial interests. Can any man doubt that the stagnation of trade of which you have cause to complain at this moment in this town—cau any man doubt the difficulties by which all the great branches of industry are encumbered, arise very much from the consequences of bad harvests, aggravated by the existing Corn-law ; a law which seems carefully and studiously devised for the purpose of filling all classes with vain expecta- tions which are not to be realized ? "

He could not confide in Sir Robert Peel's Administration, but he would not factiously oppose it-

" Whenever his measures appear to me to be right and calculated to pro- mote the good of the country, those measures, notwithstanding my vote of want of confidence in him and his Government, shall receive my fair and sinc.re support. But upon all questions which imply confidence in that Ad- ministration, it will be impossible for me to vote in his favour. I say it will be impossible, because, during the fifteen years I have been in Parliament, I have found myself almost uniformly taking a different view of public affairs and of public interests from Sir Robert Peel; because, if I look back to Sir Robert Peel's past career, it appears to me he has shown himself most lamentably de- ficient us that foresight and judgment as to what are the real interests of the country, which are the most essential qualities of the real statesman. And, gentlemen, if this is my judgment with respett to Sir Robert Peel—whose talents, notwithstanding, I greatly admire—the allies whom he has called to join him in the Cabinet certainly do not tend to conciliate more of my confi- dence to him."

He especially mistrusted his alliance with the two great advocates of the Corn-law, the Duke of Buckingham and Sir Edward KnatchbulL He admitted, however, that the verdict of the country had been in Sir Robert's favour- " The verdict of the country (I will not now inquire for what reasons) has been given against those Ministers who lately were in her Majesty's council& For one, I am not discouraged by this event; I think there are many reasons, into which I will not now enter, that may explain what has occurred : but I am perm:ailed, though the power and patronage may for the present be trans- ferred to our opponents, there is a steady advance of public opinion in favour of those great principles of Liberal policy on which I am now here to solicit your votes. It is upon this conviction I appear among you."

As soon as he had finished his speech, Lord Howick resumed his canvass.

After the delivery of this speech both the candidates several times addressed the electors ; Lord Howick's cause being reinforced by the ac- cession of Sir George Grey, who came to the town on purpose to make speeches in his favour. In the interval before the nomination, charges of bribery were launched on both sides ; and while the Tories accuse their opponents of raising a report that Colonel Thompson or Mr. Feargus O'Connor would stand, the Liberals charge their opponents with procuring a stout man to appear when Colonel Thompson was ex- pected, and canvass the Chartists in favour of Mr. Attwood. Colonel Thompson had consented to stand, on the supposition that no Liberal was in the field; but hearing that Lord Howick was a candidate, he would not oppose him, but promised to contest the borough on some future occasion : in the mean time he was put in nomination in order to ascertain the feeling of the borough in his favour.

The nomination took place on Wednesday. The town was crowded to excess ; and the excitement was increased by the holding of a grand bazaar on that and the previous day, in aid of funds for building a church at Seaham Harbour ; the Marchioness of Londonderry being present as patroness of the show. The election was held in front of the Exchange Buildings. Lord Londonderry was among the spectators of the scene at the windows of the Saddle Inn. Lord Howick was proposed by Mr. W. Featherstonehaugh and seconded by Mr. Clayton ; Mr. Wolverley Attwood by Dr. Miller and Mr. R. Seurfield; Colonel Thompson by Mr. Mowatt and Mr. Alfred Cull's., Chartists.

Lord Howick began his address by disclaiming personal animos ty towards his opponent and hoping that no elector would be put to incon- venience on account of the vote which he might give; for he had dis- covered in le course of his canvass, that parties had been, threatened that if they voted as they wished they s'muld suffer in some way or another. He hoped none of his own friends would ac in that way ; but if such a system were pursued, it was almost too much to expect from human nature that a bad example would not be followed. The re- mainder of Lord Howick's long speech was chiefly devoted to a de- velopment of the necessity and merits of the Whig Free Trade propo- sitions. The very thing that procured his rejection for Northumberland, his support of the repeal of the Corn-laws, ought to secure his return for Sunderland, which would so much benefit by the measure. A person in the crowd asked if Lord Howick would support Extension of the f'uffra,ge ; but he declined answering all the questions that might be put to him.

Mr. Attwood then addressed the electors. They had to choose, he said, between a candidate intimately connected with the Govern- ment that had been dismissed from office by the voice of the country, and one pledged to no Government, 'hough he should support Sir Ro- bert Peel's, and help to secure it a fair trial ; between a determined psuporter of the New Poor-law, and a determined opponent of that rieasure ; between a man intimately connected with the commercial interests of the country and their borough, and one who had nothing whatever at stake in those interests, lie repudiated the charge of b-ibery urged against his party ; but he took the fact of its leaving been niade as a good omen for the result of the election : in Northumberland Lord Howick was a candidate, similar charges were mate, and Lord Howick was defeated. If Lord Howick attached so much importance to his colleagues' measures of Free Trade, ho w was it that they had not promoted them until just as they were going out of office ? When 'speaking of Free Trade, Lord Howick ha I forgotten to mention the a!teration of the Timber-duties, which would be so injurious to the trade of SUE derlaud.

Mr. Binns next addressed the electors on 'rehalf of Colonel Thompson. On the show of hands being taken, it was declared to be in favour of the Colonel. A poll was demanded for the Cher two candidates ; but Colonel Thompson's friends declined to proceed with it on his part. At the close of the poll on Thursday, the numbers, according to the Whig account, were—for Howiek, 700; Attwood, 453.

The election for Bridport, on Wednesday, passed off in unusual quiet. The only candidate was Mr. Alexander Dundas Ross Wishard 33aillie Cochrane, a Tory. The correspondent of the Times says, that he threatened, if his return were opposed, to disfranchise the borough by exposing its bribery and corruption. He was proposed by Dr.

eddle, and seconded by Mr. R. Tucker. His speech was rather a strange one : he expressed great diffidence as to his power and ability to supply the place of Mr. Warburton— During his canvass at the last clecti- a, on asking many electors for their votes, and telling them that it would be nis earnest endeavour to do good to the town, several of them, to his astonishment, said that they did not look upon it es the peculiar province of a candidate to contribute to the happiness of the town he represented, but to represent their polities' views. He took a different view. When they considered all political institutk as, what was the result they anticipated ? The happiness of the many; and he thought that a person who represented a borough ought to endeavour to increase the happiness and pros- perity of the individuals he represented.

Mr. Warburton had behaved to him in so kind a manner, that he had felt it his pleasure and duty to write to him and thank him warmly and sincerely for his courtesy. Having been declared the Member for the borough, this diffident successor to Radical Mr. Warburton made an- other speech, looking forward with glee to the sitting with Colonel 33rnen, Mr. West, and Mr. Grogan—.

The present Government had come into office with the support, not merely of the great agricultural interests of the country, but also of the manufac- turing towns. Their majority of ninety-one was not confined to the agricultural districts merely ; nor was it confined to England, for Ireland had done its due. It would be a proud thing for him to take his seat on the same benches as the representatives of Carlow and of Dublin ; and he did think it would be a proud thing for Bridport to find on the first great division that that majority of ninety- one was enlarged to ninety-three.

Having finished with a poetic eulogium on Sir Robert Peel, Mr. Cochrane was chaired through the town, followed by an immense pro- cession of horsemen and waggons decorated with evergreens and favours.

Bradford was smartly contested by Mr. William Busfield, formerly the Liberal Member, and Mr. William Wilberforce; who was elected for Hull in 1837 but unseated on petition. The nomivation took place on Tuesday. Mr. Busfield was proposed by Mr. Robert Milligan, and seconded by Mr. Joshua Lupton ; Mr. Wilberforce by Mr. Garnett Horsfall and Mr. Cowling Ackro) d. Mr. Busfield spoke very briefly ; referring to former statements of his well-known opinions, and declaring his adherence to progressive reform and especially to a reform of the Corn-laws. Mr. Wilberforce then addressed the electors ; and when he had done, a Mr. Wilkinson interrogated the two candidates as to their views on the subject of Free Trade. The show of bands was then taken, and it was in favour of Mr. Wilberforce. A poll was demanded for Mr. Busfield. During the remainder of I 3 day and night the town was patrolled by both parties, to prevent the kidnapping of voters; and several encounters took place, but no very serious violence is men- tioned. At the close of the poll, on Wednesday, the numbers, according to the Liberal account, were—for Busfield, 526; for Wilberforce, 522. The Tory account gives Mr. Busfield one less.

On Wednesday, Lord Leveson was elected for Lichfield, in the room of Sir George Anson, who has retired. There was no Opposition; Captain Dyott, the Tory candkate at the last election, whom some ex- pected to stand, prefers trying his chance of unseating Lord Alfred Paget, against whose return he has petitioned. Lord Leveson treated his election much like a family arrangement— but to him it was a source of special gratification : his noble father was Watched into public life by the kindness of the citizens of Lichfield.

Lord Leveson seemed to be in the greatest doubt as to the future conduct of either of the great parties. The Whigs were in opposition ; but what course it was their intention to pursue be could not pretend to know ; he hoped their opposition would not be of a factious character. 14e doubted whether the new Government would be able, in the Home Department, to pursue the conciliatory policy which had disarmed the Chartists and pacified Ireland; he doubted whether, in finance, they would show the same disposition to relieve the burdens of the country ; he questioned whether, in the Colonial Department, the same wisdom and circumspection would be observed which under Lord John Russell and Sydenham had conferred the blessings of peace upon Canada ; he doubted whether the Church would derive as much benefit from the present as from the late Administration ; and lastly, he doubted whether, in the conduct of foreign affairs, the same persevering policy, the same courage, and the same talent, would be manifested. Lord Leveson was chaired in due form.

The inhabitants of New Mills and its neighbourhood met in the open air on Monday last, in pursuance of a previous requisition to the Constable, to agitate for the Repeal of the Corn-laws. The con- course of persons was very considerable. The meeting was addressed by Mr. J. Rothwell, Mr. Nathan Hutton, the Reverend J. W. Mortis, Mr. W. Wellor, the Reverend Mr. Simons, and Mr. Thomas Gisborne. Resolutions were passed, which declared that the distress of the opera- tives of New Mills and its vicinity had now gone beyond all former parallel ; that restrictions on the import of the necessaries of life was therefore more painfully unjust than ever ; and that such restrictions are both ungodly in principle and ruinous in practice. A petition for the abolition of the Corn-laws was agreed upon, to be sent to Mr. Villiers for the presentation to the House of Commons.

On Wednesday, a very numerous meeting of the inhabitants of Wal- sall was held at the Guildhall, and adjourned to the large room of the Dragon Inn, to petition the Queen not to prorogue Parliament till both houses shall discuss the Free Trade recommendation in the Royal Speech, and especially the foreign trade in corn. The resolutions proposed were all passed unanimously.

On Tuesday night, a meeting of the inhabitants of Brighton, con- vened by the High Constable in pursuance of a requisition, was held at the large room at the Town-hall. Nearly 2,000 persons assembled. The object of the meeting was to petition Parliament for an Extension of' the Suffrage and the Vote by Ballot ; but it also served the purpose of

enabling Mr. Wigney to explain his recent vote against Mr. Sharman Crawford's Universal Suffrage amendment to the Commons' address to to the Queen. A great number of the Chartist inhabitants attended. The High Constable took the chair, ex officio, at seven o'clock ; shortly after which the Borough Members made their appearance. Mr. Wigney, who entered first, was greeted with mingled hisses and cheers, the former predominating ; while Captain Pechell was most warmly ap- plauded; the Chartists, for the first time since the Captain has repre- sented the town, cheering him vociferously, and accompanying their plaudits by the waving of hats. After resolutions for carrying out the .

objects of the meeting had been passed, the Borough Members addressed the meeting, and expressed their concurrence in those resolutions. Mr.

Wigney then went into an explanation of his vote on Mr. Crawford's motion : he objected, not to its principle, but to the time when it was brought forward. He claimed for himself that free exercise of judg- ment which he allowed to others, and the vote in question was a matter of judgment—

He quarrelled with no man for having voted for the motion ; but he must say, that according to his own judgment the principles of that motion were not involved at all in the vote, and that it was highly injudicious to bring forward

sentiments and opinions so valuable, so important, at that time, when the mover must have known that it was impossible to get a fair hearing or to get a debate upon them. It was even admitted by some of his greatest friends that Mr. Crawford was committing an error and doing a disservice to the great cause, instead of promoting it, as he wished. It was under those feelings alone that he voted as he did.

When Mr. Wigney had ceased he was lectured by one or two persons in the meeting. Mr. Coiling told him, that if Mr. Crawford's motion

was ill-timed, still he ought to hare supported it, and let the error rest

in the right place—with Mr. Crawford himself; instead of voting with the Tories against the Radical principle. When Mr. Wigney appealed

to the secession of Mr. Roebuck, Mr. Hawes, and others, some one cried—" But they walked out, and you voted with the Tories." Mr. Woodward was the most bitter of the erring Member's castigators— Did Mr. Wigney suppose they had forgotten his pledge to follow in the foot- steps of their worthy and gallant representative ? (Captain Pechen.) Mr. Crawford's motion was a very excellent motion ; it was also well-timed ; and Mr. Wigney was the only man professing Liberal opinions who voted against it. He (Mr. Woodward) was really proud of Captain Pechell : he was intro- duced to the town by the Tories ; he was supported by the most aristocratic Whigs and Tories; but he had left Whigsgery, he had left Toryism' and he had joined fully and faithfully the Radical interest. The difference between the two Members was this—one came out as an oat-and-oat Radical, and was found voting with the Tories; the other came out and was supposed to be a Tory, and was found voting with the Radicals.

Mr. Wigney said that he was not prepared to follow any one blindly : give him fair time and place, and he believed he should not be found

wanting. Mr. Durrant said that he should still support Captain Peahen and Mr. Wigney ; and be would at once propose a vote of confidence in the latter. Mr. Hilton hoped that the motion would not be pressed ; at which the meeting laughed, and no more was said abOut it. The assemblage then broke up.

Doncaster Races began on Tuesday. The reporters are most doleful upon the manifest decrease of interest in these once popular races. Ohe of them thus roundly asserts the fact— "For the last three or four seasons truth has obliged es to admits progressive decline; and we are now reduced to the necessity of either blinking the ques- tion, or of stating in plain terms that the St. Leger of 1841 has in every imaginable feature fallen below the worst of its predecessors. The assemblage on the coarse was in unison with the general character of the meeting—that is, it was large per se, but, in comparison with former years, at least fifty per cent, below par. The Grand Stand alone came near the standard, but even there the display of rank and beauty was meagre in the extreme."

Lord Maidstone, Lord G. Bentinck, the Marquis of Normanby, Lord Chesterfield, Sir David Baird, Colonel Anson, and Mr. G. S. Byng iere among the company. The apparent condition and promise of the crack horse Coronation was matter of great anxiety to the turf folks-

" His appearance and manner on entering the paddock were watched with eager cariosity, and various were the opinions expressed on the subject : the majority were satisfied that he looked 'quite fit ;' but a select few fancied that he was rather 'fleshy,' and augured unfavourably from an occasional pull at the bridle, and a few kicks from the lad who was on his back. 'lie goes slug- gish, and unlike himself,' was the verdict of his party. Just before the races, the betting stood at 2 to 1 on Coronation, 5 to 1 against Satirist, 12 to one against Van Amburgh, and 16 to 1 against Eringo. No others were mentioned. The singular fact is noted, that Coronation's jockey, was not fixed on till within three hours of the race. Chapple and Sam Darling were both started as chosen, and each was betted on freely as the adopted, for some time before it became finally known that John Day was engaged.

The Four-year-old Stakes of 20 sovereigns each, with 50 added by the Corporation, were first run for by Colonel Cradock's Gallipot and Mr. Meiklam's Broadwath ; Gallipot, ridden by G. Marson, was the easy 'winner.

Next were contested the Handicap Stakes of 10 sovereigns each, with '70 added by the inukepers of Doncaster. Nine horses started. The race was won easily by Mr. Heseltine's The Shadow Heseltine riding ; the

second and third horses being Sir C. Monck's Shadow, and Lord Ches- terfield's All Fours. The race of the Great St. Leger was won by the Marquis of Westminster's Satirist. The following horses started—

Lord Westminster's b. c. Satirist, by Pantaloon (Scott)

Mr. Rawlinson's b. c. Coronation, by Sir Hercules (J. Day) 2

Mr. Bell's b. c. The Squire, by The Saddler (Heseltine) 0

CoL Cradock's b. c. Pagan! by Muley Moloch (Templeman) CI

Mr. S. King's b. c. Cattonian, by Muley Moloch (J. Holmes) 0 Col. Crauford's b. f. Ermengardis, by Langer (Cartwright) 0 Lord Wesminster's b. c. Van Amburgh, by Pantaloon (Nat) 0 Mr. Thornhil's ch. c. Eringo, by Emelius P. Conolly) 0 Mr. Gascoigne's b. c. Jack Sheppard, by S oltaire (Marson) 0 Mr. Gascoigue's ch. c. Quilt Arnold, by Langar (Lye) 0

Mr. Vansittart's b. c. Galaor, by Maley Moloch (Wakefield) 0

The race is thus reported-

" Latest betting-2 to I on Coronation, 6 to 1 against Satirist, 7 to 1 against Van Amburgb, 16 to 1 against The Squire, 18 to 1 against Eringo, and 50 to 1 against Galaor. The horses got off with only one failure. Cattonian took the lead, followed by Coronation and Scott's two; and in this order they ran to the gravel road, where Coronation took up the running at a steady pace, Van Amburgh lying behind, Satirist and Cattonian next, and then the ruck. The Squire and Galaor were in the rear. At the mile-post Satirist and Van Amburgh changed places, and Cattonian fell back, Mingo being now in an advanced position. In making the Red House turn, Eringo failed in an at- tempt to reach the leading horses ; and Pagan met with the same want of suc- cess. The Squire now showed in front ; but having to go round his horses, he did not reach Satirist till half-way between the lied House and the road ; he then took his ground, and in company with Satirist, waited on the crack to the distance, where Satirist went up and headed Coronation about a neck ; John Day here gave his horse a pull, but it was evident that he was in difficulty; he certainly rallied at the stand, but tired every stride from want of condition, and was beaten in the struggle home by half a neck. The Squire was about three parts of a length behind Coronation ; Pagan was fourth, Van Amburgh and Ermeng,ardis fifth and sixth, and Jack Sheppard seventh: Galaor and Eringo, we believe, were the last two. Value of the stakes, 3,5001. The race was run in three minutes twenty-two seconds. It seems to be the common opinion that Coronation lost the race from want of adequate preparation; and if it be true that he sweated on Thursday last and never had a gallop from that time up to the hour of starting, he cannot be said to have been beaten on Itis merits.'

The Two-year-old Produce Stakes, of 100 sovereigns each, won by Lord Westminster's Auckland, who beat Mr. Garforth's gray filly by the Saddler, in a canter ; Nat riding. There was a good race for the Cleveland Stakes of 20 sovereigns each, with 50 added by the Corpora- tion. Mr. Meiklam's Broadwath, ridden by Cartwright, here beat cleverly" Lord Eglintoun'a Dr. Caius and Mr. Watson's Milksop ; the betting before the race having been 6 and 7 to 4 on Dr. Caius, and 4 to 1 against Milksop, with no quotation about Broadwath.

On Wednesday, few races were run. For the Foal Stakes of 100 sovereigns each, the course was walked over by the Marquis of West-

Minster's Van Amburgh. Mr. Orde's Beeswing carried off the Don- caster Stakes of 10 sovereigns each in the same manner. The Selling Stakes of 10 sovereiggs each, the winner to be sold for 200/., were taken by Mr. Edison's The Recorder, from six other horses. The Corpora- tion Plate of 301. was gained by Mr. Heseltine's Shadow.

On Thursday, the Gascoigne Stakes, of 100 sovereigns each, were *on by the Marquis of Westminster's Van Amburgh; the Two-year-old Stakea by Colonel Anson's Attila; the Three-year-old Stakes by Mr. Thornhill's Ermine; and the Cup of 150/. by Mr. Orde's Beeswing.

The Corporation of Doncaster have taken alarm at the serious de- crease of patronage their races have received: they appointed a depu- tation to meet the chief noblemen and gentlemen who are the real sup- porters of the course, and consider on what steps should be taken to raise their meeting up to its former importance. The deputation pro- posed several alterations in matters of form but were tardy in pro- mising to increase their subscriptions. Lord G. Bentinck, to shame them into liberality, quoted the much larger sums given by Liverpool, Newcastle, Wolverhampton, Goodwood, and Ascot, although Doncaster was so wealthy a corporation. The deputation retired promising to call a meeting of their body to consider what could be done.

At the adjourned meeting, on Wednesday, the deputation for the Corporation announced that they were instructed to place 500/. at the disposal of the Steward, in addition to the 200 guineas for the cup: but they were told that unless they made the gross contribution of the Cor- poration 1,000/., the noblemen and gentlemen could not continue their support to the races. They retired to take fresh instructions, promising a further reply next morning.

A frightful accident happened on the Bristol and Exeter Railroad, at Bridgewater, on Saturday afternoon. While a tender was employed in transferring a Bristol train from one line to the other, the Exquisite stage-coach, with passengers for Exeter, was in the act of passing over

the rails ; when the tender struck the fore part of the coach, and shivered it to pieces. The hind-wheels, with a part of the body of the coach, were forced off the line by the violence of the shock, and fell over, while the passengers were scattered about in every direction.. The horses, from the complete smash of the coach, were liberated, and escaped with but little injury. Six persons are more or less injured. Mr. Burford of Bristol, one of the passengers, was removed to the Cla- rence Hotel, where he lay suffering under a concussion of the brain and other internal injuries : his head was so far jammed under one of the wheels of the tender, that he could not be extricated until the engine was backed; another inch and his skull would have been crushed to atoms. Johns, the driver of the Exquisite, and Hatchwell, the Sheriff's Assize coachman are both seriously mangled. The other passengers have escaped with some serious bruises. Ann Gore, a poor old woman of seventy-three, who had just crossed the railroad, was caught by the falling coach, and is very dangerously hurt : she was taken to the Bridgewater Infirmary, when it was found that both bones of one leg were broken close to the ankle-joint, a considerable portion of the skull laid bare, and there was a frightful contusion over one of the temples.