18 SEPTEMBER 1847, Page 16

AIR. HOWISON'S HISTORY OF VIRGINIA.

THE " old Dominion," as the Virginians still fondly call their State, has several striking features connected with its history. It was the first settlement attempted by the Anglo-Saxon race in America ; it boasted Elizabeth for its patroness, and Raleigh for its founder. The struggles, privations, and indeed destruction, the first colonists underwent, are not only interesting as a story, but contain examples of colonial warning which have not always been sufficiently studied. Having been founded in the main by Cavaliers and gentlemen, though somewhat " deboshed " and broken-down, the effect of blood and hereditary habits yet survives, and the Virginians are still the gentlemen of America. The same cause rendered the colony loyal : it was the last place that acknowledged the power of the Commonwealth, and then only upon handsome terms; but a strong practical love of freedom was mingled with the loyalty. This was partly the effect of distance, and the fact that misgovernment came home to the business and pockets of the Virginians, directly and nakedly; partly to the training which the free and liberal system of a public com- pany introduced into the colonial rule and institutions, as well as to the greater consideration shown to the colonists, who were really the customers of the " undertakers": and during its earliest years Virginia was governed by a company with more or less of the spirit of Democracy. Smith, the real father of the colony, united in himself the character of knight- errant and ruler; • and other Governors were distinguished by strength of character either for good or evil. The Indian wars of Virginia were not so long continued or so varied as those of the Northern States ; and from its position the colony was not so exposed to European attack, or to the involvements of foreign colonial warfare : but it was closely con- nected with the most disastrous event of our military-colonial history, the defeat of Braddock ; and its wars served as the training-field of George Washington. Strongly Church-of-England, Virginia did not es- cape the intolerant spirit of the age, but her annals are not stained with the bloody and persecuting spirit that characterized those of the New England States.

These striking circumstances in her colonial history furnish ample ma- terials for an interesting narrative. Mr. Howison is competent to under- take this ; though his style, founded originally upon Gibbon, but ma- tured in the school of American grandiloquence, is too rhetorical to be varied or characteristic of his subjects, and sometimes passes into the turgid or untrue by dint of hyperbole. Graham and Bancroft, especially the latter, in their histories of the United States, have seized upon the more prominent features of Virginia's history, and presented them with that effect which attends a general view where details are discarded ; so that the outline of what Howison has to tell is known already. As a narrative, however, his volume may be praised as a well-arranged account of persons and events, notwithstanding the literary faults of in- flation we have mentioned, and a disposition to exaggerate the national merits, though with little of the vulgar Democratic spirit which distin- guishes the herd of American writers. Mr. Howison's studies, and the "old dominion" together, have taught him that there are differences both of time and place; facts which so many of his countrymen have yet to learn.

But all history, and especially a colonial history, (which must of neces- sity be devoid of great events, or even of first-rate historical characters,) requires a critical acumen to render it of value; and in this Mr. Howison is deficient, both in a philosophical and a literary point of view. If we could get at the origin of nations, it would probably be found that their character and career were owing to the objects of their first founders, and the circumstances under which the foundation took place. In the Old World this view cannot be obtained; sometimes from the want of sufficient

data, as in the instances of Egypt, Greece, Rome, and the Asiatic monarchies ; in other cases, from the great complexity of the materials, as in Spain, France, and England, the shortest period of which was a thousand years. In modern colonies, especially in those of North America, we can get a merer view of the principles which induced their foundation, as well as of the character of their founders; while from charters and other ori- ginal documents the complete facts of their origin are laid bare. The philosophical importance of drawing this deduction, where the means

exist for doing so, are obvious : its literary importance in giving unity and pervading interest to a subject whose form is disjointed, is shown by

Ranke in his History of the Servians, and in a lesser degree by Bancroft in his History of the United States ; but its use and advantage have been, overlooked by Mr. Howison. He not only does not see them, or assist the reader to see them, but he does not always even give the reader the means of seeing them for himself. Holding opposite opinions from those of the generality of historians as to the merits of the Colonization Com- panies, Mr. Howison enters at some length into that question, with a view to prove that the government of the Companies was really liberal and good, and not deserving of the destruction with which James the First pursued them, or of the attacks made upon them by succeeding writers. Mr. Howison also makes a vague observation on the probable effects pro- duced in Virginia by the preponderance of gentlemen among the first settlers. But these are only passing remarks : the animating spirit and its pervading influence on the colony are not developed.

A similar failing may be noted in the literary execution. The plan of the work is too much by pattern, and of rather a vulgar kind. The dis- covery of America and the voyages of the Cabots are entered upon rather fully, as if they were necessary preludes to the foundation of Virginia ; and the author has a disquisition to prove that it was fortunate the American Colonies were not founded earlier than they were—not bad in itself; but scholastic, and out of place. Neither does he seem to draw a proper distinction between original authorities and compilers or non-con- temporary historians ; though the best of the latter can only be used as interpreters or literary guides. In one case, indeed, he refers to a mo- dern novel among his authorities I

This absence of the truer perception of history, coupled with his rhe- torical taste, sometimes leads Mr. Howison to include in his narrative topics that have rather a relation to it than form a part of it. Thus, in telling the sad fate of the second set of colonists who attempted to found a settlement, but of whom no traces were ever met with, he books on to their destruction the death of Sir Richard Grenville, (who had no other con- nexion with the matter than that of having been one of the first pro- jectors of the colony); seemingly because it affords scope for an interesting episode.

"If, in closing this mournful page in the history of Virginia, a feeling heart could consent to have its sadness yet farther increased, it might with generous sympathy turn to the fate of the leaders who had so nobly striven for the suc- cess of the colonists. In an age of great men, Sir Richard Grenville was the bravest of the brave. In 1591, he commanded the Revenge, in the squadron of Lord Thomas Howard, when they were suddenly surprised at the Azores by an overwhelming Spanish fleet, sent out to convoy their merchantmen. Lord How- ard and all of his squadron, except the Revenge, got to sea and madegood their retreat; but the heroic Grenville was left to cope single-handed with fifty-seven armed ships of Spain. History does not record a scene of more desperate heroism than was now displayed. From three o'clock in the afternoon until daybreak, he combated with numbers who poured upon him from every point. Fifteen times the Spaniards gained the deck of the Revenge, and as often were they driven back by English valour. At length, when his deck was slippery with the blood of his bravest men, himself bleeding from many wounds, his powder nearly exhausted and his ship a perfect wreck, the unconquerable Grenville proposed to his crew at once to sink their bark and leave no trophy to their enemy. But, though many applauded, this rash proposal was overruled; the Revenge struck her colours; and two days after, Grenville died of his wounds aboard the Admiral's ship. In his own words, he had a 'joyful and quiet mind' in death, and his enemies could not refuse their admiration to a heroism so exalted and triumphant even in defeat."

EARLY SETTLERS IN VIRGINIA.

In the vessels there embarked beyond the regular crews, one hundred and five persona to form the settlement. And it does not seem extravagant to assert, that Virginia has felt through all her subsequent history the influence of these first settlers in giving a peculiar bias to her population. Besides the six gentle- men intended for the Council, and Mr. Robert Hunt, a minister of the gospel, we find the names of more than fifty Cavalier; who are carefully reckoned in the shipping-list as "gentlemen," and who were better fitted for the adventures of the dtawingroom than for the rade scenes of the American forest. Disappointed in hope and reduced in fortune, these restless wanderers sought the New World with desire for exciting adventure and speedy wealth. Among them was George Percy, a member of a noble family and brother to the Earl of Northumberland. In this singular band we note but eleven professed labourers, four carpenters, one black- smith, one bricklayer, and one mason; but we are not surprised to find a barber to aid in making the toilet of the "gentlemen," a tailor to decorate their persons, and a drummer to contribute to their martial aspirations!

The great staple of Virginia, which for many years served, like the cocoa of Mexico, at once as a chief commodity and a medium of exchange, is not overlooked by Mr. Howison ; and perhaps he makes too much of Its commonplaces. " From views of domestic pleasure we torn to the general interests of a colony which may now at last be considered as permanent. Virginia had heretofore had no staple which promised to yield regular returns to her productive industry. Plank was liable to injury, and required much labour. Tar, pitch, and turpen- tine, pot and pearl ashes, were produced in Europe far cheaper than inexperienced hands in the settlement could make them; vines and silk-worms demanded a dense population and technical skill; gold and silver had at length, though most reluctantly, been abandoned as dreams. In this juncture the colonists turned their eyes upon a weed of which the history deserves an exalted place among the tecorda of human vagaries. Revolting to an unvitiated taste, abhorred by the brute creation, fatal even to the insects that men profess most to dislike, this weed has yet gained its way from the pouch of the beggar to the household stores of the monarch upon his throne. it has affected commerce through her every vein, caused disputes between a king and his subjects, and excited royal genius to un- wonted literary efforts; and with equal truth may we say, that it has often enve- loped the brave in smoke, and stimulated the drooping and the despondent. We need scarcely mention the name of tobacco. Walter Raleigh first made it fashion- able in England, and smoked so vigorously, that his servant, in alarm, poured over his head and face the generous ale intended to aid in its effect. Elizabeth paid her favourite a wager, which he fairly won, by weighing the smoke produced from a certain quantity of this weed; and her Majesty has been suspected of having regaled her own royal system with a pipe from time to time. James hated It with unquenchable fury, drew upon it his pen, and shot forth a ' Counterblast against Tobacco,' to convince the world that it was the appropriate luxury of the Evil One, and that its smoke was as the vapour of the bottomless pit. " This plant was known to the Indians throughout almost the whole of the American continent. The French navigator Cartier had found it in Canada in 1535; but it then excited in his crews nothing but disgust. Ralph Lane carried it from Carolina to England in 1586; and it soon became a luxury used by the rich and coveted by the poor. The Spaniards in the South had long cultivated it, and made it a source of profitable traffic. The Virginians, finding men more willing to pay for the exciting and the agreeable than the useful, now determined to make this weed the staple of their laud; and from the year 1615 to the present time it has been always her pro3uct, sometimes her support often her bane. Her rich soil and warm suns were well adapted to its wants. Instantly all were full of diligence and commotion in raising the new staple; fields were opened and pre- pared, trees were felled, and every spot of cleared land was appropriated to the precious weed. Corn and other grain were so much neglected, that they were again threatened with scarcity, and driven to endanger their peace with the In- dians by demanding from them supplies. So violent was the tobacco mania, that Dale thought it necessary to restrain it by law; and yet when two years after- wards Argot came from England as Governor to Virginia, he found the church in decay, and the yard, the market-square, the very streets of Jamestown, full of the plants of this much-esteemed commodity. the people were glowing with the belief that they had discovered a superior mode of drying by suspending it on lines instead of piling it in heaps; and it is related, that by large importations for this purpose the demand fur small cord became great in the mother-country."

The following remarks on slavery may be taken as an example of the author's discursive style, and of the feelings of the Virginian on " the Southern institution." It is, too, almost the only passage in the volume in which the subject is alluded to even incidentally, or with reference to individuals ; as if an European historian should omit serfdom.

"An incident now presents itself upon which none who have proper feel- ings can look without melancholy interest, and which few Englishmen or Arno-

rictus can regard without deep humiliation. It is not a purpose here entertained to enter upon a history of slavery; to go back to the time when man first bought and sold his fellow creatures, or when, under the Divine constitution, it first be- came lawful for one mortal to control another as his property. Whatever may be

the ravings of fanaticism on this subject, it is certain that the father of the faith- ful, the chosen servant of the Almighty, owned and governed slaves in a mode as

absolute as any that had ever prevailed in the Southern States of the American

Union. It is also certain that the inspired apostle of Christ, who enjoyed more abundant revelations than any other writer of the New Testament, has laid down

laws to govern the relation of master and slave; thus proving it to be lawful. For neither has the Deity, nor have righteous men, at any time given laws to re- gulate an unlawful relation, as that of adulterer and adulteress, receiver and thief. But upon a subject which has excited and is still producing so profound emotion in the world, we will not enter the arena of debate. Inexorable necessity alone could induce the people of Virginia to continue an institution which, how-

ever lawful, is not desirable; which has been entailed upon them by British an- cestors; which they have perseveringly struggled to mitigate; and from which they hope finally to see their land wholly delivered. It is rather the duty of the historian to trace evils to their sources, and, without fear or malice, to attach cen- sure to those who have rendered themselves ingloriously. immortal by giving birth to ills which are destined to curse the world when their bodies have during ages slumbered in the dust.

" England has always held slaves under her control: villeins in the feudal Aga, kidnapped Africans under Elizabeth, Negroes in her American islands, White

children in the mines and factories upon her own soil, conquered Hindoos in her vast East Indian domain. Nevertheless, it is true that the bondman who now touches her soil becomes free, and may have a writ of habeas corpus' to secure his liberty. So skilful is she in retaining the substance without the form, in giving to her poets and orators a phantom upon which to waste their eloquence, while she relaxes not her grasp upon the enslaved spirit thus disembodied. Sir John Hawkins was the first Englishman of note who openly engaged in the slave- trade. In 1562, he visited Africa, enticed the unsuspecting Negroes aboard his ship, attacked and captured a large number of a hostile tribe, promised them all much comfort under the pleasant skies of Hispaniola, sold them to the Spaniards upon that island, and returned to England with a rich freight of pearls, sugar, and ginger,' to excite his countrymen to emulation, and to allay the qualms of the Queen's conscience by displays of wealth andpromises of great moderation in his future kidnappings. Thus, while the Pope of Rome was steadily hurling ana- themas at this inhuman traffic, a Protestant princess received it under her espe- cial care and countenance.

"But though England sanctioned the slave-trade, sold her own people into ser- vitude after the unhappy rebellion of Monmouth in the reign of James IL, and afterwards contributed heavily to swell the number of Africans on the soil of America, yet she did not originally introduce them. James I. was content to prepare the minds of the colonists for enslaving their innocent fellow beings, by

sending guilty wretches from Britain to servitude in the settlement. In August 1620, a Dutch man-of-war sailed up the James, landed twenty Negroes from the African coast, and soon obtained a sale for them from the planters, who were wil- ling at any expense either of money or of feeling to secure suitable labourers for their lucrative staple. We will not further dwell upon this circumstance, or upon its results. The number was small, but the practice was commenced: the virus was introduced into the blood of the patient, and centuries perchance will yet elapse ere she will recover from its influences."

The present volume only comes down to the Peace of Paris, in 1763: another is to trace the history of Virginia during the Revo- lution, and the subsequent independence of the province as a Federal State.