Etiratto nut( rntrbiug inVarlicantut,

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

HOusit OPIARDS. Monday, April 14. Church Building Act, read a second time— Railroads in the South of Ireland—Government of British Guiana; Lord Stanley and Earl Gnsr—Houseadjourned, for the Easter Recess, till Thursday-the 1st of May. Hoven OP Coscreoxs. Monday, April 14. St. Alban's Election—Equestrians in the Parks—Westminster Bridge—Income-tax Bill; second reading postponed till after Easter-Assessed Taxes Act, considered in Committee Resolutions for a new Rouse-tax, in Rea of the old House-tax proportioned to windows, debated, and agreed to-Coffee and Timber Duties Act, considered in Committee; Resolution for lowering duties agreed to—Supply Committee : Decorations of the new Houses of Pariiament—sEr,penses of Prosecutions Bill, read a third time, and passed. Tuesday, April 15. Mortality in Rilrush Union—Admission to the Cathedrals of England—Government Trade in School-books—Order of Public Business—St. Al- ban's Election-British Relations with the Caffres; Mr. Adderley's Motion for a Royal Commission, negatived by 129 to 59; Lord John Russell's Amendment for a Select Committee, carried by 128 to 60—House adjourned, for the Easter Recess, till Monday the 28th instant.

TIME- TABLE.

The Lords. The COMMIS&

Hour of Hour of Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment. Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday 55 fth Om Monday 4h (M) iii Om Tuesday 4h ..(m) 111 Om Sittings this Week, I ; Time. MA Om Sittings this Week, 2; Time. 18d urn — this Session, 40; - Ilk lent — this Session, 45; —28525 THE NEW HOUSE-TAX.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER had but little trouble in Com- mittee on the Assessed Taxes Act, in defence of his new House-duty. He explained, that the tax on windows was in strictness a house-tax, imposed by the Assessed Taxes Act in proportion to the windows in a house ; and then proposed his resolution, -that the tax shall be levied as a house-tax simply, at the rates already explained when he brought forward his amended Budget. The rate will be 6d. by the pound on the value [not the rental] of the favoured class of dwelling-houses-namely, on shop- houses, beer-houses, and farm-houses ; and it will be 9d. by the pound on the value of all other dwelling-houses : all dwelling-houses of a value below 20/. by the year will be exempt from tax.

The strictures recently uttered on the exemption, as needlessly extensive, were repeated with considerable force by Alderman SIDNEY and others ; and it was asserted that the houses liable under the present scale will be nearer to .500,000 than to 400,000 as Sir Charles Wood has assumed. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY moved an amendment, that gardens should be ex- cluded from the valuation. The thietrcamort of the EXCHEQUER de- fended the resolution as it stands : the words of the resolution are- " every inhabited dwelling-house, which with the household and other offices, yards, and gardens therewith occupied," &c.; those are the words of the Agseased Tax Act itself, and that act speci- fically limits the chargeable "gardens and pleasure-grounds" to oc- cupancies "no more than an acre in extent." Sir Charles notified his intention to introduce an exception in favour of market-gardens. Mr. Waxixv denounced the principle involved in Sir Charles Wood's expla- nation, as grossly favourable to noblemen with wide pleasure-grounds, in comparison with citizens who can only afford to hold a garden less than an acre in extent with their house. But the Chancellor of the Exchequer stood upon the words of the old act; and the amendment of Sir H. Wil- loughby was negatived without a division. Mr. PACKE had-an amendment to move, for extending the tax to houses of 10/. value and Sir Bar/Imam Ham, a proposal to refuse the tax altogether. The first was postponed till the latter should come on at some stage of the bill ; but subsequently the latter itself was thrown overboard. Sir Bastard's Hsu. stated, that if it be not competent for him this session to oppose the House-tax, he will certainly, on as early an.occasion as he can, move for leave to bring in a bill to repeal it. Amidst a discursive conversation of objection and modified approval, the resolutions received the assent of the House. Renecresig OF' DUTIES ON Tatsazn AND COFFEE.

IbiCommittamon thelfirabakcluties and.Cmtem-duties Acts, the CHAN- ctir,am.of the ItILCHEQUEER proposed Kis resolutions for levying on all Coffee, .Colonnt' laand Foreige, an equal duty of one-half the amount at presset..chargadaim.foreignrcelke ; and tfor Uweriisg the Timber-duties, both'Colonial and Foreign, du one- hat!. -The 'Coffee proposition elicited the protestations of Mr. THOMAS BARING and Mr. E. H. STANLEY ; the latter pouring forth a large quantity of detailed information to show how unjustly the equalization of duties will operate on Ceylon in comparison with Brazil ; but in the end _submitting, with the remark that he was aware his protest would be unavailing. The resolutions were agreed to.

BRITISH RELATIONS WITH THE CAFFREf3.

Mr. ADDERLEY presented a petition signed by the leading merchants of London who had any connexion with the Cape of Good Hope, in favour of the motion of which he had given notice, on the subject of the Caere War. The petitioners gave their cordial assent to the proposal which he now begged leave to submit, namely, " That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that she will be graciously pleased to appoint- one or more Commissioners, with instructions to pro- ceed to South Africa, to inquire and report as to the best mode of adjusting the re- lations between this country and the Caffre-tribes; and also, of determining the en- gagements entered into by her Majesty's High Commissioner in his settlement of the extended territory." At the present moment there is no government at the Cape of Good Hope, neither has there been one for a very long time. There was a theory of a government, which prescribed that the administration of the colony should be carried on by means of a Governor and a Council; but this theory it has been impossible to reduce to practice. The Council has not been filled up for a year and a half, and the Governor has acted upon his own undivided responsibility. Three propositions are now claiming the consideration of the House. The first, Mr. Adderley's own proposition, has for its object to wind up for ever those outstanding engagements, treaties, and agreements, into which her Majesty has entered with the tribes and settlers at the Cape, in order that, on the concession of representative government to the Cape, that colony may in future take the responsibility of its own defence. The Commission appointed in 1827, when Lord Charles Somerset was Governor of the Cape, and Lord Bathurst was Secretary for the Colonies, is a precedent. The second proposition, that of Lord John Russell, is not to put an end to the present policy, but to remove obstructions to it. Lord John would sub- stitute a Select Committee in place of the Royal Commission which Mr. Adderley proposes. But a Select Committee must consume a considerable time. They would have before them a variety of theories-from -military men, from philanthropic men, and from economic men, and before the ter- mination of the inquiry the object would be fatally lost in its extent. The third proposition, that of Sir William Molesworth, assumes that this country neither needs nor ought to institute an inquiry ; mid it aims at throwing -the responsibility of the future policy on the Executive alone. But the Executive has confessed its inability to ant practically, and there- fore this proposition throws the responsibility on the colony. That would be scarcely consistent with the justice, honour, and dignity of this country. After this country has framed a policy of its own, which has caused infinite disturbance and confusion on the spot, we are bound to wind up and finish that policy before we throw on the colony the task of instituting a new policy. But though there was this abjection to Sir William Molesworth's proposition in point of justice, Mr. Adderley admitted that it watt an effectual preposition; and for that reason, if he could not carry his own, lie should prefer it to Lord John Russell's proposition. The most dangerous feature of our policy towards the natives is its vacillating character. The system of encroachment, variable and uncertain, at one time letting the Caffros into their own country, and then driving them out of it, is neither vigorous, just, nor charitable. hir Harry Smith, when he went out to the Cape, with the analogy of India in his mind, laid down a gigantic plan of encroachment, to be regulated by the natural features of the country : his plan has only been carried to the extent of destroying the authority of the chiefs; it has not established in place of that authority the authority of the British •Govern- went. The system might be successful if it were carried out,, but this country would never allow it to be carried out, for it is based.on.extermina- tion. The only other -system is to recognize the nationality of the tribes, and gradually to elevate them by the influences of civilization. Finish the war, therefore ; and then follow -out the course indicated by the resolution. Lord JOHN Rossztn prefaced the amendment of which he had given notice by an historical -view of the policies which we have successively pursued at the Cape colony, with the view of showing that our extension of frontier has been strictly defensive, and only made after the failure of a fair and honest endeavour by Lord Glenelg to restrict rather than ex- tend the frontier, and make treaties with the natives, in the hope that they would observe those treaties.

We have undoubtedly gained somewhat by the measures we have adopted under the last policy adopted by us, of extending the frontier to the borders of the river %et where military posts can be established ; for we have pre- vented those disastrous inroads of large bodies of the natives into the peace- ful and settled parts of the colony which charaoterized the former wars, and especially that of 1835. Sir William Molesworth says with respect to the Cape, and our colonies generally, "Let them have free constitutions, and take their own way, and don't let us be -put to any expense." But if we take that course, we shall be responsible for an immense deal of bloodshed. A war of races would take place • and we, responsible as governors and protectors, should in fact be contented spectators of a scene of murder and rapine revolt- ing to the human mind. A Committee could consider the plans which have been tried towards the native tribes. Lord John is inclined to adopt the one now under trial, as better both in point of security and humanity than that of restricting the frontier and leaving the tribes to determine which is the strong- est. But as this plan, in 1835, 1845, and now in 1851, has caused the great mili- tary movements and all their great expense, it is quite right that the House should in quire if this plan is the one that Government ought to pursue. Before a Committee, the Government would fully explain its views ; and the question would be submitted as a great question concerning the empire, rather than as one whether Sir Harry Smith was wrong in this proclamation or that in- terview, or Lord Grey right in receiving with approbation the information that was sent him. After inquiry, the Committee might acme to the con- clusion, that instead of persevering in the Government's plan, it would be desirable to send a separate Commission,. but it would be premature to de- cide that way in the first instance. Lord John Russell therefore moved, as an amendment on Mr. Adderlers motion, "That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the relations between this country and the Caffre tribes on our South African frontier."

Mr. VERNON &arra objects to both the motion and the amendment.

The appearance of a Commissioner in the colony would cripple the author- ity of the Governor, and at once weaken his power over the settlers and his influence over the natives. A Committee could take no course not already pursued by the Executive. Mr. Smith had looked aghast when Lord John Russell said there were various gentlemen in this country capable of giving information to the Committee ; for it would by no means be a grateful task

for the one or two gentlemen in this country who could give such informs- tMia, to come forward and say that this superior officer has failed, or this subordinate misconducted himself; and there are no means of compelling such witnesses to come forward. The fact is, the Cape is a sample colony : Lord John Russell says that the policy pursued there has been unsuccessful, and it surely follows that there must be some great reversal of that policy. Are we always to afford the colonists military protection, and are they to afford themselves none ? As long as there is a Governor at the Cape wielding the unbounded military resources of this country, we shall be extending our frontier and exterminating the Caffre ; for the Caffis race is alike beyond the influence of our religion and without the fear of our force. Mr. Scow supported the proposition of the Government, as at all events better than that of Mr. Adderley. Mr. Meettnerrox defended Sir Harry Smith. As civilization at the Cape is extending, conflicts between civilization and barbarism become inevitable : so it has been in the West Indies and in North America ; and in the latter country there is the certainty that in a few years the abo- riginal tribes will be annihileted.

Mr. GLADSTONE felt in the same predicament with Mr. Vernon Smith —that he disapproved of both propositions ; but he threw additional farce into the objections against a Committee. All the objections to a Parliamentary Committee on a Colonial question have especial force in this instance. The Committee mug necessarily be composed of gentlemen having many other avocations. They would ex- amine such witnesses as would be ready to their hand ; they would find it necessary to send for witnesses from the Cape to give them further informa- tion; those witnesses would not arrive until next session ; then there would be the old story over again, and the House would be in great good fortune if they obtained the report in the session of 1852 or even of 1853. Experience condemns Committees as bad instruments for the examination of Colonial questions: the character of the House was not elevated by the Ceylon Com- mittee; and the recommendations of the Committee of 1835-'6, for a total change of policy, have totally failed. It is impossible to devise in this country any satisfactory system of adjusting the relations with the Caffre tribes. It must be done by men on the spot. He did not 'say it could be done in a moment. The consequences of the unfortunate steps taken in former times are not so easily retrieved. We must endure much before we can work things round for the future. But let us not take a step in the wrong direction. This is clear—there can be no new domestic authority in England to give a sanction to the management of the affair of the frontier. He objected to the management being in Downing Street; but he objected still more to its being vested in a Committee of the House of Commons. He has long been impressed with the conviction, from his acquaintance with Colonial affairs, that government in the Colonies themselves is the only go- vernment that can be satisfactory, and sound, and healthful, when the colo- nists are in a legitimate and normal position as freemen of our own care. But if we are to have a Government in this country, let it be the Queen's Government. It would only increase the mischief to leave the Government with the House of Commons. The Secretary of State is a responsible officer ; he has means of information which the House has not ; and he is always acting under a sense of responsibility. Mr. Gladstone protested against the doctrine of "preparing colonies for free- dom." It seems to be taken for granted by many of our statesmen, that the proper mode of proceeding, when you found colonies, is to deal with them as you deal with children; first putting them into long clothes, then into short clothes, ainF by and by (after careful consideration) breeching them. You must found colonies in freedom if you mean them to be really free. By founding colonies in political servitude, you displace all the social elements ; you teach the colonists to place reliance where they ought not to place it ; you create a governing class ; you create a sense of dependence upon the mother-country for purposes which the tolonists themselves ought to fulfil ; and, above all, you create a great military expenditure, and hold out a direct premium for war, because the more wars there are the greater military ex- penditure there is—the greater the profit to be made out of it by those con- cerned. Let the House beware how it weird its sanction to any such mis- chievous, wasteful, and demoralizing principles of colonization as these : let it, by means of the Executive Government and the agents of the Executive Government at the Cape, endow the colony, as soon as possible, with entire liberty as to local administration, and throw upon it the responsibility of managing its own affairs and its own relations, including those with the Caffre tribes,—always with the distinct understanding that the Mother-coun- try would be ready to interpose her powerful arm in ease of actual need. Do this, and there needs be no fear of -dismemberment of the empire. L ird MANDEVILLE advocated the Government proposition; as a Coin- mittee would be distant from the party strifes and disputes which would bias persons in the colony. Colonel THOMPSON raised his voice —the voice of experience both in Africa and Asia—in support of the maxim that the treatment of semibar- barians with justice is the sure key to their attachment and good faith. Sir E. N. Bux-ron acknowledged his gratitude for this assertion of the rights of the aborigines; and contended that the policy of Lord Glenelg has not failed, but departure from that policy has occasioned all this mis- chief.

Mr. Rouen= denounced all false modesty, or false philanthropy about this question.

It is impossible to bring the degraded heathen up to the state of civiliza- tion at which the White man has arrived. It is a mere pretence to talk of honesty in the ordinary sense of the term. We took the territory of the Caffres; they rose against us, and were perfectly right in so doing; we can only put them down by force, and we are about to destroy them as a people. The inferior man ever disappears before the White man, and the only question is between the long agony of pretended justice and immediate ex- pulsion. The proposition of Lord John Russell is a complete abdication of the power of the Government. But if he is willing to abrogate the func- tions of the Colonial Office, let him abrogate the functions of a Government altogether, and confess himself too weak to rule.

Mr. BELL protested against the principles announced by Mr. Roebuck, as at variance with morality, honour, and Christianity. Mr. LABOUCHERE supported the amendment by reference to precedents; which Mr. Hums and Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT excepted to as inapplicable or adverse. Mr. BOOKER and Mr. HAWES briefly supported the amendment.

On a division, Mr. Adderley'a motion was negatived, by 129 to 59 ; and then Lord John Russell's amendment was voted as the main ques- tion, by 128 to 60.

GOVERNMENT OF BRITISH GUIANA.

A discussion on the claims of British Guiana to representative govern- ment was raised by Lord STANLEY, according to notice, on presenting a petition signed by not fewer than 5000 of the inhabitants of British Guiana. The petition was signed by the clergy, by various landed pro- prietors, by -merchants, tradesmen, and mall freeholders; and because it had been objected that the petition would not express the views of the

community at large, upwards of a thousand of the lower classes had sub- scribed it by signing their marks.

For the benefit of the Peers, Lord Stanley sketched the constitution of British Guiana ; which is of Dutch origin, not at all on the model of the Bri- tish constitution. It rejects the admission of the popular element into the 'Legislature by direct election, but admits it only in the most distilled form, and through so many indirect and mediate checks that the Legislature is to a considerable extent self-elected, and to a further extent the subordinate in- strument of the Governor and the Colonial Office. He rapidly pictured the growth of opinion in the colony on the subject of direct representative and locally responsible government. The progress of opinion has in the course of about twelve months compelled the Court of Policy to reverse its former re- solutions, and resolve that the present institutions of British Guiana are unsuited to the present state of that colony, and ought to be abolished. The Court of Policy, itself the creature of those institutions, agreed to that self-con- demnation; and sanctioned the principle of the petition now presented, that there should be a House of Assembly directly elected, and a Legislative- Council also elective. There was a change of the franchise in 1849, by which the qualification of those who chose the college of electors was lowered ; but Lord Stanley agrees with the petitioners that remedies for the evils of the present government—irresponsible extravagance, 8m—ere not to be found in slight and trifling changes in the existing institutions of the colony, but in altogether altering them. If any of our West Indian Colonies is fit for re- presentative institutions, British Guiana is fit for them ; and if the inhabit- ants earnestly desire them, and are found to be sufficiently enlightened for- the trust, there can be no reason why it should not be confided to them. British Guiana is a Crown colony, where her Majesty can exercise complete power : Lord Stanley therefore urged the Secretary for the Colonies to grunt the desired boon as soon as the colony is in a condition to justify that step. Earl GREY acknowledged his agreement in much that had been said; but objected substantially, that the colonists of Guiana are neither fit for the boon nor desirous of it.

The persons of European descent there are under 1000 in a population or 130,000. The population includes a miscellaneous gathering of liberated slaves, African Negroes, Asiatic Coolies, and Portuguese labourers : these various elements require to be brought into consistency before freedom can be established. Labour has been enormously high-priced, and the conse- quence is that persons of little education have become freeholdera in great numbers : such persons are hardly qualified for the franchise ; as is shown. by the fact Lord Stanley himself very lightly touched on, that 1400 of the subscribers to this petition are mere marksmen. The Financial members of the Combined Court are directly elected ; so that in all financial matters the- population has substantially the power of self-government. The owners of the largest proportion of the property in British Guiana think it far wiser to improve the existing institutions than to sweep them away in favour of a new and untried scheme, in their state of society. The existing institutions are quite consistent with rising prosperity ; for the Governor has lately been enabled to take off taxes amounting to 200,000 dollars.

MORTALITY rri THE KILRUSH UNION.

Mr. MONSELL called attention to the mortality among the paupers in two Irish Unions. In the workhouse of the Kilrush Union, 200 have- died in three weeks, or about 75 per cent. In the workhouse of Ennis- tymon Union, from the 8th to the 2243 March, there were 253 deaths out of 3893 persons. No disease is raging in either of these two- districts ; and the deaths must be owing either to the miserable state of the poor before they entered the workhouse, or to their bad management within the walls. Mr. Monsdn. entreated the Government to take measures for preventing so frightful a mortality. Lord Joan Resszu stated that he had received some information on the subject, and had referred it to the Lord-Lieutenant : though the facts are extremely painful, there seems to be no immediate mode of preventing the mortality.

ADMISSION TO ENGLISH CATHEDRALS.

The subject of admitting the public freely to our cathedrals was revived by Mr. Hums., with reference to the great public meeting in Freemasons' Tavern on the subject, and to her Majesty's subsequent instructions that Ministers should use every means in their power for carrying the prayer etiof the meeting into effect. Now Westminster has been open and St. Paul's is to be opened on the 1st of May ; Norwich, Wells, and York Cathedrals, have also been opened: would Lord John Russell exert the power of the Crown in reference to this matter by opening all the Cathe- drals to all, before the arrival of the strangers who are about to visit us ? Lord Joan Rossini. promised to consider whether anything further could be done in the matter.

DECORATIONS OF THE NEW HOUSES OP PARLIAMENT.

Before the Commons went into Committee of Supply on Monday, Sir DE Lacy EVANS called the attention of the House " to the so-called in- terior decoration of the new House of Commons, persisted in by the architect in opposition to the declared wishes of the Members of the House."

When the subject last came under discussion, it was the almost unani- mously expressed opinion that the House eh ,uld be fitted up in the plainest, the most simple, and the most unornamented manner, and as much in oon- trast as possible to the gorgeous and gingerbread gilding of the House of Lords. He presumed, however, that the architect had taken advantage of the absence from town of Mr. Greene for a few dap ; for there WAS not two square inches of the wainscoting or any part of the interior that had not been ornamented, or rather disfigured, by carving of the most' wretched description. The enormous propensity of Mr. Barry for gilding whatever he laid his hands upon had been immediately commenced. The ceilings of the galleries were commenced to be gilded ; the armorial bearings of the Speakers for the last five hundred years were to be emblazoned ; and two hundred small shields or eeeocheons had been carved out, which were to be painted, no doubt, in the most gaudy awl glaring colours. Mr. GREENE "must say," it was his full idea when he left London that the new chamber should be as unadorned as possible ; and he cer- tainly thought Mr. Barry quite understood that to be the case : but Mr. Barry states that he has no knowledge of any declared wishes of the House with respect to decorations—

He was certainly surprised on his return to hear of the decorations. They had taken place without his sanction ; and, having been brought under the - notice of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, their further progress had been at once stopped. The ceiling had been so far finished that the Commis- sioners did not feel justified in going to the expense of scraping it off again. But of course the House might exercise its pleasure upon that point.

Colonel RAWDON, at the request of Mr. Barry, put in a defensive state- ment— " Mr. Barry has not been made acquainted with any declared wishes on the part of the Members of the House as to the decorations a the new House of Commons, and knows nothing of the exigence of such a declara- tion, collectively or individually. Mr. Barry is not persisting in carrying

into effect the so-called' internal decoration of the House, which was sus- pended on its being objected to by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He- raldry is absolutely essential to the character and the full expression of the Tudor style of the design adopted by Parliament ; and it is the only means of giving historic interest to it., which, in a great national edifice devoted to the object of the New Palace at Westminster, is most desirable, for many reasons. A display of heraldry and suitable historic decorations has always formed an essential feature of the design and estimates of the building sanctioned by Parliament ; and I have never received any intimation, either written or verbal, to forego the use of it."

THE PARKS : WESTMINSTER BRIDGE.

Lord SEYMOUR informed the House of Commons that he has received her Majesty's commands to consider in what way a ride may be obtained in Kensington Gardens, in lieu of that in the Parks which was lately devoted to equestrians and carriages, but is now given up in consequence of ar- rangements in connexion with the Great Exhibition. He hopes that a plan may soon be devised.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER informed the House that an un- paid Commission has been appointed to consider the condition of West- minster Bridge ; but nothing has yet resulted from their labours.

Govnicanstrr TRADE IN ScirooL-noows.

Lord MAHON made an effort to learn what effect on the Government has been produced by the publication of the letters addressed jointly by Messrs. Longman and Co. and Mr. John Murray to Lord John Russell in complaint against the system under which the Board of Education is publishing school-books in Ireland at the public expense. This is an un- due interference with private enterprise ; it is a grievance to the pub- lishers; and it robs of their bread many respectable men who have written school-books. Lord Joms RUSSELL seemed to deny that the al- leged system has been used by Government in England, and to defend that system in reference to Ireland : the Irish Education Commissioners have certainly published books on their own account, but Lord Mahon could hardy regret that, when he recollected what were the usual school- books before. On the whole question whether the Education Commis- sioners for Great Britain have taken the proper course with reference to the Irish Commissioners, Lord John promised to answer Lord Mahon on a future day.

ST. ALBAN'S ELECTION.

The proceedings arising out of the petition against the return of Mr. Bell for St. Alban's have had a mixed result.

The Committee sat again and again till Monday ; when the persevering defiance of their summonses by the absconded witnesses exhausted their patience, andd, they resolved to close the case. Mr. Sergeant Wrangham, for the petitioner, urged them to grant further delay for the capture of the witnesses ; but hi doing so he let fall a slight indication that if the wit- nesses were brought before the Committee, they might not conclusively establish the petitioner's case. The Committee consulted privately, and then intimated their resolution to report to the House—that Mr. Bell was duly elected Member for St. Alban's ; that, owing to their inability to pro- cure the attendance of witnesses, they were wholly unable to investigate the case with the closeness it demanded ; that the Committee had reason to believe that a system of gross bribery and corruption has prevailed at the late and preceding elections for St. Alban's, and they therefore recom- mended the issue of a Royal Commission to inquire into the bribery and corruption alleged. Before the end of the sitting on Monday, Mr. Ser- geant Wrangham intimated a strong professional opinion that the Com- mittee were functus officii, and had not existed as a Committee since they informally adjourned at the end of last week. This point was obscurely raised in the House, but was disregarded; the report of the Committee was received and entered on the journals of the House ; and Mr. Jacob Bell is now in conclusive possession of his scat. The case of Edwards, the partisan of Mr. Bell who took part in keep-

ing out of the way Waggett and the other absconded witnesses, came be- fore the House on Monday and Tuesday. On the first day there was an adjourned discussion on his petition to be discharged, on the ground of innocence. A very general and strong indignation was felt at the peti- tion of Edwards ; no Member entertaining any doubt that he was guilty of the crime imputed to him. After some discussion on cross motions and amendments, a proposal by Lord JOHN RUSSELL to adjourn the debate till Tuesday was carried ; with a view of allowing Edwards a locus pcenitentise. Of this favour he availed himself, and presented a pe- tition whioh impliedly confessed the falsehood of his declarations of inno- cence, by confessing "his deep contrition for his conduct " ; and by ask- ins. pardon for his fault, with an appeal to the mercy of the House, on the ground that he has endured imprisonment while "those nearest and dearest to him have been dangerously ill." Sir FREDERICK THESIGER took a prominent and influential position in

the debate, with strenuous exhortations that the House should not thus pass over so high a misdemeanour, aggravated by such subsequent false- hood. The House inclined easily to his moral arguments, and in the end Mr. Edwards's prayer was dismissed. He has therefore been transferred, in the usual course, from the prison of the House of Commons to incarce- ration in Newgate—possibly for the whole of the remainder of the session.

ORDER or Prnmic BusikEss.

At the last sitting of the Commons, Lord Joms RUSSELL stated, that he proposes to take first on Monday the 28th, the second reading of the In- come-tax Bill ; on Thursday, the Oaths (Jews) Bill, and afterwards the Navy Estimates ; on Friday, he proposes to go into Committee on the Income-tax Bill ; and he wishes to take the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill on the following Monday.