Conservatives

The moral appeal

Patricia Hodgson

Situation vacant, wanted: a natural governing party to fill the vacuum existing in British politics since 1963. Several applicants have, of course, been considered over the period but they have been found deficient in ability, unsure of their identity and unable to stick to the terms of their contract. The shareholders in UK Ltd are now anxious to offer real support and back-up to any candidate of promise.

With the election of a new leader there has been a natural revival of faith in the ability of the Tory Party to formulate policies that will restore a self-confident identity and re-establish alliances throughout the community.

Mrs Thatcher. has so far said little. This is obviously wise; it allows the party to continue the internal debate, redolent of many a conference and summer school, 'Whither Toryism?'. But it is vital that intellectual energies are concentrated in the right direction. And there,is certainly a danger that important truths may be obscured by the concentration

on economic debate.

The single most important lesson for the present was made a long time ago by Lord

Salisbury, who really is a neglected thinker in

Conservative circles. A political party, he said, should take care to maintain the loyalty and affection of its natural supporters. "You may say that they cannot vote against you, but they won't vote for you, and they won't work for you, and you'll find it out at the polls."

Both the February and October elections last year were painful illustrations of this argument.

Those true-blue suburbs in the south-east, the very bedrock of Tory support, crumbled ominously to the Liberals; and the virtual elimination of urban Toryism suggested that working-class Tories are a vanishing breed. These defections are all the more remarkable when the Labour Party was threatening a more socialist programme than at any time since 1945. Conservatism of the Heath ian variety had clearly lost its appeal to large sections of the Tory nation. Why? And how can their allegiance be regained?

To regain their lost supporters, it is sometimes argued, the Tories should make a crude Poujadist appeal to economic interests — protect the solicitor's monopoly of conveyancing, protect the small shop against low-cost supermarket competition, set up a Minister for the Self-employed.

But the Tory appeal, especially to the working class, has never been a straight appeal to economic self-interest. It has •been, as the studies of working-class Tories make abundantly clear, a moral appeal, the assertion of certain social and political values — principally patriotism, stability and an ordered liberty.

So Tories must learn again to address political problems in moral language. Nor will it prove so very difficult. Let us take as an example the trade off between inflation and unemployment. Despite Sir Keith Joseph's valiant efforts to demonstrate that inflation itself causes unemployment, the inflationist left has an innate advantage because it has kept alive the notion that unemployment is morally unacceptable whereas inflation is merely economically difficult. Yet, even in the debased terms of `social justice' this can be challenged.

Unemployment inflicts a temporary hardship on the unemployed worker and his family; inflation permanently reduces the standard of life of pensioners and those on fixed incomes. Unemployment is cushioned by a number of state benefits; inflation hurts most those who, because they have put aside savings, are often ineligible for social security. And unemploy ment affects a minority, whereas inflation damages the whole community. Even if, therefore, unemployment could be kept per

manently at bay by inflationary finance (which, it cannot) there would be strong moral arguments for preferring unemployment mitigated by generous welfare provision.

The most powerful Tory emotion, of course, is patriotism. How is this to be presented within Europe? By defending Britain's interests in Brussels, and by being seen to do so. The European debate within the party must concentrate on assuring waverers that where Britain's interests may seem to be at risk they will be strenuously defended. Given the disarray of the Labour Party it is ridiculous that the 'Tories have been outflanked by Harold Wilson on this central point. Quite apart from party advantage, there is a national need for the Tory Party to construct a moral appeal. Equality and the other socialist

values, whatever their virtues sub specie aeternitatis, have the effect of exacerbating social conflict and dissension. Traditional

Toryism is a reconciling and healing influence in the community. The hands may be the hands of Neville Chamberlain, but the voice should be the voice of Stanley Baldwin.

Patricia Hodgson, journalist and television producer, is a candidate for the chairmanship of the Bow Group