THE PARLIAMENT.

FOREIGN RELATIONS.—Lord Holland, having ascertained that it was not the intention of Ministers to ask for a vote of credit, or to offer any voluntary explanation of the foreign relations of the country, obtained an attendance of the Peers on Wechiesdayr-tlie dies non ; when his Lordship made a regular speech on the affairs of Russia, Turkey, Greece, and Portugal, respecting which no in- formation had been communicated to Parliament since the com- mencement of the session, though most important, he might almost say calamitous changes, had intervened. He thought it un- fitting that Parliament should separate without showing that we did not view these events with indifference. His motion, simply requesting information, reflected no shadow of censure on the Government ; at the same that he must in candour declare his opinion, that the unbounded confidence which Parliament reposed in the present Government might prove unfavourable to the in- terests of the community. First, as to the affairs of the East. A long time had elapsed since the signature of the glorious treaty of the 6th of July, founded on the protocol of St. Petersburg ; several changes in the situation of affairs had since taken place ; France, Russia, and even Turkey, had explained to their people the state of their relations with other countries ; England alone—the Government of England, " stands like the little dog in the Two Gentlemen of Verona, and says not a word." There were indications of a difference of opinion between the Powers. France and Russia had sent out money to the Greeks, though England objected. It was understood at the time of signing the Treaty, that if the Greeks accepted it, and the Turks did not, consuls should beNent to Greece : France and Russia had sent con- suls to Greece, England had sent no consuls. Lord Holland main- tained that force must have been contemplated from the beginning, if Turkey did not submit, otherwise Britain had acted insincerely, and dishonourably towards Russia, in inducing her by the proto- col of St. Petersburg, to surrender her rights of glory and aggran- dizement. To say that Englagd intended merely to mediate and remonstrate, and then, if Turkey would not listen, to withdraw like a dog with its tail between its legs, was inconsistent with the pre- amble of this protocol, which invoked the names of religion and humanity—names which admit not of half measures, and which must be defended at all hazards and in all events by those who pretend to advocate them. If we were engaged honestly, manfully, and straightforwardly, to accomplish the objects held out as in- dispensable in the protocol and treaty, nothing could give more force to our representations in Constantinople, confidence to our allies, or sympathy throughout the world, than an unreserved communication on the subject by his Majesty's Government to Parliament. For this purpose, Lord Holland moved for copies of treaties and conferences, to show the actual position of all the parties' and in consequence of what had been said on the first day of the session about "alliance" with Turkey, he called for the production of any treaties concluded between Great Britain and that Power since February 1809, and of "all such despatches from his Majesty's Ambassador at Constantinople as relate to en- gagements made by word of mouth for mutual defence and sup- port with any of the diplomatic agents of the Sublime Porte since January 1809." "I should really," said his Lordship, "have thought it almost ludicrous to suppose that any engagement or alliance could be formed between two states by word of mouth, had it not been for what I understand has been said by a noble viscount opposite (Lord Strangford) who has had ample opportunities ofjudging of the fact, as to the accuracy of the Sublime Porte, and its fidelity in fulfilling even its parole engagements. I cer- tainly was very much surprised to be told that the noble viscount has said, that there are traditional agreements between Turkey and this country; and that Mussulmans were so superior to Christians in their love of truth and adherence to their engagements, that be would trust to what a Turk said with more confidence than he would to a Christian's oath. Really, my Lords, I think that the noble viscount's experience must contradict, and pretty strongly contradict, this declaration. When the noble viscount first went to Constantinople, all relations between Ru-sia and the Porte were suspe tiled. Great Britain, Austria, and the other powers of Europe, were exceedingly anxious that those relations should be renewed. When the Emperor Alexander was applied to on the subject, he answered that he had no objection whatever to renew those relations ; but that after the manner in which his ambassador, Baron Strongonoff, had been compelled to quit Constantinople, he could not, in honour, send any diplomatic agent to the Porte, unless the amende honorable were previously made to him. Upon that the noble viscount entered into a negociation, which it is but justice to him to say, he conducted with great ability ; and sug- gested to the Reis Effendi a great number of concessions to Russia, in the propriety of all of which the Reis Effendi finally acquiesced. Pleased with the successful issue of this discussion, the Emperor Alexander took advantage of these proffered concessions, and sent a diplomatic agent, M. Minciachi, to Constantinople to receive them. M. Minciachi was some- what surprised to find, that after several weeks, and even several months residence in Constantinople, he was not able to obtain an interview with the Reis Effendi. At last he saw him, expressed the delight which his government felt that the Porte had come to its senses—had seen the thing

in its proper light, and had agreed that it would say so and so, and do so and so. Upon which this Turk, who either was troubled with a short

memory, or was not quite so honest as the noble viscount supposed all Turks were, threw his arms up in the air, and exclaimed Allah ! Allah ! Allah I I say those things ! If I were to do or say a tenth part of whatyou have been describing, my head would soon be rolling in the gutters of Constantinople !' (Laughter.) If, after such an occurrence as this, the practice of forming engagements with the Turks by word of mouth has still been continued, it is surely high time that that practice was abandoned"

Next, as to Portugal. Lord Holland had always considered the alliance between Great Britain and Portugal as important to our interests beyond all other alliances ; and Lisbon as a point which we were pre-eminently bound in honour and in policy to defend. We were bound by existing treaties to maintain the rightful Government of Portugal against all foreign enemies and against all domestic usurpation.

" My Lords, I do not approve of such treaties, but I think it very ques- tionable if treaties by which weare pledged to the Government of Portugal to assist it in resisting domestic usurpation do not exist. It is perhaps a topic more suitable to the antiquary than to the statesman ; butt very much doubt if the treaty concluded by this country in 1642 with the House of Braganza, soon after it had recovered its independence, did not renew all our ancient treaties with Portu lal as far hack as the reign of Edward the Third; and if so, the introduction, in the treaty concluded in that reign, of the words rassalos et rebelles, is certainly a strong argument in favour of the presumption that we are bound by treaty to assist the rightful Government of Portugal in suppressing domestic usurpation." Could it now be said, as in the Kings Speech at the opening of the session, that the objects of the armament sent out to Portugal had been accomplished—" the safety and independence of Portugal secured" ? Putting aside the question, whether Don Miguel's

government was a government of treason or not, he looked on that Prince as at the head, or in connexion with the faction who hatecl.the free institutions of England ; and it was most desirable to know whether this country could be blamed for having contri- buted to the present melancholy results—how far we had been pledged to support the Constitutionalists—how far to support the rights of the Emperor of Brazil, or of his daughter ? He imputed nothing—he insinuated nothing, but our neutrality had operwed exclusively in favour of the party against whom all our honest wishes must have been directed : the presence of the British troops had perhaps contributed to protect Don Miguel, at the moment when measures might have been taken effectually to counteract his enterprise. He offered to prove beyond all possibility of contra- diction or dispute, that the correspondence of Lord Beresford, however innocent in itself, had contributed materially to the suc- cess of Don Miguel.

"To my knowledge, my Lords, the expressions in that correspondence were bandied about in every quartercof Lisbon ; and I will venture to say, that if the papers for which I move he produced, it will appear that there has not been a single person employed by his Majesty's Government in an official situation in Lisbon who has not, in his communications to Govern- ment, described the correspondence of the noble viscount as having had the effect of thwarting all the objects which this country had in view. My Lords, the least that can be said of this occurrence is, that it was 'an unto- ward event.' I bring no charge against the noble viscount; he has a per- fect right to be a Miguelite, if he chooses to be so ; only, if I had been in the place of the noble duke, I certainly should not, under such circum- stances, have promoted the noble viscount to the high situation which he now holds, at the very moment when he had it in his power to inflict the greatest injury on the cause that I was desirous to support."

Lord Holland admitted that Government had acted on a right principle in announcing the blockade of Oporto—the principle of supporting the weak against the strong ; but he lamented some of the expressions made use of, and the breathless haste with which the blockade had been recognized. It was to be feared that the British influence in Portugal had received a fatal wound by the recent transactions.

"There is no doubt that many individuals in Portugal sided with the Constitutional party, because they thought that that party had the sup- port of the Government of Great Britain; but there is also no doubt that many individuals abstained from siding with that party, because they thought that the Government of Great Britain had not acted openly and ingenuously on the subject. I believe, ink Lords, that that is the cause of much of the indifference that has been shown in Portugal to the cause

of the Constitution. But when I use the term indifference, I do not mean to say that I believe that the indifference has been real, any more than it was real in Spain. The French enabled the faction opposed to the Constitution to triumph in Spain. I fear that our lukewarmness to- wards the friends of the Constitution in Portugal has enabled the faction opposed to the Constitution to triumph in Portugal." He had no intention to panegyrize a late Minister, with whom

throughout the greater part of his life he had been in political hos- tility ; but, whether by wisdom or by accident, Mr. Canning had left this country in close alliance with the greatest Powers of Eu- rope, and in military possession of that point which, above all others, was the most important to the interests of England. Since his death our situation had not improved. It was fashionable to say that England could not again face war.

I am one of those," said Lord Holland, " who consider war as the greatest of calamities to any country, and peculiarly so to this; but there is one calamity greater, and that would be the loss of our independence. Anxious as I am to protect the interests of the fundholder, and to attend to the interests of land, I would risk the sacrifice of theta for the inde- pendence of the country." On the part of the Government, the production of the papers moved for by Lord Holland on both branches of his speech, was resisted by the Earl of Aberdeen and the Duke of Wellington. Some of the documents were not in existence, some had already been published in the public journals of Europe, and some it would he highly inexpedient to publish. The day would come when the Government must feel anxious for a full discussion ; but, in the mean time, their Lordships were entreated to persevere in

that indulgent confidence and forbearance for which the Duke of Wellington said he was " infinitely obliged to them."

Lord Aberdeen vindicated in detail the conduct of the British Government towards Portugal. They professed neutrality, and as- suredly any partielity which existed had not been in favour of Don Miguel and his pretensions. In the announcement of the blockade of Oporto, he had been styled " Prince Regent," but surely that was his proper title then, whatever it might be now. Lord Hol- land's entire argument was founded upon an erroneous notion of our engagements with Portugal : we were bound so defend her against foreign invasion, and to guarantee the throne to the house of Braganza ; but we were not obliged to interfere in her internal concerns, and we had contracted no engagement to support the Constitution, although its existence had been prolonged by the ac- credited presence of our troops. It was to be feared that the peo- ple of Portugal were not inchned to maintain tree institutions. Lord Holland was mistaken when he supposed the friendship be- tween England and Portugal to be endangered by the late events; for the connexion had been the closest when the principles of des- potism were most prevalent, and whoever might be the Sovereign of Portugal, he would find it his interest to maintain the closest alliance with this country.

" There is no ground then to fear any coolness of friendship on the part of Portugal : on the contrary, those who were the greatest friends of the influence of this country, as contradistinguished from those who favoured a French or foreign party in Portugal, were to be found amongst those who supported Don Miguel ; whereas, on the other side, were to be found many who were not friends to the interests of this country, and many too, I believe, who are not friends to the interests of any country whatever."

With regard to the treaty of the 6th of July 1827, there was no disposition on the part of the present Government to modify or diminish its force, but every intention of carrying the treaty into effect in the same spirit in which it was entered into. The de- struction or dismemberment of Turkey, which Lord Holland ex- pressed a desire to see, was, however, no part of that treaty, or in the most re.note degree contemplated by it—quite the reverse. We had nothing to di) with the war which the Emperor of Russia, for the maintenance of his honour, had thought fit to declare against Turkey ; but this occurrence created a new situation of affairs, and would necessarily have put an end to the treaty of the 6th of July, had not the Emperor, with great magnanimity, come forward to declare that the new belligerent character which he had been compelled to assume, should not interfere with his original in- tentions. Turkey, if not an " ancient ally," had been an ancient friend of England : that empire could not be overthrown without changing the face of Europe ;. and the British Government was de- termined to maintain the balance of power as now established, and to preserve it as perfect and entire as possible. Fortunately the Emperor of Russia took the same view of the interests of europe, and he gave him credit for a degree of mag,na.nimity which Lord Holland had refused. Lord Aberdeen took to himself the whole blame of the delay in the appointment of commercial weents in Greece : there was some difficulty in the selection ; he had not been long in office, and perhaps he had been too fastidious.

"It is a favourite topic with others as well as the noble lord, to draw comparisons unfavourable to the existing Government, as if there had been a deviation from the policy of Mr. Canning. They do not show in what this deviation consists. The sincere and earnest desire mani- fested to the whole world, to carry into execution the treaty of the 6th of July, does not show any intention of departing from the policy of Mr. Canning; and I am not aware of any change which has taken place in the Councils of his Majesty's Government relating to the general policy of the empire, since the loss of that distinguished Minister. As to any influence that the Holy Alliance may be supposed to have over the course of policy adopted by his Majesty's Government, I cannot help consider- ing it as a mere figure of speech, and of no importance to the subject. It may give an opportunity to a great deal of sound and fury : but after all, it can signify nothing, for I will take upon myself to ueny that this Government has ever been connected with the Holy Alliance, in any sense injurious to the honour of the country. In one word, the general policy of the country has always been to use its utmost endeavours to preserve the peaca ot the whole of Europe ; but I do not think that that object is most likely to be accomplished by vilifying every sovereign that reigns in Europe, and for no other reason in the world than because they are sovereigns. (Cheers.) Neither do I think that it is to be effected by vilifying the institutions of other countries, because they do not happen to deserve that admiration which attaches to those which we are so fortunate as to possess."

To a general concurrence in the statement of the Foreign Se- cretary, the Duke of Wellington added some charac'eristic observ- ations of his own. The Government had not applied for a vote of credit, because they did not want a vote of credit.—With regard to Turkey, He had the authority of the Emperor of Russia himself for saying, that he did not desire the dismemberment of the Turkish empire. He would say further, that the transaction in which he had been engaged, had peace for its object; that the preservation of peace was the sine qua non of the negociation ; that he was forbid to enter into any engagement which looked forward to war or violence. The Emperor of hussia had seen his instructions. Peace was the object then, peace was the object when the treaty of July last was concluded, and peace was the object now.

With regard to Portugal—

From the first to the present moment, the tendency of every act of En;- and had been to show her entire disapproval of the conduct of Don Mi- guel. Those acts had been as strong as possible. From the moment Don Miguel had evinced an intention of assuming the title of king, and occu- pying his brother's throne, the diplomatic relations of this country had

been his off; and when Don Miguel actually did assume the title of king, that moment our Ambassador left Portugal. When the recent ex- pedition was sent to Portugal, the express instructions given to its Com- mander were to abstain from any the slightest interference in the internal

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affairs of the country, and to give no encouragement whatever to any one party as opposed to another. " We certainly do find ourselves in the si- tuation, that, having recognized the sovereignty of Don Pedro, and con sequently the sovereignty of his daughter, arising out of the abdication of her father, we are bound to learn what course -the rightful Sovereign will take with respect to the recent events. Until his Majesty's Govern- ment shall he acquainted with the inclinations and intentions of Don Pedro, and his means to carry them into effect, it is impossible for it to say what course policy and prudence will require it to adopt." Lord Goderich the Earl of Dudley, and the Marquis of Lans- downe, also delivered their sentiments. None of them deemed it necessary to produce the documents moved for, hut all agreed that Lord Holland had done a public service by originating the discus- sion. I ord Straneford contradicted the anecdote in which he was concerned. Lord Holland made a clever reply, and this important and interesting debate terminated in some smart criticism on the word " protocol."

STATE OF IRELAND.—Lord John Russel withdrew, on Monday, his notice of motion, on account of the difficulty of procuring a full attendance of members at so late a period of the session, and bein(r persuaded likewise that the advisers of the Crown could not be insensible of the awful responsibility which the present state of Ireland imposed on them.

The theme was taken up by Mr. Spring Rice on Friday, when the Consolidated Fund Appropriation Bill was about to be read a second time. He said- " Power had passed away from the Government of Ireland, which had become a pageant, whilst the real power was possessed by persons who were not responsible for its exercise. This state of things had gone near ti destroy the peace of private life, and to prevent the benefits which idividuals might confer on their country. The small and respectable party of moderate men, whether Catholics or Protestants, were crumbling away, and would be forced to throw themselves into one scale or other, and he soon expected to see nothing but branded zealots.". CANADA.—A petition from three inhabitants of Lower Canada introduced a conversation on the defective system of Government in that province. Sir George Murray stated, that the causes of dissension existed before the Earl of Dalhousie went thither. Mr. Huskisson admitted this, but regretted that the attention of Par- liament had not sooner been drawn to the subject, as a consi- derable alienation had taken place within the last few years. Mr. W. Horton believed that the loyalty of the Canadians was un- shaken.

SLAVERY.—Lord Calthorpe explained the views and defended the measures of the Abolitionists. The whole object of the Colonial Legislature was, to evade the resolutions of the British Parlia- ment ; and the Abolitionists could not refrain from expressing their dissatisfaction at the language of acquiescence and approbation which Ministers employed. The Duke of Wellington explained, that Ministers had expressed their gratification that the principle of the resolutions—for example, with regard to the appointment of a protector of slaves—had in many instances been adopted. It was not reasonable to expect the Colonial Legislatures to proceed with a rapidity corresponding with the ideas of the acute and active minds of the people of this country : he had nevertheless the fullest confidence that by[ degrees the colonists would make such progress in ameliorating the condition of the slaves as would afford general satisfaction. But the Colonies could not be forced.

BRITISH CLAilis ON SPAIN—Sir James Mackintosh unfolded a tale of pettifogging shuffling on the part of the Spanish Govern- ment, to defeat the just claims of British subjects, who had, in the troubles of Spain since 1808, lost property to the amount of three millions sterling, which that government was answerable for. In 1823, a treaty was concluded for the adjustment of the claims. The commission was to decide in a " summary way :" yet in eighteen months only eighteen out of 330 cases were examined, and only four allowed. It was subsequently proposed that 800,000/. should be allowed for the whole claim, which many, reduced by their poverty, consented to take. This was followed by an attempt to reduce the sum to 500,0001. In 1827, a meeting took place between the keeper of the Great Book of the Nation, the Duke Della Villa Hermosa, and M. Cook, the agent of the claimants,

at which the former said he was authorized to grant three millions ; but in the course of a few months the Spanish Government 'declared that the Duke had exceeded his powers. The Duke is a Spanish Grandee, a de scendent of the very Duke of the same title, the reception at whose castle on the Ebro of Don Quixote and Sancho, was immortalized by Cervantes. The authority of the Duke had been disowned by the Government, and yet he continued in the service and favour of his master. Up to this time Count Ofalia was carrying on a system of raising or lowering the amount offered according to the wants of the claimants ; he was carrying on a system of which the meanest shopkeeper in this country would be ashamed, and which would even disgrace our pedlars.

Mr. Peel agreed that the transaction had been properly charac- terized by Sir James Mackintosh ; but he thought there was now, at length, a fairer prospect of adjustment than ever there had been before.

IMPROVEMENT IN THE SILK TRADE.—MT. C. Grant, 011 pre- senting a petition, drew a glowing picture of the increased activity and the improving prospects of the trade in silk since Mr. Huskisson's often-calumniated system came into full operation. He took chiefly for his guides, the much greater importation of raw silk, and the number of new manufactories. Some of his in- ferences were denied by Mr. Eyler.

EAST INDIA SILKS.—On the report of the Committee on the Customs Act, Mr. Eyler moved, first, for the recommittal, and then for the omission of a clause which imposed on East India silks an ad valorem duty of 30 per ceei., instead of a rateable duty of about twice that amount, to colemence in October. On both motions a division ensued, and 1y were carried by small majorities. Mr. Huskisson said, an un »Wading, a compact he would call it, had been entered into in 1826, with the importers of silks, that the rateable duty should only continue for two years. Mr. Courtenay, the new Vice-President of the Board of Trade, said, he found no evidence of such a compact in the Board of Trade ; and he had himself given a counter-pledge to the silk- manufacturers. Mr. Robert Grant appealed from these pledges and counter-pledges to the existing Act of Parliament, which was circulated and acted upon throughout India, whereas the words of the Vice-President of the Board of Trade were known only to a select few in this country. Mr. P. Thompson added, that the one was a pledge of three weeks' standing, and the other of two years. Mr. Fergusson gave some interesting information in regard to the state of the Indian trade.

" The exportations from this country to India were at present im. mense ; he believed they amounted annually to 5,000,000/. sterling. He held in his hands a regulation which affixed the duty on goods imported into India ; and he would not hesitate to say, that it formed a model well worthy the imitation of any Finance Minister. There were only eleven articles in the whole of that table of duties which were taxed at a higher rate than 21 per cent. Of these eleven articles muslin was one, which had heen poured, like an inundation, into the plains of Hindostan, and which had torn the web from the loom in every place into which it had penetrated. The muslin manufacturer of India was actually plunged, ty the great influx of British muslin, into that abyss of ruin into which it was asserted that the Spitalfields weaver was sunk by the permission to impoit the silks of India. The House would have little regard to the claims of justice and good faith, if it continued to impose such heavy duties on the importation of India silks into Great Britain, whilst such light duties were imposed on the importation of British muslins into India : for there was exactly the same reason for the imposition of a duty of 30 per cent, on all British muslins imported into India, as there was for the imposition of 50 per cent. on all Indian silks imported into England. It was very important that this subject should form the theme of serious deliberation to the British Government, and that some decisive measure should be adopted respecting it. From the present state of, the trade between the two countries, which presented the extraordinary spectacle of the amount of exports to India exceeding the amount of imports from it, something or other must speedily be done to iv, event its utter extinction. The ansfer of private fortunes from India to England was almost entirely stopped by this destruction of this balance of trade. The exchanges, which had formerly been at 2v. 6d. for the sicca rupee, had now fallen to Is. 11d., entirely owing to the unnatural state of the trade between Eng- land and India."

It appeared from the explanations of Ministers, that they had consented to a postponement, not from any doubt of the principle, but merely to give a little time ; and after another ineffectual divi- sion of the House on another evening, the bill was passed—the present duty to continue only till the next session of Parliament, with the understanding, that the change, fixing an ad valorem duty, of which 30 per cent, is to be the maximum, shall then take place.

FOREIGN WOOL.—Lord Wharneliffe endeavoured to elicit from the Duke of Wellington the views of Government in regard to the large body of evidence which the Committee on the Wool Trade had amassed. The Duke delivered a summary of the evidence-- that the price of wool had fallen; that the proprietors of the poor- er pastures received no rent ; that sheep had multiplied, and fleeces declined in quality ; that as wool waxed coarser, gentle- men's coats became finer ; hence the necessity of Foreign wool to supply our own manufactures : he could give no pledge that any measure founded upon this evidence would be undertaken by the Government. The wool-growing lords seemed rather dismayed ; some of them questioned the accuracy of his Grace of Wellington's reading; and the Duke of Richmond promised to do something himself—next session.

GAME BILLS.—Lord Whatmcliffe's Game Bill, after passing the House of Lords, was sent down to the Commons ; and there re- jected, on account of a clause imposing a pecuniary penalty, which the Commons (Lord Wharncliffe alleged by a strained interpre- tation) construed into a money-clause—a tax, which could not originate in the Upper House. A bill exactly similar was then brought in, and passed in the Commons ; but on the second read- ing in the Lords, on Tuesday, it was in its turn rejected, by a strong body of Peers, who mustered on the occasion, well loaded with proxies. Lord Wharncliffe warned the opponents of the measure, that it must come again and again before Parliament, for the game-laws would never more he permitted to remain in a quiescent state.

ELTHAM PALACE.—The Marquis of Lansdowne censured the dilapidation of this venerable residence of our ancient kings, and splendid monument of old English architecture. If the expense of completely repairing the edifice was too considerable to warrant the Government in entering upon it, at least the buildings ought not to be permitted to go wholly into ruin, or to be converted into barns and pigsties. The Duke of Wellington said, the estimate of repairing the structure amounted to £6000; and he for one could not consent, in the present times, to lay out the public money on such an object. Earl Dal nley thought that this was being penny wise and pound foolish. There were many modern buildings, of questionable utility, on which much greater sums had been lavished. He wished to know the cost of erecting, and afterwards of pulling down, the two gigantic flying tea-chests which composed the wings of Buckingham Palace ? The Duke of Wellington could not answer this—in the course of a month or two, when the accounts came in, he should be able to give the in- formation. This, however, he knew, that it was absolutely necese sary to pull down that part of the building, in order to render th- palace as complete as it ought to be as the residence of his Ma- jesty. He must say that no sovereign in Europe, be might even add, hardly a private gentleman, was so ill lodged as the King of this country. CORPORATE FUNDS.—The expenditure of 27,000/. by the Cor- poration of Leicester, in supporting a favourite interest at an election, gave rise to a bill for restraining the application of cor- porate funds to such uses ; the bill passed the House of Com- mons by a.great majority ; and it was presented to the House of Lords on Thursday by Lord Goderich for a second reading. He took a distinction between funds applicable to purposes of chanty and police, and funds for which no definite object was assigned: the latter,7he understood, might be applied to any legal use what- ever ; but surely none would leave money to corporations if it were understood that it might lawfully be applied to the returning of members of Parliament. The Lord Chancellor said, that cor- porations had as much right as private individuals to dispose at pleasure of property not specially destined ; and that they had as much right to a due influence at elections as a peer of the realm or .a wealthy commoner. The Earl of Eldon held the same doc- trine. The Earl of Rosslyn thought it a breach of trust to expend corporate funds in electioneering. The bill was thrown out.

MR. ()TWAY C AVE.—Connected with the Leicester squabbles, though not with the above bill, there was a scene in the House of Commons on Thursday evening, when Mr. Otway Cave moved that a petition of the inhabitants against an assessment by the Corporation should be referred to a committee. Mr. Peel thought from the numerous motions on this subject, that the irritation of the election had not yet subsided with Mr. Cave. Mr. Cave re- plied with some heat, and made use of the word "falsely." Mr. Peel called for an explanation of this. A long and obstinate alter- cation ensued ; Mr. Cave resisting every admonition addressed to him from the Chair, calling on him to explain. Eight times were the sonorous accents of the Speaker heard—" Mr. Otway Cave !" and eight times was the call ineffectual. At the ninth summons, Mr. Otway Cave surrendered at discretion, and then Mr. Peel declared that he meant no personal offence.

SUPERANNUATION ALLOWANCES BILL.—The official persons interested in opposing this measure have succeeded in procuring a postponement of it till next session at least. TRADE WITH AMERICA.—Mr. Huskisson, on Friday, in moving an address for the American tariffs of 1824 and 1828, brought under review the unequal " reciprocity " of the system of the United States, and their departure from the simple and just prin- ciple of the convention of commerce in 1815. That principle was, that each state should admit into the other all its manufactures, subject only to such duties as they would respectively be liable to in their own ports. By the present tariff, which, after much negotiation, had now been finally sanctioned by the Congress, the main staple productions of English industry were in reality prohibited. National vanity—the American self-importance—was at the bottom of this unwise policy, which restricted a commerce of far more importance to the United States than it could be to us. Foe as he was to such a system in the abstract, he thought the most manly course for us would be, to put an end to the conven- tion, meet the American prohibitory ,duties by equal prohibi- tions, and cultivate more closely the boundless resources of our possessions in India. Mr. Hume considered the conduct of the United States as a retaliation for our corn-laws : but experience would soon set them right, especially if our Government opened he whole of India to British industry. Mr. Peel also looked to ndia for the remedy of American impolicy. NATIONAL DEBT BILL.—This bill repeals the 4th of the present King, by which 5,000,000/. was to be issued annually for the re- duction of the debt ; and enacts that, in future, the sum applied shall, with the interest on the stock held by the Commissioners on the 5th inst., amount to 3,000,0001., &c. The Commissioners are empowered to purchase Exchequer bills, which are to be delivered to the paymasters of Exchequer bills to be cancelled.

On the second reading of this bill, Mr. Huskisson strongly ob- jected to the nature and extent of the transactions between the Government and the Bank of England, which exposed the whole circulation of the country to uncertainty, and might again lead to a suspension of cash payments. Mr. Maberly and Mr. Hume contended that all surplus of revenue should be applied to the reduction of the unfunded debt in the first instance.

CLARE ELECTION. — A petition against the return of Mr. O'Connell has been offered to the House, but withdrawn in the mean time a.s informal.