1 AUGUST 1846, Page 1

NEWS OF TIIE WEEK.

THE new Government proposal for the settlement of the Sugar- duties has been carried, in its first stage, that of the preliminary resolutions, by a majority of 265 to 135—almost two to one. This is a very decisive affirmation of the main proposition.

There was, of course, much curiosity to see how the different parties in the House would behave—a twofold interest, regarding not merely the fate of the particular measure, but the position of parties in matters relating to the material welfare of the people. The discussion, which lasted two nights, drew forth all sections, exhibited them all in a comparatively new light, and was attended by much less than the usual certainty of expectation as to the upshot.

The most eager curiosity was to see what the late Premier would do : would he oppose Ministers or not ? would he support them heartily or coldly ? He has supported them heartily, with- out forfeiting the independence of his position. The statement of his views amounted to this. There is a deficiency in the supply of sugar, which must be made good ; and had he remained in office he would have attempted a measure for that purpose. But, having recently sanctioned a new plan for the armed suppression of the slave-trade, and concluded new treaties, lie was in some sort

precluded from disturbing those arrangements. He therefore .0 would have attempted to draw his additional supplies from those countries that employ free labour. But such a measure could not have been final : differential duties of any kind could not stand much longer ; the supply of sugar must eventually have been thrown quite open. Lord John Russell's scheme occasioned no surprise to him, for it was perfectly in accordance with what he had put forth last year and this year ; and perhaps it would deal more satisfactorily with the question than the measure which Sir Robert contemplated. That would have allowed more respite to the West Indians, but would not have gone so far towards a final settlement—would not so far have put an end to the uncer- tainty which is so injurious to all trades. Furthermore, you must look to the position of parties: no Ministry could now be formed on the principle of resisting alteration of the Sugar-duties : if the duties are to be altered, Lord John is the proper man to do it : to what end, therefore, should the present Ministry be displaced or thwarted by opposition ? On these grounds, Sir Robert came to the conclusion that he must support the measure in general : but he pointed out some defects in it—the violation of free trade which refuses to admit the West Indian products freely, and the want of sufficient encouragement to immigration of labour into the West Indies. Sir Robert has been rubbing up his knowledge, out of office : the last subject he now grappled with for the first time; and he gave some excellent advice, when be told the Minister to do right without fear of what would be said about it. It is plain that if the measure were now forced upon Sir Robert Peel, he would deal with it more completely and liberally ; but his suggestions were offered in the best spirit, without obtrusion of his own pretensions ; leaving the practical treatment of them entirely to Ministers. It is hardly possible that his suggestions should fail to receive such consideration as will result in material improvements of the scheme. Meanwhile, his speech placed the policy to be pursued by judicious Members in the particular debate in the best position : it put the measure in the light of a political necessity, made resistance to it appear Quixotic, and no doubt confirmed many whverers to join the majority. The flower of his immediate supporters followed him faithfully. This de- bate, then, the first signal occasion since the change of Ministry, confirms the position of the Peel Conservatives as practical re- formers.

' The Protectionists, whose leader, Lord George Bentinek, raised the debate by his opposition, fell to quite a subordinate place. Lord George had been industrious in the collection of statistics,

but they proved spurious. Mr. Disraeli was called upon to sup- ply a gilt copy of Lord George's speech—gilt with the sun of eloquence ; and in the midst of a tedious essay, Mr. Disraeli hazarded a few brilliant fallacies, which were exploded as soon as uttered. Mr. Borthwick deserted ; talkin about Pariahs in India, and asking, " Who are bought and sold?" ?" on which malicious Sir James Graham cried, that it was difficult to say "who are bought and sold." The Protectionists and old Tories did their best at voting ; and we see the utmost that they can do in that way.

The Anti-Slavery party were very inadequately represented, in person chiefly by Sir Robert Inglis ; but some of their stock arguments were abundantly handled by all the opponents of the Government scheme; though more reliance was placed on the very opposite class of arguments in the Planter interest. Pure Anti-Slavery was clearly at a discount.

The West Indians contributed an interesting share of the dis- cussion. They may be divided into three sections. One, for whom Sir John Rae Reid spoke, cried out in utter alarm at the scheme ; but this section was in a minority. Another, with Mr. Philip Miles,' deprecated exposure to competition, but much more emphatically insisted on compensatory measures ; thus not denying the political necessity, but rather implying an admission of it. The third section, with Mr. Bernal and Mr. Barkly, fully admitted the necessity, and concentrated their energies on a demand that the free trade should be made complete—given for as well as against the West Indians. This was by far the most influential section of the West Indians : it has taken up strong ground, and may yet extort a fuller measure of justice.

Opposition was expected from the *1st Indians, as new sugar-

iroducers to whom protection had been promistd-by implication : ut on their part Sir James Weir Hogg betrayed no alarm. In- eed, they are in no bad position : nothing has been taken from them, as from the West Indians ; they have abundance of labour ; and they have a consumption in India itself which promises to increase as fast as the supply ; so that they are not dependent on protection.

The Liberals took no separate ground. Mr. Hume, who is understood to have West Indian connexions, spoke out stoutly for free trade—full free trade—free admission for Colonial produce, free trade in labour.

On the whole, the debate was satisfactory : the House of Com- mons thoroughly adopted, in this new branch, the principle of free trade; at the same time, there was a prevalent disposition to ren- der ample justice to the colonists ; and there was a very intelli- gent view of party relations.