1 FEBRUARY 1840, Page 2

Dcbatts anb lOrocetbings in Varliament.


In the House of Lords, on Monday, Lord Chancellor COTTENHAM 'oved the second reading of bill, introduced on the previous Friday, to naturalize Prince Albert of Saxe Coburg and Gotha.

Tire Duke of WELLINGTON refused to sanction the measure without further consideration. It was not merely, as the title stated, a bill to naturalize Prince Albert, but to give him precedence next to the Queen. This he had accidentally discovered ; and he desired that Lord Lynd- burst should have an opportunity of examining and discussing the bill.

After sonic remarks from Lord MELBOURNE, who strongly objected to the postponement, and Lord BROUGHAM, who described some extra- ordinary consequences of the measure, the second reading was put off to Friday.


The House of Counnons, on Monday, went into Committee on that part of the Queen's Speech which relates to a provision for Prince Albert of Saxe Coburg and Gotha ; and

Lord JOHN ItussELL moved the following resolution— 4, That her Majesty be enabled to grant an annual sum not exceeding 50,0004 out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, to his Serene Highness the Prince Albert of Saxe Coburg and Gotha, on his marriage to her Majesty, to commence from the day of the marriage, and to continue during the life of his said Serene Highness."

Mr. HUME moved to amend the resolution by substituting 21,000/. for 50,000/. He regretted that Ministers should have proposed any grant of money to Prince Albert. It was most inconsistent in those who voted last session against an increase of income to the Duke of Sussex to bring forward the present motion. He had examined the precedents on which Lord John Russell relied, and it did not appear to him that any were applicable to the case the Committee had then to consider. Mr. Hume proceeded to argue, that the grant was not only unnecessary, but most injurious. It would lead Prince Albert into temptation—consider the danger of placing a young man in London with 50,00u/. a year in his pocket! It would render the Queen imp pular ; for calculations would be made of the number of famishing fa. milies that 50,000/. a year would relieve. Dissatisihetion would prevail front one end of the kingdom to the other. Why should Prince Albert be exalted above the Royal Dukes—the sons and brothers of Kings? The allowance of the Royal Dukes, originally fixed at 12,000!. a year in 1778, had since been increased to 21,000/. a year : Mr Hume thought that too much ; and, though he respected nobody more highly than the Duke of Sussex, he had moved to reduce his income to 18,000/. Ile maintained that an example of economy should he set in the highest quarters— The expenditure of the Court hying extravagant and profuse, was ionotoo: dangerou., for it led to the extravagance of those who rutted the Court, and induced those difficulties which were seen every day. 11e asserted that economy ought to begin at the head, with the Crown itsclt; and ought to extend to all branches dependitig on the Crown ; for if economy met with the sand the highest authority, the example would be generally fallout ed. W;is it pos- sible tiffany one to look at the great difficulties and at the distvcss which now existed in the country, and stay that this grunt was proper ?

Was it right to give Queen Victoria and Prince Albert a larger income titan had been voted to King William and Queen Adelaide ?— They bad voted retitle to the Queen fin. her prier purse 60,0001.; for the Wades of the llousehold 131,290/. ; for tradesmen's bills 172,5(101.; fbr Royal bounty and ch;:rity (exclusive or pensions) 1:3,200/.; and fur unappropriated monies the further stun of tz,040/.; nuking it round numbers the annual suet or more by 111.1 III; a year than they had given to 'William the Fourth. The Civil 1,1s; of 'William the Fourth was .)10,000/. a year ; but out of that they had to take the grant for the Queen's privy purse or 50,000/, 7),0001. now provided ild• from other sources, and 10,000/, for secret service ;:ealey, making 1:i5,0U01. There tutu one ieature in the ex• penditure of William the Fuurlb, that slinitid be mentioned to his honour: the Civil list that hail been vutcrl was sodicient 1hr his whole reign, and when lac died tmexpee:', d, and not mkt shilling of debt. It stood record, d in t.. liepert of the ( 'wood! tee, and it was so extraordinary, looking at the custom M. preceding 'Kings, that he thought it merited every honour; and he ]paled that h would obtain it. lie trusted that lie should live, at the end of :WWII p..:IrS of the expenditure of the Civil List by Queen Victoria, to sec it equally well applied, and to find that her Ministers would not connive at any proceeding in which her character might be involved; for involved it would be, if die -humid be advised to incur any expenditure beyond what Par- liament had allowed.

Thu cost of the Royal Family had increased since King William's death— During the last year of King William's reign, the sums granted for the other branches of the Royal amity reached only to 171,000/. a year ; the allowances were for the King of Hanover, 21,000/. ; for the Dukes of Sussex and Cambridge, 21,000!. each ; for Prince George of Cumberland, 6,0001. ; for Prince George of Cambridge, 6,000/. ; the Princesses Augusta, Maly of Gloucester, Elizabeth, and Sophia, 13,0001. each; the Dutchess of Kent and Princess Victoria, 22,000/.; Princess Sophia of Gloucester, 7,000/.; and the trustees of Prince Leopold 50,000/.,—making a total of 206,000/. ; and de- ducting the 35,0001. a year repaid by Leopold's trustees, the actual amount would, be 171,000/. Now, however, they had to add the allowance to the Queen Dowager, 100,000/. ; and the increase to the Dutchess of Kent from 22,000/. to 30,000/.; and there was chargeable on the Consolidated Fund 295,0001. a year for the different branches of the Royal Family; and if they deducted Leopold's repayment of 35,000/., the balance actually paid was 200,0004 a year ; and if they added this to the Queen's grant of 385,0004 a rear, the whole amount now paid was 645,000/. a year, being more by 0,000/. this year than in the former times. If they further added the proposed allowance of 30,000/. a year to Prince Albert, the whole amount would be 695,000/. a.year. Was that a n4•gardly allowance ? Was there not besides all income arising from the Dutch es of Cornwall and Lan- caster, which, if properly managed, would produce at least 30,0001. a year additional, but which was taken up at the present moment ha paying sinecures? Then there was 17,000/. a year as pensions to old servants, and 98,000/. a year for what were formerly the Civil List pensions ; with expensive palaces and parks. Was this the time when they wanted any new elements to stir up strife ? Was this the time, wham they saw discontent raging, that they should propose a large grant ?

For his own part, he was opposed to any grant at all; but as there was a general disposition to vote an independent income to Prince Albert, he proposed to put that allowance on the same scale as that of a Royal Duke.

Mr. WILLIAM WILLIAMS seconded the amendment. He said Mr. Hume had underrated the amount paid to the Royal Family. He com- plained of the extravagance of the Reformed Parliament. The people had expected economy as the fruit of Reform ; but instead, votes were carried now which the Unreformed Parliament would scarcely ever have sanctioned.

Lord Mawr remarked, that as the House had given a pledge in the Address to make a suitable provision for Prince Albert, the only ques- tion was as to the amount. Ile thought 50,000/, too much, and 21,0001. insufficient. When the necessary expenses of the Queen Consort were considered, it would be found that she had only front 15,0001. to 16,0001. left at her own disposal ; whereas, according to Lord John Russell's own statement, Prince Albert would have more than double that amount. If it happened that the Queen died childless, Prince Albert surviving, the MIMIC of this large sum of 50,0001. might be expended abroad. He would make no ad captandum professions of loyalty and affection for his Sovereign—he believed such sentiments were entertained by all of them ; nor would he dwell upon the distresses of the people; but he would say distinctly, that it was dangerous to vote a large separate in- come to the Queen's husband. lie considered that 30,000/. a year—the sum which Colonel Sibthorpe intended to propose—would meet the exi- gencies of the case ; and he should oppose Mr. llume's amendment and support that which Colonel Sibthorpe would move. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER then addressed the House; but, in consequence of his very indistinct tone, many of his observations were unintelligible to the reporters. He relied much upon the grant of 50,000/. to Prince George of Denmark, and contended that the prece- dent was not the less applicable because Queen Anne was empowered to pay it out of the hereditary revenues of the Crown ; the arrangement by which those revenues were surrendered in return for a Civil List not having then been made. He reminded the House of the restriction on the Pension-fund, which threw burdens upon the Privy Purse for com- passionate allowances and the calls of private benevolence. He was satisfied that, if the House wished to prevent the Crown from incurring debt, the best course was to grant a Civil List that would put those who depended upon it for support in a situation to defray all the demands which they must necessarily meet. It was impossible to say -what Prince Albert's actual expenditure for state purposes would be ; but he thought that, with the experience of analogous circumstances before them, the Cinumittee would be of opinion that 50,000/. was not an ex- cessive provision. Mr. Linnia.i, wished to preserve the respectability of the Royal Family, to prevent any cause that might sow the seeds of dissension between the Queen and her husband; and therefore lie would not vote the Prince too large an income. Ile thought 0;o,000/. sufficient.

Mr. WARD considered it very desirable that the Committee should agree unanimously to a vote of 30,000/. ; but, though Mr. Hume might consent to withdraw his amendment, it was to be feared that the Go- vernment would make no concession— lie knew that they would be called mean and stingy in not voting hi a more liheral manner flir the maintenance of a Prince who thus threw himself upon our shores, and that it was unworthy of the greatness; of the country, and so forth: but we had already paid far too dearly for keeping up what was called the dignity of the country. The income of the President of the greatest re- public in the world was nothing like a fourth of the grant now proposed for the consort of the Sovereign of this country. Taking all the circumstances of the ease into consideration, lie 'loathd vote in favour of the amendment of the Lonourable Meinher fur Kilkenny, if he persisted in pres,ing it to a divi- sion. and if that were not carried, then he should give his next vote in throur of Sibthorpo's proposition.

Mr. Rotuma' PAr.)inn, thinking 50,6001. too Much and 21,0(107. too little, Would vote fur 30,000/.

Sir Ronmar Issues reminded the House of the principle which always directed. his votes on questions affecting the expenditure of the Crown- -1u consequence of the improvident bargain which the Crown nearly a cen- tury ago made in the surrender of its hereditary revel:lies, the nation hail re- ceived, in the various sums which constitute ti;ese hereditary revenues, nu. sent of 116 millions; while the utmost amount which had in the same perioa been received by the Crown in the place of these revenues was (55 millions, so that there had accrued to the country a saving by the Civil List Act of net less than 51 millions. Ile therefore always held it inconsistent, lie would not may s.itli the justice, but with the generous feelings of the House, to exhibit an indisposition to net with liberality towards the Crown when the proper oc- casions arose, after the sacrifice which the Crown had made of not less than 51 millions in the space of seventy-seven years.

If Queen Victoria were in possession of the hereditary revenues of the Crown, as Queen Anne was, would anybody say that as liberal an allowance would not be made for Prince Albert as for Prince George of Denmark ? He had resolved to give his entire support to the sum proposed by the Ministers.

Mr. GOULRURN concurred in a principle which Lord John Russell had laid down for their guidance in settling the allowance to the Queen's consort—that reference should be had to the Civil List granted to King William and Queen Adelaide— At the close of the reign of King William, the House, When it examined minutely into the expenditure of that reign, found that the grant which had been made to 'William and Adelaide had been adequate to every purpose of regal dignity, splendour, and hospitality. Ile found that, thanks to the care of his Majesty, there was not only no debt on the establishment, but on the contrary, that there was a surplus of several thousands. Su that, looking at the case of the past reign, it seemed very manifest, that if the Hous.; gave such an addition to her Majesty's Civil List as should make the double Civil List, as he might call it, equal to the double Civil List of William and Adelaide, the House would do all that was necessary or required for the purpose of maintaining the Royal dignity, splendour, and hospitality. Let any person comparo these two Civil Lists. It was notorious that the Civil List of William the Fourth was fixed, as the honourable Member correctly stated, at 510,0001. From that amount must be taken, first, 75,000/. fur pensions ; and secondly, for secret service money, 10,000/., which had been since transferred to the Consolidated Fund. These two sums, together S3,0001., deducted from 510,0001., made the Civil List of William and Adelaide amount to only 425,000/. To her present Majesty the House had granted 385,000; and if there were an addition made of 50,000/. a year for the Queen's Consort, this Double Civil List would amount to 435,000/., Instead of 49.5,0001., the double Civil List of William and Ade- laide. Nor would the double Civil List of her present Majesty exceed that of the last reign by only this sum of 10,000/. By figures, which would admit of no dispute, he could show the House that the double Civil List of Queen Victoria would exceed that of' William the Fourth by the further sum of 10,000/. Her Majesty had the advantage of a positive excess of 10,000/. beyond that received by King William, and the ftirther advantage of a diminution of expenditure to the same amount. Honourable gentlemen who had servel on the Committee on this subject would recollect, that it having hoer thought tit to reduce the salaries of the great Officers of State, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord Montoagle, brought the question before the House, and an- nounced that the Coveniment was prepared to reduce the salaries of those officers by an amount which would effect a reduction in the Civil 1.ist of 10,000/. This reduction was subsequently carried into effect, though the people hail not arrived any benefit fvom it, in consequence of the alterations made in other de- iurtments of the Household.

He thought it an omission that no proviso was made for the dream- awices which might occur in the contingency of the Prince surviving the Queen, with children born of the marriage. it might happen that 50,000/., too nmeh now, might be too lit tInt thou. The Committee divided on Mr. Ilume's amendment—

For it 38 Against it 305 Colonel Surrnonon then moved to substitute 30,0001. for 50,000/. in the resolution. He found with much satisfaction, on reference to the proceedings in Parliament respecting the grant to Prince George of Denmark, that one of his own ancestors had taken a similar part to that which he felt it his duty to adopt. After Mr. Gradburn's lucid state- ment, it was unnecessary to give his reasons for reducing the sum in the resolution to 30,0001.

Lord Joux ItussELL maintained that all the pri.cedents were in favour of the larger stun ; and that of the last reIgn especially, although Mr. Goulburn had endeavoured to mystify a very plain matter- " When vou had this Civil List of King Willi:in, the P.:urtli and Queen Adelaide be.fore you, you proposed that the yriek la s,. fin. King William should be 60,001/. a yeas, and that Ihr Quesn .1 ,I:•l:1.1-7(,, .. cif. n veal', making altogether 110,0011/. If yult li.e.r grant (lie ,:::: a l,:•1: 11.e honourable and gallant officer proisaes, the Queen will hays a , shil Prince Albert :30,000/., making teactlier ts Is ::i:/. ; being -Sivas la isa:s„ :. ,: the privy lame of William the Fowl; :,nd. Q. ,•Ti ,A_(.1:e■11.-. 'I'1,• ', plank ((lid unde- niable as figures can !T. 1.,mottral(le !,entle- ! - man has bewildered this ,:t i.mher witich has

nothing to do with :s I '

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truly, il:st redia:

st sf 11:,,s :II?. ; but

this 1:01:isoaa '• :the civil I.i.t, to the amomit of : • l.,• no s

should Le a , .

the Lord CI: . I !,.lieve, whersver it n::.

Queen . went of convenience, a Victoria. Kis \ • : ...out the s. that pose:: • lima ' legs• I -houl.l

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the c: . aono. tli:s I:, ••

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he had 11911 Ilk. I,..,1--1 ..; ,. slasi ' Ish the

gentlemen opposite 1'1' .11 • .01m, as (..'te,-.•,,Ir," yt. tft, l. \ ' A pro- ps. ; :. • - lion.

1. e- L1.. -us of eise .e.• to

.:ling year. iL,• Op- re- gars may '•eis of tr.: ; ',.{,a/osi .•


profession_ oft la to say a word :Ton tile :Alt of respect "..tel fora snuffler stint, and the; tve kion,• ----Si.

They aro :sr rcducing oar:: vote ; end in ::, that is

perfeetly consist.:in them; but I Mill,: ■:e171a t., ce:. :1 with them."

Lord Etio'r appealed to Members opposite, wi:::.her be had v:ovoked this attack—whether he had ever given -Ian to feelings not con- sistent with tho most perfect loyalty: Sir JAMES tiaanala rose with a feeiing almost of 1:-.dignation. when he heard a Minister of the Crown insin,rate—for the noble lord dared not directly make the charge—that in the vote tin:y were about to give for the smaller sum, they were it-Alin:nevi v•:est of respect for the Sovereign. He rose to repel that insinu:a,, . eonveyed. He felt for her Majesty the respect due from a love: ; but he also had a duty to perform a; a Representetive of th,, People— It was, then, in po sforming hi.: duty to her 7,1:ijotty, and as a guardian of the public purse, that he "A ,1s not to 1,0 induced to give one f:rthing more than the necessity of the ease required. Althoueli tlas oolde lord was an adviser of the Crown, and professed. he presumed, a more than ordinary attachment to the Crown, yet he lutist take the lilsrty of the noble lord. that in the time in which they lived the safety and he losmor of The Crown mere best consulted by avoiding to press :Ton the 0.2 P, mne:t I. or tit:iv gene- rosity, for that which the absolute neeessif css r.,pt!re. The noble lord had been pleased to rely upon the lose:data I■y the case of

Prince George of Denmark : but than. the very tit it the noble lord

contended for and assorted that the mmlogy complete. 10.1y. it mi4lit be asked of him, it he so t,qh-th on it. Cl::. not follow it The nohle lord relied upon the ease of Prince tr;,...w:e tit 1).-1.:n.17k 1 of tic. to Consort. In the first there was a grant the lift of ;la: :_ ' which, jn ease of survivorship, Was to he Iltel'easea 11. :1.1011olle lord felt

that the precedent sustainod him. why n, t- not make a de-

mond tbr 50.0001., and with ■!. C,';($ of " 011, oh !" from fht• ..1111,i.:h.-; .1 11 h, that though he contended Ms the analosv. yet 1.,• !! • 17,!c. As to the ease of Queens Comma, he 1einitliato1 it. '1'].•

was recognized by tho :ea:ilut ion of Eie• :and. • :a sta- tion; she had indepen. ; and. fi•oin leer.. s.

1.1'1.1i1,1-: cr.; t' the a. for c.,01. a .; the the -; la

sale • of t


• t ail


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cessary that a large f. •.: •' 1:1!shinont shet!1 is. •

could he no doubt ,11 i'.'.- : ....ter. Qi: . : .1.:, .. : Horse ; and for the pa., :,.51... .0' various Is". ,•.- .... .

the stables 10,0100/. Tin r, 's .' itder. Cs• ' ..• 1.:.i .2.

year. if they tried the ea,. - hal hs, ..i,'-. t •:, i: t..s. it ..• ...,a. .: proposal of the ho: mrabl, : s : allhe0 '1 ' : .1' Mr Liaeoin a ....

gentlemen with whom be had the honour to act had not forgotten the duty that they owed to her Majesty. (Opposition cheers.)

Mr. LEADER did not think the precedents quoted in favour of the grant applicable ; but if they were, why should the Committee be guided by precedent ?— Those who talked of precedents did not recollect how different was the state of the country now, from what it was in the reign of Queen Anne. For to one man that was able to read and write in the reign of Queen Anne, there were a hundred thousand able 'to rend and write now; for one man that in Queen Anne's reign considered politics, there were a hundred thousand men that now considered them ; and for one DWI that would condemn an extrava- gant grant in the reign of Queen Anne, there were hundreds of thousands, even millions, he might say, who Would discuss tmd condemn the vote that it was probable that the House of Commons would come to that evening. It had been said, that in proposing such a grant they ought not to look to the state of the country, nor of its finances. He did not consider that there could be a better argument applied to such a subject ; it was on such a subject being pro- posed that they ought to look and see what was the state of their finances, what the condition of their trade, and whether th.:ir commerce was thriving. These, in his opinion, were the things fine them to consider when they were granting the public v They ought to look to what would be the effect produced out of doors. People would say that there was economy- in the cottage and extravagance in the palace; that they were very economical in their management of union poorhouses, but that they were very extravagant when they had to make a grant for the palaces of our princes. He agreed in that opinion. Ile regretted that so large a grant was proposed by the Government; and as the smaller evil, he chose to vote for 30,000/. The Secretary for the Colonies had taunted the right honourable gentleman opposite, that if be were in office he would not have hesitated in proposing 50,000/ That was a remark which lie assured the noble lord would not he lost on the country. It showed that Whigs and Tories' when in power, were the stone—equally extravagant and equally forgetful of the interests of the people. The only' difference was this, that when time Whigs got on the Treasury benches, they forgot all their former professions; they forgot all their promises of econotny; or only remem- bered theta for the purpose of taunting honourable gentlemen on the Opposi- tion benches that they had become economists themselves.

Mr. O'CONNELL briefly supported the grant of 50,000/. In so doing, be obeyed the direction of his constituents, who had instructed him to support the Sovereign in every way.

Mr. JosEs reminded the House, that 30,0001. was proposed for Prince Leopold by the :Ministers of the day, but that Mr. Tierney and the Op- position immediately proposed to raise the allowance to 50,000/. Upon that oeceision,then, the smaller sum was offered by the Tories, the larger by the Whigs—Mr reasons.which it was unnecessary to mention.

Mr. MUTTON the more readily supported the larger sum. that he be- lieved. from what he had heard of the Prince's character and acquire- ments,'a considerable portion of it was likely to be applied in promo- tion of literature and science.

Sir HUBERT PEEL would never shrink from voting on this or any other question ; but he did not know that lm should have risen to ad- dress the House were it not for Lord John Russell's insinuation—an insinuation introduced so tmneeessarily, so unjustly, and so contrary to nil Parliamentary rules and prieui;les—so unworthy of a Minister of the Crown, and the Leader of the !louse of Commons.

Ny lett right had the noble lord to make the insinuation that he had dome? Suppi,:itig he had said that the pale lord's motive in proposing such a grant as 50,0cok was a base suhserviency towards the Crown—supposing Ile heat said that wItirb was perfectly irrocallar, and which would be pLifectiv unjust, ho thought he would have been tall at Clive by the Speaker that he clad no right to go on imputing motives. It would lie lose and unworthy of him to be in- fluenced at all by the events of last Alay ; but it would be as unworthy as it would he cowardly in him to shrink from the performance of his ditty from the fear that such a motive would he imputed to him. It would be puling, etre- minute delicacy in him, if he acquikoseed in a vote which he felt to be wrong, because he fetli'Vd some honourable gentlemen opposite saying, " You arc act- ing from a spiteful recollection of the events of fast May." `'He did mot vote for the min Her sum, on the ground that had been taken .by honourable gentle- men—he did not adopt now ft course which he had constantly rejected— namely, in considering the grant, taking into calculation how ninny Ihmilics might he soppoi•ted by it. Ile did not give his vote on account of the tempo- rary di tress that prevailed, nor because lie,ncial difficulties were felt ; for he believt d that this great country was civil enough, and powerful enough, to make 3 prep, r IihOWallre tin' the Consort of the Sovereign. Ile introduced none of these in( :lions topics. Ile felt that what he did might cause temporary dis- pleasnoo ; but he was conscious I hat he me-tilted the permanent interest of the Crown, and that the vote he gave was consistent with liberality towards the Crow., mut with justice towards the people. He who acquiesced in a vote whirl. I,e hit could not be vindicated, was cut:: tr...e friend to the Crown. He was a ;, nch greater friend to the Crown, who (avett it front the unpopularity of an :,ttavagant vote. to much rhea tin' his duty towards the Crown; and note n- lo the position of the House of Comonins, and the position of parties. kie s id that tic gnat political intcrc,t of parties was to be maintained; and mild! g. in the present state of public feeling, could be so ruinous to both par- ties, I., flare were a contest between them as to wIieh of them would show the pi,' test Liter:lilt% in such a vote. It might promote the temporary in- terest it party ; but any fear, or any shrinking from that which they believed to be t! sir dl.ty, 1,..eld do more thanahy thing (1,e to ruin the character of the !Isms • of Coo to .1.5. (Mach ../wee,a9.) Sir unhurt tool, the same view- a the question as Mr. Conlhurn. He denin,! hit the provision made for Prinen George of Denmark was a preco,!-, t for Parliament to follow ; and 31inisters, in point of het, tho;o: .1...y reflorrtd to it, did i:ot f011,11,V it — A - ..s P.111,:onent was coo eri i,i, their was no provision made /ht. Pei:., I.. TLC hint ,:t■ that was ',hauling. It wee Tin 11.11,g : it 0,0 stilt tiMry The marriage of Pr:i.e. :e.g.. with the Prim to k plaee beiiire the Pier the t!; tied event PAi.oloont made increase to the 1%!VC:11:e. of ffir I' , : iota,••,,.. which took place was made out of flows revtline: to t! mild have withal if' 00 marriage hall taken plate. I, a: ILA, no long time tilt r the inarri,,;.e, Parliament did grant 'tn.( i. 111 ta,. hi it ,,,rviv,w,lijp. But v, a; the pre-cot grant

/ a \ i'vr to P111,11c George in run.,c of SUP ?

30,u • :.11.!,[1:1,1. the thrive, tht.t..1(,:e, voted nn „,,, , i!i■ V■ 1 1811,1 It 111/. A Hart, it Will • ,rut lit feat to la!fool..,/, ai...,oro/., d,•la On the contingent.).

oft' In 1 hi' Pri!.■ !., opo■ht it II,- Pri•ua tharloti-,

the i.. ,.,14,1 01.1111. to ui ill ,;11 .veil IisLnn9lt lit the iiu•■,' viii 11.;■11:■lh• honittiy eew-ed ; to that : /. v to maintain Own' ((hide establiAuli i it in town awl out the country that the grant to Prince Leopold was too great ; that, sup, posing the Prince should survive the Princess and live abroad, 50,0001. was too much. He must say that the noble lord could not rely upon an analogy of this kind, where the grant appeared too great to the country, and whiel, had been proved so by the generous relinquishment by Prince Leopold of a great part of his income, which he had thought it advisable to abandon in deference to the general' opinion of the people. The members of the Royal Family had 21,000/. to support their whole establishments; and he thought that a provi- sion of 30,0004 for Prince Albert was a liberal allowance.

In reply to Lord John Russell's observation that the privy purse of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert would be 20,0001. less than that of King William and Queen Adelaide if the amendment were carried, Sir Robert said, that what he contended for and what Mr. Goulburn had said was this, that the whole sum applicable to the purposes of Royalty would be 20,0007. more, if 50,000/. were voted now to Prince Albert, than the whole sum applicable to the same purposes during the last reign. This was palpable, and not at all mysterious.

Mr. VILLIERS said that two principles had been laid down Hume proposed 21,000/. as sufficient to meet the exigencies of the case: precedents had been quoted in support of the other two propositions of 30,000/. and 50,0001. : he thought both excessive, but in point of prin- ciple there was no tangible difference between them. The Committee divided—

For Colonel Sibthorpe's amendment 2(12 Against it 158 Majority against Ministers 704 The substitution of 30,0001. for 50,000/. was carried ; and the House resumed.

On Tuesday, Mr. BERNAL brought up the report of the Committee, and leave was given to bring in a bill embodying the resolution.


The House of Commons was crowded on Tuesday for a trial of the strength of parties.

Sir Join YARDE BULLER moved, " That her Majesty's Government, as at present constituted, does not possess the confidence of this House." Sir John supported his resolution in a long speech on the state of the country an,,,1 the conduct of Ministers. The principal topics he touched upon were the Chartist disturbances, which he attributed to the system of agitation encouraged by the present Government ; the introduction of Irish Repealers into the Administration, and the manifest subser- viency of' the advisers of the Crown to Mr. O'Connell ; the preference of Dissenting interests to those of the Established Church; disgraceful jobbing—especially the arrangement by which Sir John Newport's place in the Exchequer was secured to Lord Monteagle ; the want of protection to agriculture ; Mr. Owen's introduction to the Queen ; mis- management of the Colonies, and neglect of the Navy.

Alderman THOMPSON, in seconding the motion, referred particularly to the proceedings in South Wales for proof that the Government pos. sessed no authority adequate to the protection of property and the pre- servation of order. There was general discontent, and a spirit of in- subordination in the provinces and in the metropolis. The state of the finances was unsatisfactory. The China trade was stopped ; and the Government refused to make good the engagements of its accredited agents. The expenditure of the country was exceeding its income ; yet Ministers, from dread of unpopularity, refrained from the imposi- tion of new taxes. The interests of British commerce were neglected; as occurrences in South America and Africa—at Buenos Ayres and Portendic—proved. It was in consequence of Ministerial neglect that troubles had broken out in Canada, and difficulty in the Government of Jamaica. With reference to Jamaica, he asked, what had occurred to prove that the confidence of Parliament had been regained by Minis- ters since May last, when they resigned avowedly in consequence of wanting sufficient Parliamentary support? The first measure they in- troduced this session had been rejected. Was that a proof of possess- ing the confidence of the House of Commons? The Alderman con- cluded by stating, that this was the first time, during twenty years lie had sat m Parliament, that he had taken a prominent part in a political

discussion ; but, us an independent man, he felt impelled to come forward and declare his belief that Ministers had neither the disposition nor the ability to uphold the institutions and maintain the true interests of the country.

Sir GEonon 0 ellti said he should meet the motion with a direct ne-

gative. Ile rejoiced, however, that the motion had been made. He was glad that the gentlemen whom he had seen on the opposite benches for the last five years, had at length mustered courage to substitute a manly, open, unobjectionable course of attack, to perpetual warfare in detail, vainglorious boasting over the nullity of each successive session's labours, and petty obstructions to the progress of Government. The question at length was put fairly— whether the House was prepared to transfer its confidence from Ministers to the Opposition ? In dealing with this question, his principal difficulty was the absence of anyleal matter of complaint to grapple— Ile could find nothing in the speeches of flu: honourable Baronet or of the ho- nourable Alderman to justify the present motion, or to account for the great and 1110111C1f10119 importance which was attached to it at the present time. Nor did he derive that inferination from any other source. Ile had looked cam• • hilly into the various organs of the Cooservative party which day by day fa- voured them with explairdions on the affairs of honourable gentlemen oppo- site, to lind some light thrown upon the policy which had dictated the present motion ; and he was us much nt a loss as the mover and seconder themselves I to account for the institution of this motion. They were first informed, amidst the most confident predictions as to the results of the pending elections, that this very question was, on Tuesday the 2Stli January, to determine

the existence of the Whig Government. That note was subsequently changed;

and they acre JI0 doubt from the better inanimation which had been obtained in ti,o interval, that all that was looked flit• was the great " Mo- ral effect of a minority • " and further, that this motion was neces.uoy in order 11/ fix the position or .qembers on the other silk', and to test the political places width (v. ry cite 11011111 the House. And was it come to this, that honourable gentlinneu on the witsbiris of the Conservative party could not be depended upon. and that it into m cc,sary to fix them itt thdr waveriu,, support ? Was the propnsiiion brow.ht forward because it was feared that the Oppiciition during their sittings? I lad it thus become necessitia to fix the political places which were to be occupied by the Conservatives ? Wan it in order to fix wavering Members for the rest of the session, that it was to be commenced by a vote for the direct removal of her Majesty's Ministers. Again, he said for himself and for his friends around him, that they desired no better motion; he was anxious and willing to test whether they possessed the confidence of the House. He was confident of the manner in which the mo- tion would be decided; he doubted nut for a moment what the opinion of the House would be; and he did trust and hope that the decision to which they would come upon this question would remove a great obstruction to the pro- gress of public business. Sir George proceeded to deal with the accusation of encouraging agi- tation. He retorted upon the Opposition the "unparalleled alliance" of Tories with Chartists, and their patronage of the " incendiary Oastler." Mr. WILLIAM DUNCOMBE rose to order. He put it to the Speaker, whether Sir George Grey was justified in calling Mr. ()tatter the "in- cendiary Oastler?"

Sir GEORGE GREY—" I at once retract the expression, and I leave Mr. ()ostler to the protection of his party." He ridiculed the charge of encouraging Chartism, or of making Lord John Russell responsible for Frost's treason, because that person had been appointed to the 3Iagis- Vatcy after having taken an active part, like Sir James Graham and Lord Stanley, in carrying the Reform Bill. He taunted the Opposition with their careful abstinence from all mention of the state of Ireland and the withdrawal of troops from that now pacified country. No doubt, on the Corn question and on the Education question there might be differences. of opinion among the supporters of Government ; but were the Opposition united upon these points? Had not Mr. Dawson spoken at the Devonport canvass in favour of a modification of the Corn-laws; and might he not on this occasion, as once before, have announced an approaching change of Sir Robert Peel's opinions on this question ? He defended Sir John Newport's pension, on the ground of kin services ; and considered it a sufficient reason for making the Ballot an open question, that it enabled the Government to secure the services of Mr. Macaulay. Looking to the Colonies, he could point with satisfaction to the progress of affairs in Canada and Jamaica ; while in India, Lord Auckland's operations had been crowned with splendid success. Sir George then adverted to the differences among the Conservatives with respect to the Reform Act, which Lord Lynd • burst denounced but Sir Robert Peel sup; orted. hide policy would prevail, were gentlemen opposite restored. to power? On other ques- tions Sir Robert Peel could not command the support of his nominal followers— They had been engaged in an arduous combat for the maintenance of their privileges, and the right honourable Baton t had taken such ::n attire part in these discussions as to command and draw upon him the full and unqualified approbation of all who sat on the Ministerial side of the House. Singh:- handed in speaking on the side of the question which he did, with the ex- ception of the noble lord the Memher for Marylebone, he bravely 1111,1 111141y fought the battle of the House; and the Ilaneead the country owed him , thauks for the exertions he had made; hut how did his party regard the eumlnct of their leader ? how did they support him in a course of prucrvdiug which, he stated, was essential to the maintenance of the house? 1101V did they deal with hint whom they would make PrimeMinister of this country? Did he net

the party opposite to give their confidence to hint in the 0/M.111Si:10h he con- ceived it essential to take? did he not ask them to join with !del in supporting those privileges of the House which he de:-eribed as oio!d-CS,91i-■.Li ill the etlieient and energetic discharge of their fnuctim,s, and of %.:delt if they were deprived

lie declared that lie would abdicate his seat These were not the opinioll, it the party opposite, and of those who now surromelei hint, amid who were pre- pared to vote with him on this occasion, but wh.. huOtt again4 him and Cto

majority in the battle for the privileges of that I Ilmse. It been said tl.•:42 the rigid- honourable Baronet would be in a Insority on the pt-esent and some of his enthusiastic friends did not disguise this ; and, oerovd. ing to the sanguine prophecy or the honourable Alderman, \vol.!! on :Iv.

eve of a dissolution. What was the laietlee of the oip; :if the ree,t honourable gentleman, the enemies er tee eriviieses of tied limeee teel would not trust him on that subject, elthongh he teid them teat th.I 1 jvis;e.: were essontial to their most importent l'unetiees, to the dee me. or toe' to II,'

exposure of abuse, and to their furnishing the people with informetion --

sat's. thr their guidance? Ile would mils refer to the speech of the !1, cor o!' London. in one of the impassioned speeches whicii he addressed ill' ;eine the other meht, in allusion to the es,.rimns that had been made to those prolleges which the constitution had Tested iu that he -.:id I'mt• the majority was composed of the :Slinistcrial side of th.• i toto‘o ; reminded of the support of the right lionoulab!e Bare:. : and

Members who acted with him, added, in a sienifieree nianesev aneimot which majority there was a small fraction of the I:et i-q2rvati ve party." A :Mall fraction of the Conservative party indeed I Was this the estimate of those who generally supported the right honourable Berunet? sad who lent him their cordial ant and support on the present occasion, but tvlo»vould not support him in ;my measure having a liberal character, or wliore lie preb•vvet geod to evil, or light to darkners. A small fraction cf the Conservative p.,rty I an I or whom was this small fraction composed'? Ile thend that the eight leineeralee

Baronet, in his support of the pri-,ilegm, of this Ihnise. rceelvt,1 tit,-

several of the leading. men around him, The lade lord tl,e tie: Lee- cashire pre his silent volt- ill 311111101't fl:.. privilege S. The Iv-nom--

able gentleman the Member thr the UM rer,d!y of Canitith:,A",nrsue S':I: course; and the right honourable Baronet the I I Amomer JC111.11%,..C. ;:n11 right honourahle tiedgallent Member ror Launce•don, vote,: iu ti- s.!!.!,, The right honourable Baronet, in t comse ,t15,1011 ill lilt Slat, is,...11t 111111111 Ile made consequent on the on.Icec.,fal at to, ; to Ural it Com-,•:•‘.ii, • t ministration, very tatrly stated to the Ilemse the :•:!•::,,s noblemen connected with his party, whom he had d d!,:etItt :- to in the formation of hi future Government. Four of them were , f I'm

House, and four of them of that !louse. The four Mead It or ilmt who were com.nited by the right honourable pooh:man on thot w-ca-Mo

no doubt, intended to be the future Ministers of the Con,,,;val iv.- :11:11 Members attic new Cabinet. Such' indeed was this miscrarde f.u!!ion Conservative party. 1/e did not brint. this forward 11114 11,1.1 t icw of %tom:din, the feelings of the right lumina:dee Baronet, lot that the Bans,' would consider this in the attempt that was now made to overturn the pr.•,,,:it and form a new Government.

Ile maintained that Ministers were entitled to the support of the llouse and of the people, by their successful exertions for the iniprovemeet of the laws and itistitutions of the country. The Whigs could claim credit for repealing the Test and Corporation Act, for carrying the Catholic Relief Bill, emancipating. the Negroes, reforming the Municipal institu- tions of England and Scotland, and few attempting—he hoped suecess- fully this session—to extend Municipal Reform to Ireland. Ile was persuaded that the House would continue support to the Finciples of progressive improvement, carried out in the measures he had named, and unite with him in giving a dealed negative to the motion.

Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET confined himself to the Chartist distur- bances in South Wales ; which he attributed in a great measure to the strong persuasion among the mining population, that agitation was not disagreeable to her Majesty's Government.

Mr. H.twes was prepared to maintain that the main elements of the country's prosperity had made advances under the Whig Ministers; and he proceeded to read various statistical tables in support of this pro- position. It appeared from Mr. Hawes's statements, that the aggregate consumption of tobacco, sugar, tea, coffee, soap, plate, and spirits, amounted in 1332 to 26,518,1971., but in 1838 to 30,843,856/. ; that in the consumption of cotton wool there had been an increase of 75:4 and in sheep's wool of 100 per cent. ; in imported timber of 45 per cent. The number of steam-vessels bad been nearly trebled since 1830; the tonnage of vessels entered inwards had been increased since 1830 from 2,201,592 tons to 2,420,759 tons ; in vessels entered inwards in the foreign trade of the United Kingdom the increase was from 2,938,878 to 3,501,254 tons. Taking into calculation the repeal of many produc- tive taxes, there had been a virtual increase in the net revenue of three millions and a quarter, in le:iS as compared with 1830. The imports and exports showed a similar improvement. The substantial interests of the country having ilourielted under the present Government, he could not agree to a vote which would replace the Tories in office ; and he hoped that the decision of the House would be in harmony with that recently given by seeesal constituencies,—that party contests might cease, and useful ineesuree clone occupy the attention of the Legislature.

Mr. COLQClnOrx Nalai:;ed the general increase of British commerce; but could prove that, with European countries, where Lord Palmerston had chiefly exercised his diplomatic influence and skill, it had dimi- mi»ished. He referred to statements in Parliamentary papers, not having had access to the peculiar sources whence Mr. Hawes had de- rived his inforneoime to suer:, that between 1330 and 18:35 the trade of Great Britain with Euro', e decreased 22 per cent.—there bad been a diminution of exports aim:tinting to four millions sterling.

Mr. Cast:on:eft (lid not quarrel with the motion it was open and manly, but would prove barren. I ie should like to know what its issue would be. It was right to speak plainly-

lier 31ajesty bad given notice that slur tx,!- about to do married; and he be- lieved that it was well known that some promotions would take plate—that there wouid be tome Pert,'.;;,::; am. Baronetews, and some other olliccs of no emolument. It -,toned to Min that on the other side of the Douse there was an extrone, ia:::aps a legitimate, desire that they should have the cooduct- of the ati'airs of the country, in order that they should have these noutimeimee :sees seal he sight avow such a desire at once. He

did not thihk 011 Al hicli he sat had any adviditage of the other

side in this respect : iti.lieugh their ape: et. se I cravine vets not so much

WI:eq.-4 by al/Alia,•:;,',- :IS WaS 011 the 01110' ytql he believed that they wet.'.,l have a prat; aepetite left far ,e,,e pickings.

Ile much admired ileborc Peel, veil :p,,:.ated from his party—

It het bean sat 11,-t t:::- t d 0 I COMMOnS j that the

character of inferioritv t', -nu they we-re unworthy or their ancestors. II,'

defiled that an: info-i m:

Cl- the ill,. -e. At un

were tout •, Ile W2' Is': 1 2 l' I.1 II: 1:11, :,-.,•11 opinams ; on the contrary, he 11P■'. i,.vinred on either side i!:12, when impressions on the mind :t rpm: the debates of that house, u•• n whose mars were

:ht1 house of Com- : lint lie must say that ,1 more particularly upon objects and coati- !!: cm:e• (imilified in all re- ::: en assembly like that. l'avonet was greater in • isu, in an lenretineued .ele L. he came into ti t Peers rowe> which .,:,•td,c2able pi sloth ; atul it was only Baheiet :hat he had arrived at a

err motion, and from Sir 2,•itist it. eloeed • •• •! :'cinch..

• et: V,", . He accused MI-

. • g'. I e. 1 re•ve.,reliiig agi-

h.::: "I, I le-rut agitation,"

:1-•11 1:11 • reatout."

iv,!II: oor,tial sup- ....:Ment as

iic '.! .1 ty behind

I•'• tier lost uto-

. iife, had it." Ile 0.,vornmetit ;

ne, :I 111,i

it I i a ion of

1,1 :motive iato the

• te,' • ie . ••• tile moral character at' elm to blame for the progress

C et' the tin: eyes, They were also amd encourage Disseeterse flawing no support the me:iou declaring want of

311.. hoped that Ministers would be streugthened by the debate

and the division ; but wine of confidence in the House of Commons would continue as long es their time was spent in party squabbles in- stead of attending to the true interests of the country.

do: :2 e•anein,ion.

1-IA! sty 0.ey's debate ; and tit I I Lerrox

tt r-

. misters of emcee

1:111•1S, in : 011i ii W0111(1 . e 11„•1, .1)::M■11-161.: • it) the 601;11E...01 of Sir Peel : lee spirit of the ,I: • mein, " the 0. never in one )11- . • repeated, 111:11 ht. lint he Nvon'ti Ines •

the represened • ot the peoeie. so the people. Ivile".. • edd.

mtelete•h•t!y eviis now "el.,

as weli as the sieei

31r. l■.\1.1,1' KNICW a .•01!--1:1c: tf Ci1:11":.:111 ;11;t1 the pioisibi eager to leuniliate the. Citarell confidence iii them, he :should confidence.

General in Canada, because of his warm feelings of affection and regard towards the Church of England there, was likewise dismissed. There were also cases of a contrary character. A Mr. Vigor was recommended to the bench of jus- tice in Collette: where and whet was he now ? An exile from his country for treason. There was also the instance of Mr. Bedard, who was appointed to a seat on the bench of justice, and had been suspended for his share in the agita- tions of Lower Canada. Coining nearer home, it would be found, that in spite of the warnings and knowledge of his previous history, the notorious John Frost had been placed on the bench of ji-tics by the noble lord now the Secre- tary for the Colonies. (Cries " Oh: oh from tie 1(inisterial side of the Rouse.) He did not understand the meaning of tai:

Triumphant allusion had been made to the result of recent elections; but were Ministers aware that the Mewb..r for Birmingham, who had just taken his seat, had plainly avowed Ileoeblican principles from the hustings. There sot that honourable .Yember behind them, and it would he seen whether they would not Ine-c his support. No doubt he had his price.

Mr. SCHOLEFIELD called Mr. Pakington to order ; when Mr. Paking- ton said, he only meant that Mr. Munig, of coerce, expected his own principles to be caroled out.

Mr. MUNTZ would not have offered himself to the attention of the House, had he not h,• ••t so pointedly alluded to by Mr. Pakington as holding Republican opinion:--

A charge of that Lit bad Lein made against Lim the other they on the hustings at Birmingham, w itl, i1• view, no doubt, of prejudicing him in the

opinions of many; and h.: to what he woale. now repeat, that though he avowed Repteelicee not praetiie them. lie did, in com-

moo with many (Mons, •i,!. t! !he ehfican Firm of government ; but if it were proposed, with our ‘ie::1.111 A ; racy iii I rich Church, to establish a Re- publican government here. h. iiiipwe it. -Mr. Pakingtou had re-

ferred to him a. sitting behind : u herevcr lie sat, lie would act and vote

as an independent man. Ile wa a- independent of Mikisters as any man in that louse. He hat never asked aliy man to vote for him, or thanked him for having voted Mr him. In filet, he was put: d into the I louse against his will; which was what few other gentlemen could say. The honourable gentleman objected to him for the seat he mule in the 1 tome ; lint if lie had taken his place

on the other side, would they iiliject to hint or speak political opinions ?

He believed not. Ile w a • ct•e.• a. •i,lainted with r,incis: Burdett. (Cries tf " 01,h r :") Ile lee: to ay all thin:_• disorderly, he was a young Manlier of that I ;coke, fwr its indol:wMco ; but he said he had once ken acquainted with 't:;.• Iliirtlett—(.C,•ttecoi )(cutlers called out "The Reinter or '11 the ;Member for forth Wiltshire—he

had acted with end. he rem, 1..•,•red honourable Baronet changed

his principle:, he \1;■- rit•1,t 11,1[11 the gclitlemen opposite ; and no doubt to.: 3 I-1.; I. that he had no confidence

r -t likely to give them the oppor- ,f .1 be allowed to say a word on present at its commencement.

;, • • eehr the pre-eat niiisters had I-•:y. NI, ; bait ? Because he c • 1: lio •:•• itimien opposite.

• :•:' the opinions of a iog an agitation of ten e■•.tr.; and lic,•sctit Government tmi . • • It they would imi-

tate that cto..c, i• e• 1 -- • which the country

regeired—then •.1 tl,.e. eee, Lee' '. its confidence.

(Cie, esfreie • 1 ,, After some 01 • net.; pei; e 11; e 1.•:LE1 against, and Lord CLAZ:DE II.1311..1.;:; Li ,trpoi., 11: Lord Hoe:ten adol,e,so l'en!'• keel that no sufficient reason hall as yet he, .11 fIc the hist resource of the Repre-entatives of the • 'ynt or dishonest Ad- ministration. Ilhatever !r I I- George Grey had satiefactorile dispeeel reeljeeeeeeded to state the growls of 1,7, :-• with whom he had cur,iialiy c

.7] fi: la, hardly . •i • I slam, s h, which tilv■ tliiim_hit it 1 le

At ti.at •.. Flei; an: tia• duct ,midi, • • . of thir;:s

tic t •eon .iit ' sued by thi came end,._ t' party cliell;:e the imeerte.e Lie I-Pa Ire 1,N F, -t tie it its r, is .

If eh ,• 11,, tf.t•

In the present t • tunity. As he N\

the motion berm- , If the eteetion the confidence of tee thought flee !eite. No man lied ha the people in the , ka•

I; :

the circum- i, the .,mail the time when t'ee tit of May last. (hey en to take that from the House thou to Con- :- %, I....ell such a state „-: tile leave to say, to the course inn-

. ry question that a : field in which

; and by which rid. ,1 attention of the ;• le damage, When,

o upon to resume till' reluctance , tb.• !'n■i••:i,!s, and the I ic duty which re:eie.: that reluc- 1 hey lay to sup- : if w

te. alike iiiijitst and iw!"oeneek ky the ceueitlera- Cm. • , 1:eh 1 ' tau; from which 11. ktemlier of the Co-

his opinion, new arrangements had become necessary for the purpose of recovering the confidence of friends lost front causes into the detailof which it was not then necessary for him to enter. The wishes of those whose loss they had thus to deplore, were evidently not opposed to the carrying out of practical reforms, but they were men who had resolved to maintain the constitution of the House of Commons as already established. He was not aware of the views entertained upon this point by his noble friends who were the organs of Government in both Houses : with them, of cosine, the adoption of the measures then to be taken originally lay : all that he knew or could say of the matter was, that when the arrangements which upon that occasion had been resolved upon were connnunieakd to him, they did not answer to the description which he had just been giving—in fact, they appeared to him to be almost calculated to produce an opposite effect from that to which the intended changes ought to be directed. They were not made known to him till within a few days of the prove .o,f11:11,710ilainirideonitis. upon noble friend then, for the first time, cent.::- -i• to bon the alterations

ell his noble friend, which it was proposed to effect. On the imn. the subject to which he had now given express.

being fully persuaded of the great import:met • ,,al fo the events then about to take place. After full coneith rat ,oe most grave and mo- mentous subject, he wrote a letter to his noble which he embodied the various objections that he felt to the proposed artaN;ement. Ile did not offer any objection to any particular appointment or any Individual change—is would have been invidious to do so : it might have occasioned pain to others, it certainly would have produced great pain to himself, had lie been under the necessity of objecting particularly to any one or two alterations: he should have felt an unsurmountable objection to any such course. It was proposed to bring about a considerable change in the frame and constitution of the Cover*. mein ; and it was to its general character ns a. whole that lie took exception. It was the result of all the changes taken toeether which induced him to adopt the course that lie then felt it his duty to to'llow. The letter to which he had just adverted was followed by some further correspondence, to which he need not more particularly refer than to say that not one of his objections to the new scheme was admitted to lie valid. The whole of the arrangements to which he objected were determined upon : and under those circumstances, he felt it to be his duty humbly to tender his resignation; which was accepted.

He did not believe there was to be any change in the policy of the Government, but he differed as to the means by which he considered that policy would be best carried into effect. He was convinced that Sir Robert Peel would find it impossible to construct an efficient Ad- ministration, with Ireland in hostility, and the dissensions known to prevail among his supporters on important questions. Under these eir- cumstanecs, he would not join in a -vote to expel the present Adminis- tration.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM concurred in many parts of Lord Howick's speech ; but his astonishment was infinite to hear that noble lord de- clare his resolution to support the Government, which he bad aban- doned, in imitation, as he had himself declared, of the example set by so many of the most -valuable friends of the Administration. Why did he quit Lord Melbourne's Cabinet ? Because lie had no confidence in it. That was plain ; yet Lord Howick was now prepared to negative the expression of his own opinion! Sir James contended, that the ge- neral policy of the Government encouraged dissatisfaction with the Reform Act, innovation, and agitation. The system of " open questions," had been adopted—very agreeable, as Lord Brougham had remarked, to men who preferred keeping their places to doing their duty. Mr. Macaulay -was in ffivour of the Ballot and the repeal of the Septennial Act, and opposed to the Corn-laws ; and in his letter front " Windsor Castle," written the very day he was sworn in member of the Privy Council, and sent express from Windsor to Edinburgh, he declared that lie had accepted office the more effectually to prosecute the success of his principles. Sir James read over the Chartist programme, and de- clared that, substantially, Ministers agreed with the Chartists, whom directly and indirectly they had undoubtedly- encouraged. In support of this assertion, he referred to Lord John Russell's speech at Liver- pool, declaring meetings to effect fundamental changes in the constitu- tion perfectly legal, and even commendable, as tending to elicit truth. At seditious and traitorous assemblies Lord John Russell's speech had been quottal with exultation. Mr. Monty. Mayor of Birmingham, bro- ther of the Member for Birmingham, Vice-President of the Political Union, Delegate to the National Convention, Trustee of the Chartist Fund, had been placed by Lord John Russell in the CommisSion of the Peace. This was proof of the open and frank encouragement of Chart- ism by her 3lajesty's Government. Other reasons could be named why lie felt it impossible to place confidence in Government, and es- pecially- the misuse of the patronage of that Board of Admiralty. Naval aliens now obtain promotion for eerviees on the hustings, not for ser- vices at sea— No less than eight naval officers above the rank of Lieutenants had stood contests at the Lot general election, and had been defeated. Every one of those officers having stood election contests while on ldf-pay, had, since the election of been placed in command. Admiral Ommaney, who had con- tested Hampshire, had been put in command at Lisbon ; Lord John Churchill, who had stood a contest for Woodstock, now commanded the Druid ; Captain Plunnidge, who contested Falmouth, had been appointed to the Astrea; Lord Clarence Paget, who contested Sulttlannplon, was appointed to the command of the Howe ; Captain Nopier, who stood for Greenwich, now commanded the Powerful; Captain Townehend, who eoutested Tamworth, had been appointed to the command of the Tyne ; Captain Pelltem, who stood a contest for the Isle of ight, wits now in command of the Wasp; and Captain Houston Stewart, who stood for Renfrew:dike, had been commissioned to the command. of the Benhow. A Member under the Gallery had intimated that Colman Plan ridge had been appointed to the Astica be/rove the election at Falmouth: now he would give the !tome it narrative of that transaction. Ile would take it as ageneral ..alarle of all the rest, and leave the llouse and the country to

judge of it. When he had the honour of a seat at the Board of Admiralty,

lie had the high saki:4101,m of placing in the command of the Dockyard at Chatham Sir James (;onion, a diAinguLdied ornament of his profession, and an pincer win) bad lot his leg in a celebrated action in the Adriatic, and, though unalile for active sort ice, felt himself unwilling to submit to a life of idleness. That °Meer delighted in an appointment in which lie still could render service to his country ; and he had commanded the Dockyard at, Chat- ham in at manner which challenged inquiry. Sir James Gordon was most nexious not to retire on the pension dist, but to remain in the discharge of those active ditties on shore. Lord Aeekland, while at the Admiralty Board, had appointed to a lucrative situation at Falmouth, in a manner highly credit- able to him, an officer of great distinction, but without any influence—of humble, but great worth—Captain Clavell, who had been Lieutenant to the great Collingwood. This was an arrangement made before the general elec- tion of 1837.; and what had been the conduct of the Admiralty since ? They bad compelled Sir James Gordon to vacate his place at Chatham, and put him on half-pay ; they removed Captain Clavell from Falmouth to Chatham ; and Captain Plumridge, an excellent officer, and a relation of the First Lord of the Admiralty, was appointed in his place. (" Hear, hear !" and laughter.) lie did not know the precise date of the Falmouth election, but he believed it was about August, and that Captain Plumridge had been sent there in the month of May previous.

Mr. MACAULAY rose when Sir James Graham sat down. He was received with ironical cheers and counter-cheers, and commenced his speech as follows— "It is possible, Sir, that the House may imagine that I rise under some little feeling of irritation to reply to the personalities and accusations of the right honourable Baronet. I shall indulge in neither. It would be easy to reply to them—to recriminate would be still easier. Were I alone personally considered, I should think either course unworthy of me. I know that egotism in this House is always unpopular ; on this occasion it would be sin. gttlarly unseasonable. If ever I am under the necessity of addressing this House on matters which concern myself, 1 hope it shall be on some occasion when the dearest interests of the empire are not staked on the event of our debate. I do rise, Sir, to address you under feelings of deep anxiety ; but in that anxiety there is not, if I know my own heart, any mixture of selfish feeling. I do feel indeed with the most intense conviction, that in pleading for the Government to which I belong, I am pleading for the dearest interests of the commonwealth, for the reformation of abuses, and fur the preservation of august and venerable institutions. (Cenfnsiuu, caused by shoots front the Opposition.) I trust, Mr. Speaker, that the first Cabinet Minister who, when the question is, whether the Government be or be not worthy of confidence, offers himself in debate, will find some portion of that generosity and good feeling which once distinguished Englishmen. But be this as it may, my voice shall be heard. I was saying that I am pleading not only f;,r the preser- vation of our institutions, but for liberty and order, for justice administered in mercy, fur equal laws, for the rights of conscience, and for the real union of Great Britain and Ireland."

It was made a charge against the Government that some questions were " open ;" but Mr. Macaulay (repeating the substance of what he had spoken on the same subject last session) contended that to shake some questions " open " had been the common practice of preceding Governments ; and that Sir Robert Peel, in office, would be under the necessity of resorting to it. Ministers had been accused of encouraging agitation ; but agitation was necessary to the existence of free govern- ment. And had there been no agitation on the other side—no agitation, for instance, against the Poor-law ? Mr. Macaulay proceeded at great length to describe the difficulties which Sir Robert Peel would encoun- ter in the attempt to formic a government, which at the best would be inefficient and of short duration ; and concluded with a high eulogium on Lord John Russell, who would be great even in defeat-

" At his side will not be wanting men who, against all odds. and through all the turns of fortune, amidst evil days and evil tongues, will defend to the last, with unabated spirit, the noble principles of Milton and of Locke. Ile may be driven from office—he may be doomed to a life of opposition—be may be made the mark for all the rancour of sects which might hate each other with deadly hate, yet hate his toleration more—(Inunense cheering)—he may be exposed to the fury of a Laud on one side, and to the fanaticism of a Pr:Ike-God-Bare- bones—he may be inserted in the proscribed list of the martyrs and champions of freedom : but he will not be refused by posterity a place amongst those who have, in these our days, endeavoured to Lind together, in real union, sects and races too long hostile to each other, and to efface, by the mild influence of a parental government, the fearful traces which have been left by the misrule of ages."

On Lord POWEILSCOUCT'S motion, the debate was adjourned, and the House rose at one o'clock.

Lord POWERSCOVIIT opened the adjourned debate on Thursday. He applauded Lord Ilowick for his manly avowal of the reasons which in- duced him to quit the Government. lie reproved Mr. Macaulay for panegyrizing agitation in the present state of the country ; and ridi- culed his prepared declamation about Milton and Locke, Cavalier and Roundhead, which had no more to do with the matter in hand than the death of William Rufus or the heroic deeds of Alfred. The principal part of Lord Powersconrt's speech was devoted to censure of the Go- vernment of Ireland, for its encouragement of Mr. O'Connell whose continual attacks upon all that was respectable in the iastion loos of the country, and upon private character, and whose threat of renewed agi- tation for the dismemberment of the empire. rendered him the last person the Lord-Lieutenant should countenance, far less invite to inti- macy and hospitality.

Mr. Fox MAei.E certainly expected from Lord. Powerscourt some- thing more like an extemporaneous reply to what had fallen in debate than the speech which had just been delivered. Although Lord Powerscourt ridiculed JIr. Macaulay's " essay,- it was plain that his own gpeceh had been prepared in the expectation of seeing an indivi- dual in his place who happened not to be there. Mr. Fox Motile then applied himself to a defence of the Home Office against the imputation

of having encouraged agitation and the Chartists. With respect to the selection of Magistrates, he could state, that though upwards of a thousand had been appointed, misewelnet had only IWOU alleged against

two—one or them being Frost, who M Lad been en recommended by the

Town-Connell of Newport, approved of by the 1,4,1all.ientenant of the county, and dismissed from the 3Iagistracy by Lord John II ttaaell. when he betook himself to evil courses. The other person aganist \vhom complaints had been made, was Mr. Brewer. a strong political opponent Of the Ministry. It was alleged as a grave offence againat the Govern- ment, that Mr. 'Mintz, Mayor of Ilirmiligham, had been made a Ma- gistrate, he being a Chartist Delegate and Trustee of the Chartist Fund: but what were the facts: Mr. Mintz was elected a Delegate without his own consent, and refuaed to act. The chartist funds, amounting to ti00/., were placed in \l cars. Grote and Company's bank, to the credit of Messrs. Muni. the flavor of Birmingham and the Member for Birmingham. 'Fliese gentlemen immediately signed a check to transfer the amount to the emlit of other persons—refusing themselves to be the trustees of such a fund. It was also worthy of mention, as proof that 3Ir. Muntz. who now represented Birmingham, was no great favourite with the Chartists, that the only two Chartist members or the Town-Council voted at the late election for Sir Charles Wetherell, in opposition to 311.. 3Iuntz. Having disposed of these per- sonal matters, Mr. Maule proceeded to describe time progress of Chart- ism, and the measures of Government to preserve the peace of the country. It was in November I S:IS that the Home Office received the first intimation of seditious meetings in the Northern Counties. Dis-

Mr. I.Asceia.r.s assured Mr. Macaulay, that Sir Robert Peel would find no dillieulty in carrying on the Government. He believed. that the present 31inistry did. not possess the power to govern the country as it ought to be governed. This might not be their fault—it might arise from accidental circumstances., but he believed it to be the case. He believed that i.qr Robert Peel would be ready not only to carry out the principles of Catholic Emancipation, but to remove restrictions on com- merce, which in the present state of society ought not to be maintained. For himself, Mr. Lascelles said he was " not favourable to the Corn-- laws ; " and between those who advocated a fixed duty and absolute repeal, he believed there was no great difference.

31r. Hamm-an- thought the landed interest owed gratitude to Mi- nisters for the Poor-law and the Tithe Commutation Act. He was a supporter of the Corn-laws ; but, being quite willing to rest his defence of them upon reason and facts, lie was nut sorry that the Corn question had been " opened."

Mr. SIDNEY 11EnBEirr described the Government as feeble, fluctuating, and dependent for existence on their success in laying off one party

against another. They were retained in power because of their squeez- able properties whereas the Conservatives were a compact and united phalanx, kept together by fixed principles of action. They knew the value of the gentleman who acted as leader of this great party; and to

him Lord ilowiek would be obliged to look, when time completely severed him front a party which he felt it discreditable to belong to, though not discreditable to support.

Mm-. Warm entered into a defence of the Radical Members who sup- ported Ministers. Last year he would have voted against Ministers;

hnt now they had discovered " a middle point of agreement," and that was " Progressive Reform." The policy of open questions had been conceded— The right honourable Member for Pembroke had toll them that open ques- tions were only a shuttling mode of avoiding to do that duty which statesmen ought to perform. The right honourable Baronet had quoted Lard 131rgItoglivraeut.. for the opinion, that they were the means rcSOrtell krred keeping their places to doing their daty..- It w.;:'I.1 oa. tIaiatinen. country like this open questi,ms were a ne •, s!. p ! change. It' he wanted a proof of tlds. II: found it in ,• •,:.-.111e 'Mem- ber for NV ilishire, who said, in reference to (...0 . .ition. that it would not hay: heen carried unless it had been 71 .••7 • ■7111,11. What, then. was the inconsistency in a Indieal lik.‘ himself taf.ing thin which he ticfoOut would be tin- lastest and the best means of advama.i; r, the o,lect

that he had in view What was the inconsistency in o'.:e lord, the

S..eretary be had that House, that he could not keep his party together oil any 011., r i,! and in thus

making that cent',Iini, was aw. a nee! ss try.: s. just concession

to the great majority of those with cc hi-no !.e I u-chain hail

quoted on the pr,.‘ ions flight lord Broagl.am : open ques- "on: ; but untortunahlv, it happene.1 t!c.t ymmtiocs of opinions might be , taken from Lord Fkola.ilaen nil directly coatradieting one another. It was beenwe the Government hod made certain questions open questions that he

gvve them his support. It was true that on these very questions differences might still eNi.:t bet ...con the noble lord the Secretary fon. the Colonies rind 111111Seit. Ilth,11blethy there were—and lied he not a right to his opinion r had not the noble lord a right to his opinion ? and no one could doubt his in- tegmity or his ability to tight his own battles. cussions about the Poor-law had fully as much to do with those meet- ings as politics. The first threat of " fire and dagger " was used by Oastler, in agitating against the Poor-law, long before the Chartists adopted it. He wished gentlemen opposite could exonerate themselves from the charge of having inflamed the popular mind against the Poor- law. Opposition to the Poor-law and Chartism had become one and the same thing in the hands of Gustier, Stephens, and Company. (Mr. Liddell cheered.) The honourable Member who cheered had himself talked about the " murder of the innocents." The Chartists made common cause with the Anti-Poor-law agitators.. Under these circum- stances, what course did Government take? They warned Magistrates to be on the alert ; they cautioned the disturbers of the peace to cease from their illegal practices; they increased the military and police force in the disturbed districts. The law was actively enforced. Since the commencement of the year 1839, there had been tried for high treason, conspiracy, unlawful drilling, riot, unlawful possession of arms, and seditious libel, no fewer than 290 persons ; of whom 12 were sen- tenced to death, 3 to seven years' transportation, 14 to eighteen months' imprisonment, 123 to six months' imprisonment or a shorter term: al- together, 233 out of 290 had been convicted and punished; and among them were the principal Chartist leaders. Now, under these circum- stances, could the Government be fairly charged with neglecting its • duty by encouraging Chartism? Mr. Maule contrasted the lawful and merciful, but effectual proceedings of the present Government, with the conduct of the Tories in power in 1817-18 and 19 ; when such men as Oliver, Reynolds, and Castles were employed to seduce the unwary into treasonable practices. He reminded the House of the unwearied opposition of the Tories to the efforts of Sir Samuel 'tenthly and other

reformers of the criminal law ; and claimed for the Whigs the credit of repealing capital punishments except for crimes of peculiar atrocity,

and conducting the government of the country with a merciful penal code. Ile was ready to rest the appeal of the Government to the country upon the ameliorations they had made in the criminal law.

Mr. LIDDELL denied that he had ever " agitated " against the Poor- law, though he wished to repeal sonic of its more harsh and stringent

provisions: In justification of his vote of want of confidence in the Ministry, he pointed to the Ministerial encouragement of Popery in Ireland, and the condition of the finances.

Captain PECHELL defended the Admiralty, appointments from the animadversions of Sir James Graham. Ile maintained that they were made for the good of the service. and not for party or private ends. He had never beard a complaint against the appointment of Captain Plum- ridge, until Sir James Graham made it. midation every time that elections took place. He believed that its prosgress was inevitable, and that they should see not one hut ten Cabinet Ministers favourable to the Ballot ; that they should see the Ballot made a Cabinet question; and they should see it carried by that same power which had suc- cessfully accomplished many eventful changes, and that in despite of honour- ablei,entlemen opposite: and then they would see the Ballot enshrined with the Test Act, the Emancipation Act, and the Reform Bill, as one of the sacred institutions of the country, over which the right honourable Baronet the Mem- ber for Tamworth would be bound to throw his shield. Thus the changes that he saw filled him with hope, for they forwarded the progress of reason and the triumph of truth. Perhaps they were nearer to triumph than even he ven- tured to hope, or than honourable gentlemen opposite feared.

The religious question had been wisely tabooed by gentlemen oppo- site, who scarcely alluded to it. Mr. Ward quoted strong expres- sions used by distinguished members of the Opposition at " Protestant" meetings, and taunted them with their careful abstinence from such lan- guage and sentiments in the House of Commons. The Liberals were sneered at for their differences on important questions—but look to the Opposition, and then talk of the Liberal schisms On the other side, schisms were more deeply seated—having all a religious basis, the Worst basis of

all— If he \vented any other reasons than those he had alleged in the earlier part of his speech for the vote which he intended to give, he 'Would find them in the course that had been taken by the Conservative party on this question during the last six months. Ile would not lend himself in any way to the meanness and madness of the policy which a great number of the gentlemen opposite had adopted. He could not conceive any thin, more injurious to the honour, the interests, and the safety of England, than to attempt to revive the dissensions which he bad hoped had been buried by common consent in 1829. If others wished to revive these dissensions—if they wished to draw a new line of demar- cation where they were to separate the duties which Roman Catholics and Protestants had to perform in the community, he would not do so. They must not sow the seeds of discord between the two great sections of the -people of these kingdoms, if they wished the country to he powerful and happy, respected at home and abroad. Whether he looked to the Thames or the Indus, whether he referred to the preservation of Newport or the capture of Ghuanee, he found the Catholic and the Protestant struggling together the the common country. Ile said distinctly, with a deep feeling, and with an earnestness for eiders it scented that gentlemen opposite were not disposed to give him credit, that on those who interfered with this arrangement, this most wise, most necessary, and most beneficial arrangement, on them rested the responsibility of dragging down this country to the very lowest stage of national degradation and disgrace, until she because the laughingstock a the world.

Lord STANLEY then addressed the House. Ma speech consisted of a series of vigorous attacks upon the policy of the Government, domestic and foreign—on their conduct of affairs abroad and at home. After some good-humoured remarks upon the utter failure of 31r. ..lacattlay's speech as a reply to Sir James Graham's, Lord Stanley exprt tsed his concurrence with Sir George Grey's remark, that bath parties were put upon their trial, and that the discussion would shnw the country which .party best deserved its confidence. In reply to the question why this motion of want of confidence had not been brought forward at an earlier period, Lord Stanley avowed, that the ptinciple on which Sir Robert Peel and the Opposition acted, was not to overthrow the Go- vernment until they believed themselves able to form one—not to turn out Ministers until they were prepared to take the resimisibilliv cif their places. Ilaving disposed of these preliminary questions, Lord Stanley commenced his attack. He charged Ministers with deficiency of " political power "—in that proper S(-1:Sl. a the term ; with want of fixed purpose and unity of principle; -with holding di ,i,..ordant opinlims on the most pressing questions—the Corn-laws, the Ballot, the Elec- toral Suffrage. In their prudence and fotesioht as an Extant:lye tlier2 could be no confidence. Their /Wortley-General declared Chartism was extinguished, "at the very moment he stood upon the crater of a burning mountain." :Ministers lived on front day to day, not on what they had done, but what they undertook to do, knowing all the while that they could not do it. The abandonment by the -Whigs 01. the Appropriation-princiiple, and their continuance iu (ace notwithstamlino, illustrated this charge. On other questions of varied importance- Church-rates. Joint-Stock Banks, Ralik of Ireland Charter, Irish Rail- ways—they held out hopes never realized : while they carried Penny Postage, and claimed popularity for the boon. after opposing it in the House and in the Committee. and declaring the experiment most dan- gerous in the existing stale of the finances. Of what party did these Ministers possess the confidence? The Radicals supported them be- cause they were " squeezable "—because they hoped to drive them ou- wards ; and Mr. O'Connell had confidence in them, as they in him, be- cause, as lie had declared, when he got theta a certain way, " I will brine. them the rest of the way with me." !Mt 'lid they possess the confidence of the landed interest, or of the advocates of free trade in corn, or the clergy, or the constituencies of England? They of tranquillity in Ireland: but should a chati:re of Ministers ht' made, Mr. O't. onnell, who "was ready to die in tine field," would Urge:lie..., a rebellion at the head of 5uo,000 fighting men.

Turning to foreign affairs, Lord Stanley saw no ground of confidence. The underhand proceedings in Spain—the doubt Oil test doubtfUl policy of the war in Arghanktaii, by !Imola Lia-i encouraged to attack Chive—the stoppage of the opitanormle teal tea-trade with China—and the Ereuelt blocktele of American ports-- in all these he saw reasons for alarm, not pmors, that the 3Iiiiisteis had acted wisely. Reverting to domestic concerns, Lord Stanley imputed the serious defi- ciency in the revenue to mismanagement, and then totielitil upon the "religious question,"—disclaiming all connexion with and knowledee of the violent speeches against the Catholics. Ile arov.'ed his deter- mination to maintain the Catholic Emancipation Act, as well as Pro- testant Ascendancy—meaning by that expression, that he would not become "the minion of Popery.' The objection to the reemit intro- duction of sonic gentlemen into the Governineot was not because they were Catholics. Mr. Shell was au Milliner person on acmiunt of his political conduct ; and Mr. Wyse, because, as member of the Central Society of Education, he disseuitated doctrines dangerous to the Established Church.

Having thus given an outline of Lord Stanley's speech, we proceed to extract some of the more telling passages. In reply to Sir George Grey's question, why the motion had not been made before?-

" I will frankly tell him. I will tell him that it has been a constant prin- ciple with my right honourable friend and those who act with him, that at no time would they endanger the existence of the Government, or seek to over- throw the Government, unless they were at the same time prepared, and, e3 they believed, able to take the responsibility of their places. I will tell My right honourable and learned friend further—that we have watched the growing feeling of the population and of the Parliament ; and we know, from one change after another—we know, from the highest authority—we see it every day—we have witnessed it in the counties, we know it from our neighbour- hoods—that, day after day, and month after month, one by one, and two by two, the most respectable and the steadiest adherents of the Government are abandoning them in the reckless and downward course of policy which they are pursuing. We know the effect that has been produced in England—we know that the eyes of the people are open to the character and conduct of the Admitiistration; we know that there is, junked, on the other side of the 'House, a set of gentkinen holding office, but We know likewise that they pant and languish thr something that shall Le a Government. But I should be sorry that my right honourable and karma friend should delude hintself into the idea that the cause is to be won or lost by the division of this night. That that division will be lost we know. (Lund cheers from the Ministerial hvnehes) Do not let my right honourable and learned friend flatter himself with the no- tion that the result of this division will produce the slightest alteration in the coarse which the great Conservative party is pursuing. !treasure by measure, step by step, failure after litilltre, we will watch, and we will mark, and we will control the Government. We will support them as occasions may arise—and many have arisen where they were glad to receive our support. But no consi- deration shall restrain us in our fixed line of duty, as one great united party in this [louse, from observing their measures, from canvassing their bills, and from obstructing them if we please—( Cheers front the 1.1inisterial benches)— ay, from obstructing them if we pleas':—(Cheers front the Opposition benches) —and from thrmving out, as we have done, measures which we believe detri- mental to the best Interests of the country : and while from the commence. ment of the session till the end of it WC shall exercise this importaitt duty, we will leave to others the name, while we are content to wield the authority of the Government." (Immense chteritly.) What consftntes " political power ?

In my opinion, the first requisite towards it is a general concurrence in the principles upon which. the Administration is to he carried on ; and to this end is it not olivi:tusly nccessttl that the 1\ len:hers of it, and the Parliament, should know what those principles arc ? more; the idea of political power involves a belief in the mind of the country in the superior sagacity and foresight 01 those by whom the public business is carried on—a belief in their lirm adherence and reliance un their own principles, and their determina- tion to push forward what they I:now to be right, anti steadily and uncompro- misingly oppose what they believe to lie dangerous. All these ingredients are necessary to political power ; and if this is the true definition of it—that it combines fined principles with a knowledge of whet those principles are, and a confidence in the sagacity and firmness with which those principles `will lie adhered to and carried out, insomuch that no considerations should hiduce than to do what they believe to he dangerous, or from forcing what they , believe to lc light, and that rather than succumb in either of these respects they would resign oltiee: then I risk, Jr 'this is the true definition of political power, how many are there in this Hesse W110 mall 110111 up their hands awl :ay that they phiee emit:dello:in her liaj,:sty's present Admillioration ? 111iy, it the iinestion were to la: asked in th... country it would be lavalied at. You may find many trill W110 will Wi,11 to retain the present :\linistens in power, not lievaioe Ida cat colifitt.aitte in them, but because we believe that they are men W111,10 tw, c;11: 1,11S11 to do any thing We like. In fixed

purpose and unity of principle, in the name of Heaven, %elm I ;ire they

Lord I folvick's secession from Ministers, and its cause-

" [eon this point 1 may be permit-to:1 to say, that it was with feel- ings of satisiliel len awl tilesin that 1 .tiw my noble friend di part flout the Cabinet benat.c.,, scared rt. lint by the Mimitiable features of l'regreFttive Re- form ! 1 is as glad to see toy it; hie friend cry halt, and declare ice could un further gu. Liberal as lie ate, :Ind enthusiastic in the came of Re- form, lie had at lcuet:a arrived with 1,:s companions in office it the 'Ultima

Thule according to Ida itlias of tillat ::t titrin was. lie fhttial that a holder

policy iris. sucr..a_ded i0 flat ill long borne part, and that he must be shelved to make pl:tete the ilea mend:. vs to give weight to lice down- ward course of Ittt:t;2:overistottnt. Of all the positions in which a Government end it country can he placed, this I consittcr the most dangerous. I. would sa. the...see a Government entertaieing the most extri_nie cipinions, honestly telling us %%hitt those °pillions are, unit one in which every shade of opinion is in- eluded in uncertain and lindle.s. array ; in which what was the Governinent, and the policy of the Governiiii iit or. so Ito longer ; and in which, one by one, new ingredients drop in to the ilisplacement of ail its original feat trios. At the present moment there is not one inlividital to tell us that tin. (!ovetninent would thus fin go and no further ; anti this being the case, I cannot conceive the existence an constitutional b•own rtitneat so little deotrving of confidence, and so ettlettlaied to disgust and alarm ttli reasoning ynett."

The .11Mb:ter:al frauds to obtain popular support- " I grieve to say, that, from the moment Lord Alelhourne' Mind:try was first Ibruitl, the present limn., the ijoverintletit of this country has lived in poptilar of coati nut on what it lets Mote, hut what it lets undertaken to de, mid knots ing, at the stone time, thai it cannot do. The more certaiti the Inca- sure to be defeated, the list er adapt, d has it Lech to their purpose ; mid they have g !iy Leo:pi e(I it tit, the staintard topic which should last I Lem thr ses- Iii011. .1; ii:Cy 1.11211i ell a st: in tattle of gaud intentions, whielt,

th they said intittettiattly the 'I'ories had obstructed

all tit, :tstd trott.,.ei ; a LI,1 i it tink-a•latttcrn scheme is put iorivarti, to delude the country into a :teiv s apply ef (71111111kIlet% OIL 1V list, 1 did t pretttatt Government eon.. into potter Clam a pledge which to

this hour they have tooter themselves have abandoned

—upon a principle which they (b( r.il to he essential to the welfare of the coontrv--souncr than out sitst::01. whore, the ite"tlit Iced said that lie would not sit sus hour in his sent in l'arliatnehl w ;: holt t displacing any Administration who should attempt to carry on the poi:rut:tont of the country without it. On this principle the not Ie lord tun': o„tue: and where, I ask hint now, is the The conduct of Ministers on the Postage question— "I will take a measure which met with great resistance as dangerous, and on which the Government now pique themselves exceedingly. I will take the measure of Post-office Reform. And when I use the term resistance to what they knew and believed to be dangerous, I say that so monstrous a proceed- The was never known before amongst claims for services not rendered as that chum to a temporary, short-lived popularity, put forth by the Government on the ground of Penny Postage. Why, it is notorious to every man, that when the 'pressure from without' became intolerable, the Government entertained that proposal which the Postmaster-General declared to be so wild and Imprac- ticable that he would not listen to it for a moment ; and, according to their ordinary practice, appointed a Select Committee to consider Mr. Rowland Imes plan of Penny Postage. What happened? Three members of the Government actually served on that Committee from first to last ; and from first to last we find those members of the Government voting on every division in the minority—succeeding in throwing out the penny postage plan and substituting a twopenny-postage, which, when it came to he discussed in the House, was repudiated by all parties. And then, forsooth, after the plats was examined by the members of your own Government—after evidence was taken before it—after you declared your conviction that it would be dangerous to the revenue—because a temporary popularity was to be gained, you adopted the pro, • nal which you fought and combated in the Committee ; and you proposal now clatnt for yourselves the confidence of the country on account of that 'great boon, Mr. Rowland Hill's plan of the Penny Postage.' Did you know this to be a beneficial measure, or did you believe it to be a nischierous one? Did yon believe that in passing it the finances of the country would he safe, or did you not ? Hyou did believe so, and thoueht yea could safely undertake it, and that it was a benetleialmeasure, which ought Mk adopted, you should, having first considered it as a Government measure, and not yielding to clamour, hare brought it tiwward on your own respomi- hility. But if you were of opinion that it would he dangerous to the finances of the country, you ought sooner to have abandoned your oil es—you ought sooner to have waived any personal consithr&tion rather, than he driven to en- d:up r tee resources of that country of whisii you are the responsible Ministers. von this, that had you taken tint ,round, you would have found, as you have done on former occasions, support from your political opponents ; and had you honestly told us the condition of the reeenlie was such that you durst tint hazard this new, untried, and dangerous experiment, you might have safely thrown up the Government, for no set of teen would he found bold enough, or rash enough, or dishonest enough to take it."

At the close of Lord Stauiey's speech, the debate was adjourned to Friday ; and the House rose at one u'elook.

Belem' OF PRIVILEGE. 011 31,111(111y, T.011.1 JOHN Reser:Le pre- sented is petition to the House of Commons from Messrs. Hansards,

stating that another suit had been commenced egainst them by John Joseph Stockdale, in the Court of Qiiven's Bench ; and that the sum- mons had been served upon them by Thomas Burton Howard, Stock- dale's attorney. Lord John moved that Howard be ordered to attend the house fbrthwith. Sir Romete Notes moved that it was inexpe- dient to proceed any further in this matter ; which motion having been rejected by 181 to 67, Lord John Russell's was carried.

Lusts CORPORATIONS.—Lord Monmern obtained leave to bring in a bill to reform Municipal Corporations in Ireisnd. The new measure embodies the principal alterations made by the Lords in the bill of last year.