THE NEW ERA IN GREECE.
WE want to help and save Greece. That is one of the principal meanings of the recent action of the Allies in Greece. It is true, of course, that the Allies have had to help and safeguard themselves, but in no direction have they done so where their interests and those of Greece were not identical. Our enemies, and to some extent neutrals who have been misled by German glosses on the facts, speak as though the Allies had acted as Germany herself acted in Belgium—where her safety required it she acknowledged no law and overrode the rights of protestinaa but impotent people. Nothing could be further from the truth. It is easy to make the facts serve that false argument if enough dishonesty is brought into service or enough ignorance is played upon. But a brief examination of the situation will show beyond dispute that the Allies have behaved legally, honourably, and considerately at every point. The chief thing to remember in appreciating our policy is that the inlependence of Greece is guaranteed by the Treaty of 1863, and that under that Treaty Constitutional government is secured to Greece. The recent policy of Greece has not erred merely in being unneutral—the Greeks have a right to be unneutral if they wish—it has erred in being unconsti- tutional. The barest glance at the conditions which the Allies have just imposed upon Greece will prove that their object has been to restore to Greece the right guaranteed to her in 1863 of having the will of the people respected. That this has not been done for many months is notorious. When l. Venezelos's party triumphed at the elections it was not allowed to govern the country. Ever since that day the country has been ruled by a small clique who had not the trust or support of the people.
Since 1832 the protecting Powers of Greece have been Britain, France, and Russia. We cannot boast of the years which followed the declaration in 1832 that Greece was an independent monarchy. The British, French, and Russian factions, which quarrelled with each other, tore the country apart and brought King Otto's rule into disrepute and ridicule. After his deposition in 1862 the people declared their desire for Constitutional government of the British type. They rejected a Russian ruler, and chose almost unanimously Prince Alfred of England. The three Protecting Powers, however, were pledged not to appoint any one frointheir own Houses to the throne of Greece, and it was then that the Danish Prince George (the late King of Greece) was appointed and Constitutionalism was explicitly guaranteed. Article 3 of the Treaty of 1863 declares that, under the protection of Dritain, France, and Russia, Greece shall be "a monarchical independent and Constitutional State." In a recent speech M. Venezelos, with the true instinct of a statesman, went straight to the point when he spoke of the action of the Allies as a " reassertion " of the pledges of the Allies as to the sight of Greece to be governed Constitutionally. That is the plain truth of the matter. We have not suggested by word or deed that the Greeks should side with the Allies. All we have said is that a small highly unconstitutional clique shall not show overt sympathy with our enemies so long as the will of the country has not been expressed in its support. So far es we can judge from the last Constitutional elections, there is a great majority for the policy of M. Venezelos, who wanted to enter the field with the Allies. But we do not insist upon that. All we demand is that there should be fresh Consti- tutional elections, and that the King and his chosen advisers should rule in accordance with the popular mandate. Is it likely that if we desired without delay to bring the Greek Army into the field on our side we should have insisted on its demobilization The very fact that we have required the Army, at all events for the present, to dieappear from the scene is in itself a guarantee of good faith. Imagine what the Germans would have done in similar circumstances. They would have coveted the ready-forged weapon, and by guile and intimidation of every kind would have forced it into their service. They would not have allpwed it quietly to be put back into the armoury.
One observer has estimated that eighty per cent, of the Greeks are well-wishers of the Allies. When we remember the old and traditional relations of Britain and Greece—the real passion of Englishmen for Greek independence in the Byronio vein—the strong religious tie of the Orthodox Church which binds Greece to Russia, and the scarcely less strong ties of literature, art, and political ideals which bind Greece to France, we fancy that the estimate can be no overstatement, The policy of Germany towards Greece has been one of bounce, and no Englishman is under any temptation to make light of the perplexing considerations which have distracted Greece for many months. The German rush at the beginning of the war, before the Allies had had time to prepare themselves, must have been very impressive to minds which have been trained to accept as an axiom the invincibility of the German military system. Apart from that, we imagine that the Greek rulers told themselves that in any case Germany was a worse country to offend than Britain, since one of the two had to be offended. "Suppose we offend Britain, and Britain wins," we can imagine them saying, "at all events she will be lenient in her triumph. She will always turn an attentive ear to an appeal to pity. She is our protector by treaty. A British Admiral at the Piraeus with his guns trained on Phalerum is certain to be a man who in his heart does not want to fire. But what could we expect of a triumphant Germany ? If we had stood in her way, we should have to pay the uttermost penalty. Her gross materialism would prevent her from showing mercy. She would grind us to powder. Therefore let us not take any risks of falling foul of a bully." The Greek rulers in the result did not behave as strict neutrals although they professed neutrality. We can understand and find excuses for their intelligible policy. But all that is past. A new era opens in which the will of the people is to prevail, and we look to the future of Greece with high hope and confidence. Of course the naval restriction* which the Allies found it necessary to impose fell upon people who were guiltless. Naturally they resented the inconvenience and the hardship. That was inevitable under the given conditions. But we are sure that now that the short, sharp measures have fulfilled their purpose, there is nothing but relief and satisfaction, not only among the people, but among most of the statesmen who were halting betwaen two opinions because they were afraid. They can plead, if ever they should have occasion to do so, or should care to do so, that they have yielded to force. They know as well as we do that it is only from Germany they have anything to fear. Britain has often behaved as a candid friend to Greece, and has passed through moments of great unpopularity, as for example in 1897, when we tried to restrain the rashness with which the Cretan question was being forced on ; but in the end it has always been admitted that we had worked temperately and circumspectly for the good of Greece. And so it will be again. We may not be as demonstrative as the vehement intriguers who when they have some selfish end to serve are all flattery and smiles, but neither shall we turn upon our ward in days of adversity and abuse and maltreat her with all the cruel fickleness of the perfect egotist. Wo foresee the time coming when Gree.-...e will be led t) happiness and prosperity by her King, and probably by M. Venezelos. The popularity of the King is immalse. He is admired as a soldier who has proved his mettle in the field. His father was the wisest man in Greece, but he won point after point for his country by patient diplomacy. King Constantine has established himself in the hearts of his subjects by more resounding means. If he and M. Venezelos, who has never done any great act of statecraft that was not marked by the deepest sagacity, should be brought together again by the will of the people, the combination might yet restore the fortunes of the Hellenic Kingdom.
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