1 MARCH 1851, Page 2

Erbitr nuli VrorraingsinVarlinnirut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OP THE WEER.

noun or LORDS. Monday, Feb. 24. The Ministerial Crisis; Explanations by the Marquis of Lansdowne and Lord Stanley—Vice-Chancellor's Bill, read a second time. Tuesday, Feb. 25. Marriages of Affinity Bill; second reading debated, and nega- tived by 50 to 16—Adjourned, on account of the Ministerial Crisis, till Friday. Friday, Feb. 28. Vice-Chancellor's Bill, read a third time and passed—Ministerial Crisis ; Explanations by the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Earl of Aberdeen, and Lord Stanley.

Hooss.oF Cox:mons. Monday, Feb. 24. Ministerial Crisis; Explanations by Lord John Russell—Adjournment till Friday. FrWay, Feb. 28. Metropolitan Cattle-Market Bill; second reading opposed, and postponed—Ministerial Cnsis ; Explanations by Lord John Russell, Mr. Disraeli, and Sir James Graham—Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption Bill postponed.

TIME- TABLE.

The Lords.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment,

The Cornowns.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday

65 . . bh 45,si

Monday

41, bh Mut Tuesday Oh . 126 tam Tuesday No sitting.

Wednesday No sitting. Wednesday No sitting.

Thursday 240 sitting. Thursday No sitting.

Friday

Oh 711 35m

Friday 41, nta

Sittings this Week, 3; Time,105 Mtn this Session, 15; — 301, brn Sittings this Week, 2; Time, 65 ibm this Session, 17; — 5951 m

MINISTERIAL CRISIS: THE PREMIER'S STATEMENT.

The House of Commons assembled on Monday, at the usual hour of four, and about an hour was spent in routine business, such as the presentation of petitions. Conversation was loud and general, and expectation on the stretch. At a few minutes to five o'clock, nearly five hundred Members were present, the galleries were thronged, and many Peers were amcng the crowd of spectators. Mr. TfONCKTON MILNES caused amusement by an unconscious act : in absence of mind, he walked up to the vacant seat reserved for Lord John Russell on the Treasury benches, and was about to take it, when he perceived his mistake, and amidst roars of laughter withdrew to a less conspicuous part of the House. Just before five, the Premier made his appearance ; and as he walked up to his seat the cheering was pretty general.

The SPEAKER called the order of the day for the Committee of Ways and Means.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose amidst a profound silence, and spoke as fol- lows— " Mr. Speaker, I promised the House that I would on this day state the reasons that induced me to propose, on Friday last, the adjournment of the Committee of Ways and Means to the present time. I now rise to acquit myself of that engagement. The House will remember, that immediately after the commencement of the session, a motion was made by the honour- able gentleman the Member for Buckinghamshire' calling on her Majesty's Ministers to take immediate measures to relieve the distress of the owners and occupiers of land. Every Member of this House, and every person in the country, must have considered that that motion was a motion to take out of the hands of the Government the conduct of the measures which Go-

:yarns,' ht think it fit to propose. The honourable Member for Buck-

-, inghanis k a perfectly Parliamentary course on that subject. He stated,Alnit ring appealed to the Government on former occasions, he imw appealed to the House. I do not in the slightest degree complain of the course the honourable gentleman took.; bit stated what must have been the effect in the view of every one.if the motion had been successful. Sir NO Members ,of this House voted for that motion, and 283 Members vol;ad against-it; there wastherefore a majority of those persons present in the Hasse of 14 Members against it. Now, Sir, upon a question of that kind, Iseught forward in hostility to theGiovermnent4it the very commence- ment.ef the session, the Chancellor of the Exchequer having given notice. that he would bring forward hisZnancial statement for the year in two days after, a majority of 14 must tend to weaken any Government which had so small a majority of the House of Commons : but it appeared to me., that al- though that majority was small, yet, if there was a determination in all the Members of that majority to maintain the principles of commercial policy which in effect were in question on that day, that this union might have- made up for the smallness of the majority, and that the Government might have conducted successfully the affairs of the country. But, on the 20th of February, a motion was suede in reference to a certain question of Parlia- mentary Reform ; and on that question, and in a thin House of little more than 150 Members, the Government was beaten by a majority of nearly two to one. Now, observe, if that bad occurred in ordinary circumstances, I might have thought it owing to the hour and to the thinness of the House that those in favour of the motion should have attended and that those who were not in favour of it were not present, but that on the second reading of the bill which the House then gave leave to introduce the latter would attend and make a majority in accordance with the view taken by Government on this subject expressed through me as its organ : but, in the actual circumstances in which we were placed, I did consider, that although honourable gentle- men may have entirely acted with a view to the particular question before them' and not at all with respect to the Govemment,—although that might have been their intention and view, yet that, in effect, having the whole of the financial and other measures before them,—having the probability, which I was inclined to believe in, that on other measures and on other incidental ques- tions, we might meet with similar defeats, I came to the conclusion that the- Government was not in a position to conduct satisfactorily the business of the country in this House during the forthcoming session. I thought it was for the public interest that, if this were the case, the House should not enter into discusaions on financial measures, and be led to form opinions on those- questions when it was not probable that the Government should be able suc- cessfully to go through the session. I thought likewise, that it was a very dangerous, and that it was a very disadvantageous thing for the country, that a Government should continue liable to defeats from time to time hav- ing but a small majority at any time, and therefore carrying on a kind of lingering existence during great -part of the session. I therefore assembled the members of the Cabinet, and I stated to them, it was my opinion the best course we could take as a Ministry was to forward our resignations to her Ma- jesty and enable her Majesty to form another Administration. My colleagues at present in the Cabinet concurred with me in that opinion ; but one very im- portant member of the Cabinet, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord President of the Council, was at that time absent in the country, and I did not like to- forward our resignations to her Majesty on that day, and I therefore asked the House on Endity to consent to an adjournment to this day. Early on the following morning, the Marq.uis of Lansdowne reached town, and met me at Buckingham Palace. He informed me he entirely concurred in the view I took. I therefore proceeded at once to her Majesty, to lay before her Majesty 'the unanimous resignations of the members of the Administration. Her Majesty was graciously pleased to accept those resignations; and she- was pleased also to inform me, it was her intention to send immediately to Lord Stanley for the purpose of intrusting him with the charge of forming a Government. I was informed later in the afternoon, that I was required to- proceed to Buckingham Palace; and I was then informed by her Majesty that Lord Stanley had stated he was not then prepared to form a Govern- ment. Her Majesty then asked me to undertake the charge of reconstruct- ing a Government which might be able to obtain the confidence of the House. I thought it my duty, under those circumstances, to attempt that task. (Faint cheers.) I have therefore assured her Majesty that I would under- take it. I am perfectly aware of the many difficulties which surround that task ; but I should only add to those difficulties, and be acting most impro- perly, if I were to state anything further at present. I have only further to. request that the House, without passing now to any discussion, or forming any judgment with respect to what has taken place, will adjourn to Friday next ; when I trust some definitive resolution may have been come to' and. when I shall either have succeeded in or have abandoned the task I have- undertaken ; and in either case the House will know what is likely to be the result. Sir, I move that this House do adjourn to Friday next."

Mr. Disa.esm, "apparently in some slight agitation," said-

" It is not my intention to trespass on the House for any length of time ;. but, after the statement which has just been made by the noble Lord, I must occupy their attention for one moment. It is most true, and it is a matter of public notoriety, that Lord Stanley has had an audience of her Majesty ; and when Lord Stanley has received her gracious permission to state what transpired during the audience, he will no doubt do so in public, and in a constitutional manner in his place in Parliament : but there is one observa- tion in the statement of the noble Lord I feel it my duty not to permit to, pass unnoticed. When the noble Lord states that Lord Stanley stated to her Majesty that he was not prepared to form an Administration—"

Lord JOHN RUSSELL—" That he was not then prepared." Mr. DISRABLI—" 'Not then prepared' : that correction of the noble Lord's does not at all effect that which I wish to state to the House. I say I must express my conviction, that when the noble Lord says Lord Stanley stated he was not then prepared to form an Administration—[after a pause]—he has made a statement to the House which, on further reflection, I think he will acknowledge was not founded on what really occurred." Lord Joux RUSSELL--" After what the honourable gentleman has stated, I will only say I have no doubt that at the proper time, when Lord Stanley shall think fit to do so and has received the permission of her Majesty, he will state what has occurred ; and my belief is that Lord Stanley's statement will bear me out in what I have said: ("Hear, hear !")

Mr. ROEBUCK, "who was received with a little interruption," said- " I am anxious to make one observation on the very extraordinary state of affairs in which we now are. We are about to adjourn till Friday. The noble Lord is about to reconstruct his Cabinet. He may fail, and that with- out the House of Commons having the slightest opportunity to express any feeling of their own ; and then her Majesty, in all probability, will be obliged, if I may use the phrase, to send for somebody else to make an Administra- tion. ("For Roebuck." A laugh.) I do hope that the noble Lord, who has hitherto acted as the leader, not simply of a great party in this House, but also as being the representative of a great principle, will not forget, in all the proceedings about to take place, that this principle is now in his hands; and that, in a great measure, what will hereafter take place with respect to this great principle of the financial arrangements of the country will depend on the proceeding he will take, and on him will be the responsibility if we have again to go through the great fight of free trade." ("Hear, hear !") Most of the Members now left their places ; some formal business was rapidly transacted ; and at a quarter past five the House adjourned till Friday.

LORD LANSDOWNE'S STATEMT TO THE PEERS.

At five o'clock on Monday, the attendance of Peers was somewhat greater than on ordinary occasions, and a number of Peeresses were present in the galleries. Though information respecting the state of the Govern- ment was expected, the House exhibited its usual quiet appearance. Shortly after five o'clock, the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Earl of Carlisle, Earl Grey, and the Marquis of Clanricarde were in their places.

Lord CAMPBELL laid on the table a bill for the more effectual punish- ment of burglary, and of robbery committed by the assistance of chloro- form. A mass of petitions were presented. Lord BROUGHAM called at- tention to returns showing that writs of certiorari have been issued to withdraw cases from the County Courts into the Superior Courts in a very moderate proportion of eases. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE, after laying on the table a report from the Commissioners of Sewers, said-

" My Lords, as there is no business before the House, I may as well at once take this opportunity of moving that the House at its rising be ad- journed till Friday next. In making this motion, I feel that, however im- perfectly and inefficiently I may be able to lay before your Lordships any communication relating to the present posture of affairs, it is due to your Lordships that any information or communication made on that subject to the other House of Parliament should, in substance at least, be made also to this House. But, my Lords, in doing so I shall confine myself simply to a statement of the facts as I understand them to have occurred. On Priday last, in consequence of divisions which had recently taken place in the other House of Parliament, her Majesty's servants communicated with each other. From domestic circumstances I was not one of the number on that occasion ; but they communicated with each other, and on that day her Majesty was led to believe that it was probable her Majesty's servants would resign on the day following. Early on Saturday morning I came to town, and that resignation was most respectfully and unanimously tendered by her Ma- jesty's servants to her Majesty. In the course of the same day, the noble Lord I now see opposite was, as I am informed, invited to attend at the Palace, and a proposal was made to him to construct a Government. I am informed that the noble Lord stated that he was not then prepared to form one. Upon that communication being made, recourse was had to other per- sons, more particularly to my noble friend lately at the head of the Govern- ment; and he was requested to reconstruct an Administration. My Lords, this is the present state of matters. All that it is in my power now to state to your Lordships is, that my noble friend lately at the head of the Govern- ment has, upon reflection, thought it to be his duty towards her Majesty and towards the public, to attempt the reconstruction of another Cabinet. Be- ycnd that I have nothing to say: I speak as the organ of a Government which in fact exists no more—which holds office nominally only ; and I am its representative only for the purpose of making this communication to your Lordship&"

Lord STANLEY made a very brief statement- " I am sure none of your Lordships will be disposed to make any opposi- tion to the proposal which the noble Marquis has now made to the House ; or, at all events, that it will be unanimously agreed that no public business of importance shall be transacted. I am exceedingly unwilling to make, and indeed I will not make, any comment on the statement made by the noble Marquis. Circumstanced as the country now is, it is impossible that any revelation can be made of what has occurred. In the present state of things, I do not hold it consistent with my duty to offer any explanations that must necessarily be of an imperfect character. I can only sayi that on Saturday I had the honour of a lengthened audience of her Majesty; in the course of which I laid before her Majesty fully and unreservedly what were my views of the present state of the country and of parties. Nothing could have exceeded the graciousness, the condescension, indeed, I may say the kindness of her Majesty, throughout the whole of that audience ; but of what passed at that interview, either as to the advice which I tendered to her Majesty, or of what was stated by her Majesty, I should ill requite the kindness and favour with which I was visited if I should at the pre- sent moment say a single word. (" Hear, hear!") When the time shall come— when this political crisis shall have passed—I shall be prepared to state fully and unreservedly to your Lordships and the country the whole sub- stance of the advice I tendered to her Majesty, and the course which, as a public man honoured with the confidence of her Majesty, and as a Privy Councillor, I recommended should be taken." After these explanations, the Earl of Sr. GERMANS suggested, that there could be no objection to proceeding next day with a bill which has no political object—the Marriages Bill. Lord Cissesnm., while differing from Lord St. Germans in opinion on that bill, concurred with him that the discussion of it need not be suspended. The Archbishop of CaarreanuaY also expressed the wish of himself and many of the Bishops that the bill should be discussed next day. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that such a course under the circumstances was unusual, hut there was so much force in the reason for it that he would offer no objection. He consented, on the understanding that no other subject of discussion should be introduced. The House adjourned on that under- standing.

liARRIAGES OF PROHIBITED AFFESITY.

The Lords met on Tuesday, as it had been agreed they should, to dis- cuss the second reading of the Marriages Bill. Petitions were presented for and against the measure ; among those for it, one through Lord OVER- STONE, from the City of London, signed by the Lord Mayor, 59 bankers, 237 merchants, 146 solicitors, 124 barristers, and 61 physicians. The motion for the second reading was made by the Earl of ST. GER- MANS' who in a perspicuous manner marshalled the well-known argu- ments on the subject, illustrated with a good deal of learning. The por- tion of his speech which was freshest made an addition to the statistics of the question. It had been said in another place' that only one marriage with the sister of a deceased wife had taken place in the parish of St. Margaret, Westminster ; but he was prepared with a return which showed that no fewer than 28 cases had been discovered in that parish alone, chiefly among the class of small tradesmen though there were a few also amen" the la- bouring class. He had a list which showed that no fewer than 830 mar- riages of this nature had been recently found to have taken place in London and the neighbourhood, within a circuit of seven or eight miles of the Gene- rid Post-office. The number discovered in Lambeth was 72; in Blackfriars, 11; in St. George's-in-the-East, 25; in Westminster, 29; in Walworth, 12; in Deptford, 20; in Woolwich, 15; in Greenwich, 12; in Barking, 6; in Lewisham a. Of the total number, 222 had taken place before 1835; 143 since 1835, though the precise year could not be ascertained ; 84 between 1835 and 1840; 142 between 1840 and 1843; 202 between 1845 and 1850; and 37 at uncertain dates. This statement showed that the number of these marriages was progressively increasing ; so that it was evident that public opinion was not favourable to the prohibition. He had another return from a district of the Midland counties, including the Potteries, where the esti- nutted population of the district, according to Ole (POSUS of 1841, was-about 500,000 : the total number of cases discovered in that district, excluaiye of many regarding which there had not been time to institute minute inqui- ries, was 625. Of this number 165 were contracted before 1835, leaving 461 cases since January in that year. Of these there occurred in the Eve years from 1835 to 1839 inclusive, 93, or about 16 per annum ; in the next five years, from 1840 to 1844, 150, or about 30 per annum ; in the succeeding five years, from 1844 to 1849, 173, or about 35 per annum ; in the year 1850, 41.

When it is considered bow many respectable and moral people have dime- garded the present law, being satisfied that these marriages are not prohibited but permitted by the law of God, their Lordships would, he hoped, be of opinion that it is dangerous to teach persons of such a class to live in perpe- tual breach of the laws of the country.

The opposition to the bill was led by the Archbishop of CANTERTICmy, on religious grounds, urged with gentleness towards opponents, but with firm confidence as respects the discharge of a public duty. The question is settled by the Word of God, as read in the 18th chapter of Leviticus. The passage in the 16th verse of that chapter, which is relied on by the supporters of the bill, is of such uncertain interpretation that HO argument can be based on it. In reference to the many mischiefs alleged to be the consequences of the present state of the law, it is no doubt to be la- mented that this or any other law, divine or human, should be transgressed ; but the part of the Legislature must be not to lower the law to the standard of the practice, but to elevate the practice to the standard of the law. Very grievous mischiefs arise from all unlawful connexions—from the practise of coneubinag,e, for instance ; but we do not for that reason think of dispensing with the obligation of marriage, or legitimize the guiltless progeny of a guilty connexion. The Archbishop moved that the bill be read a second time that des six months.

The 'Bishop of EXETER went over the general argument in favour of the bill with the same elaborateness that Lord St. Germans traversed the antagonist ground ; especially maintaining as a Bishop of the Church of England, that he is bound to call these marriages incestuous.

He gave a new interpretation of the 16th verse of Leviticus xviii ; one which he had received from Dr. Milner, the Professor of Hebrew at Cam- bridge. The verse which in our translation stands, "Neither shalt thou take a wife to her sister, to vex her, to uncover her nakedness, beside the other in her lifetime "—when literally rendered, is, "A woman unto sister thou shalt not take, to uncover nakedness, during hfe." There are no pro- nouns in the sentence. The phrase " during life" or "in life" is one of emphasis, one of the strong expressions ordinarily used in Scripture ; it ap • plies unquestionably to the life not of the /rift but of the sister, and implies that the event shall never take place.

The Bishop of Sr. Davins felt obliged to go a certain way with Lord St. Germans, but came at last to different practical conclusions.

He believes that the marriages are not prohibited but are tacitly permitted by the words of the chapter so often quoted. His impression has all along been that in this case too many attempts have been made to accommodate Seri/Lie to a preconceived opinion. It is a mistake to treat the question as one of a nature purely religious, or as an affair of expediency only. It is a question on which you may advantageously take the intermediate ground for legislation. The existing law is of that mixed description which secures the approval of the immense majority of the church and the immense majority of the community at large in England, the unanimous adhesion of Ireland, and the loud and emphatic approval of Scotland. Ho refused to share the responsibility of a measure that would sow distrust and alarm in hundreds of families which would otherwise remain pure and safe.

The Bishop of NORWICH also distinctly separated himself from those who object to the measure as opposed to Scriptural prectipte, But, apart from Scriptural authority, he saw many grave and serious ob- jections to it. Among the most competent judges are those most deeply affected by it—the women of England ; and of them ninety-nine out of every hundred are opposed to the change. But he acknowledged that the marriage law bears hardly on portions of the community. It resembles in- justice and religious intolerance to impose upon the Jews a view of the Jewish law which they reject—to say to the Jews, such is our interpretation of your law, and you must abide by our interpretation.

Lord GAGE was the sole supporter of the measure. lie pronounced the existing law tyrannical, especially against the poor ; while it is not demanded by Scriptural authority, by nature, nor the advantage of the state.

Loud CAMPBELL opposed the bill at considerable length. He characterized the agitation on the question as one that has arisen "purely from a purpose of personal interest." It was instigated by those who had violated the law or made engagements which the law forbade. They began by retaining counsel and solicitors, by sending lecturers over the country, by writing pamphlets, and by holding public meetings, at which their advocates spoke from the platform. It was by having taught people that these marriages are lawful, that they had occasioned in many instances the law to be broken ; and then they brought forward those breaches of the la* as arguments in favour of now altering the law of marriage. Before the Commission there was examined the then Bishop of Melipotamus,—a gen- tleman who has since received a more sounding title, but of whom upon no occasion would Lord Campbell speak with the slightest disrespect. When that reverend gentleman was examined before the Commission, Le mentioned what were the doctrines and practices of his church, and showed that the Roman Catholic Church looked much less to Scripture than to the power of the clergy to enact laws for themselves. He also stated, in the most express manner, that since the act of 183.5 passed, making these marriages void, although they could not among the Homan Catholics be celebrated without a dispensation, he had continued to grant dis- pensations permitting such marriages. So that here was the source of a large number of instances in which the law of the land was entirely set at defiance, and marriages encouraged in direct violation of it. But the proportion of these incestuous marriages has been monstrously exagg,erated. He had been assured, by those having the best means of information, Omit they are not more numerous than instances of bigamy ; an offence which, from his own experience, he knew to be exceedingly common in the counties of England. If, then, Parliament were to pass the present bill because the law has been violated, we might, for the same reason, pass a law eanctioeing bigamy. The arguments founded on the example of Protestant Germany and America prove too much : if we take the example of Germany, we shoull make marriage a matter of contract only during convenience ; and if that of America, we should have to dissolve the marriage bond upon frivolous grounds, which the feeling of the country would be shocked to act upon. Lord Campbell hoped that the bill would be rejected by such a majority as would render hopeless the attempt to alter the law. The Bishop of LONDON intitnated, in reference to rumoured change his opinion, that a certain amount of change has come over his mind, 1).4 not in the direction assumed by the rumour.

Ile has reviewed the subject, and can now say, " without stating that his mind is so made up as to be free from all shadow of doubt, that he is much more inclined to think there is, on the ground of analogy, weight in the argument as to an implied prohibition in the Word of God against these marriages." He feared that the measure would be only a first step towards a fatal relaxation of those laws on which our domestic relationships are based, in which so much of our national happiness and prosperity is mixed up.

Lord BROUGHAM did not anew express his opinion on the measure, but marked the "considerable doubt and no small discrepancy" among the Prelates on the subject. The Bishop of ()EMORY could not look on the measure as any other than one calculated to bring sin and sorrow into many a happy family.

After a brief reply by the Earl of ST. GERMANS, the House divided ; and the motion was negatived, by 50 to 16. So the bill is lost.