NEWS OF THE WEEK.
THE increasingly critical position of the Government, and the mul- tiplication of schemes for settling the Irish franchise, all pressed forward together, have given an unusual Parliamentary interest -even to the worn-out subject of Irish registrations; upon which the only important debates of the week have turned. The political world has been in a turmoil; as usual, with little in the results to justify all the excitement.
The week began with Whig stories of a serious schism among the Tories : a meeting was to be held at Sir ROBERT PEEL'S—S0 ran the tale—to reconcile the over-cautious Baronet to his more ardent and disorderly followers. The meeting was held : but the unanimity of its decisions, and the renewed confidence of the party in their leader, were seen in the compact ranks and well-drilled discipline which they displayed when the battle fairly began in the House of Commons on Monday night. • Ministers then brought forward the details of their new fran- chise—the fourteen-year leasehold with a rating-test. In order to break the brunt of the anticipated onset, they had, before the battle, abandoned a portion of their plan having raised the intended rating- test from 51. to 8L The object Of the gratuitous concession was to conciliate and unite: it availed them nothing. The first attack which they received was from their own side. Lord HOWICK took them in flank, with a new proposal, to add, he said, to the Govern- ment plan ; but implying a principle utterly at variance with the principle of the original measure. Whereas that based the franchise upon a mere holding for a term of years and a rating, Lord HOW1CK insisted upon taking the leaseholder's pecuniary circumstances into account, and requiring proof that he derived a profit from his land. Accordingly, he proposed that the leaseholder should be rated at a sum five pounds above the amount of his rent and other charges on the land. And he proposed also to admit to the franchise another class of voters, tenants at Will rated to a high amount. Lord Moa- PETE declared the amendment fatal to the intended extension of the franchise; and even after Mr. WOOD had explained that Lord How- ICE'S franchise was to be in addition to the Government franchise, and not in exclusion of it, Lord JOHN RUSSELL averred that he must oppose it, because it sanctioned a principle destructive to the object of the bill. When the two Liberal parties were thus fairly engaged in the fray, Lord STANLEY led forward the Opposi- tion to take up its ground ; which was chosen skilfully for attack- ing both the other parties without exposing the assailants. The Tory leaders accepted Lord HOWICK'S first amendment, which as- serted the principle that the profits of the land should enter into the qualification ; but they summarily rejected the details with which that dictum was to be followed up. Sir ROBERT PEEL took it in the light of an "abstract resolution, affirming a principle oppo- site to that of the Government measure ; and thus involving in its fate the fate of the bill, and of the Ministers who had framed the bill. Such was the position of the question between the three par- ties—the Ministry, Lord Howicii, and the Opposition—when the first clause and Lord HOWICK'S amendment upon it were put to the vote. The amendment was carried, by 291 to 270—a majority against Ministers of 21. They were so staggered by the defeat, that Lord JOHN RUSSELL begged a week's respite, to consider the course to be taken. He was allowed two days. • Ministers then brought forward the details of their new fran- chise—the fourteen-year leasehold with a rating-test. In order to break the brunt of the anticipated onset, they had, before the battle, abandoned a portion of their plan having raised the intended rating- test from 51. to 8L The object Of the gratuitous concession was to conciliate and unite: it availed them nothing. The first attack which they received was from their own side. Lord HOWICK took them in flank, with a new proposal, to add, he said, to the Govern- ment plan ; but implying a principle utterly at variance with the principle of the original measure. Whereas that based the franchise upon a mere holding for a term of years and a rating, Lord HOW1CK insisted upon taking the leaseholder's pecuniary circumstances into account, and requiring proof that he derived a profit from his land. Accordingly, he proposed that the leaseholder should be rated at a sum five pounds above the amount of his rent and other charges on the land. And he proposed also to admit to the franchise another class of voters, tenants at Will rated to a high amount. Lord Moa- PETE declared the amendment fatal to the intended extension of the franchise; and even after Mr. WOOD had explained that Lord How- ICE'S franchise was to be in addition to the Government franchise, and not in exclusion of it, Lord JOHN RUSSELL averred that he must oppose it, because it sanctioned a principle destructive to the object of the bill. When the two Liberal parties were thus fairly engaged in the fray, Lord STANLEY led forward the Opposi- tion to take up its ground ; which was chosen skilfully for attack- ing both the other parties without exposing the assailants. The Tory leaders accepted Lord HOWICK'S first amendment, which as- serted the principle that the profits of the land should enter into the qualification ; but they summarily rejected the details with which that dictum was to be followed up. Sir ROBERT PEEL took it in the light of an "abstract resolution, affirming a principle oppo- site to that of the Government measure ; and thus involving in its fate the fate of the bill, and of the Ministers who had framed the bill. Such was the position of the question between the three par- ties—the Ministry, Lord Howicii, and the Opposition—when the first clause and Lord HOWICK'S amendment upon it were put to the vote. The amendment was carried, by 291 to 270—a majority against Ministers of 21. They were so staggered by the defeat, that Lord JOHN RUSSELL begged a week's respite, to consider the course to be taken. He was allowed two days. That space, however, sufficed to make a material alteration in the views of the alarmed Lord JOHN: perhaps he had derived courage in the mean time from the reassurances of his more imper- turbable chief. Between Monday and Wednesday it was discovered that Lord HOWICK'S amendment, which 'seemed so destructive of the principle of the Government measure, really left it untouched. Lord Howtax, too, performed a characteristic vagary : though he still left on record his "abstract resolution," his preliminary amend- ment, he relieved Ministers from the apprehension of his active in- terference, by announcing that he should not press his substantial amendments : Lord STANLEY and Sir ROBERT PEEL had not treated his details with sufficient respect, and so crotchety Lord Howicir. backed out of the alliance ; still, however, sulkily refusing to rejoin
his friends : he would not insist on his own scheme, but he would not support the Government scheme.
This shifting of ground among the forces on the Treasury side, did not draw the Tories out of the position they had taken up : they adhered to the amendment which Lord Howicx had put into their hands, and waited to see the effect of more dissensions among their antagonists. They were not disappointed. The House again went into Committee, proceeding with the second and chief clause of the bill, defining the franchise. A scene of inde: seribable confusion followed ; Ministers running the gauntlet of at- tacks and amendments from their own adherents. Mr. Hero was seized with an impracticable desire for consistency ; and he insisted on Ministers going back to the five-pound franchise, while he himself proposed a new one, based on a yearly tenancy. At last, Mr. O'CONNELL, rendered desperate perhaps by the entangle- ment of the question, and dreading more the imminent danger of letting in the Tories than the loss of the measure, proposed—of course, by accident—a form of adjournment which would have had the effect of throwing the bill aside altogether. This Sir ROBERT PEEL would not suffer : he would allow no such evasion of a vote on the measure itself; and accordingly, Mr. O'CONNELL was cruelly allowed to withdraw his motion. So passed Wednesday night.
Thursday came, and with it the dreaded vote. The main clause of the measure was rejected by 300 to 289—another majority against Ministers of 11. Lord JOHN threw up the bill. ,So, after three days' smart discussion on two clauses, ends the nine days' wonder—Lord MORPETH'S " universal suffrage." But the show has not been wasted : Mr. O'CONNELL says that it will "do much good service in Ireland." The service, or the disservice, which it may do Ministers in Eng- land, is a rather more important matter. In their conduct of the measure—in reckless legislation without knowledge, in the profli- gacy of their assertions and abandonment of principles in rapid alternation, and in exquisite elaboration of defeat—they have ex, ceeded even themselves. They have made their word a jest, and have done their best to destroy all confidence in every thing they say or propose ; for their ultimate acts are ever at variance with their professed intentions : they seem incompetent to perceive any necessary relation between promise and performance, and to feel as little responsibility for the fulfilment of their own pledges as one man does for fulfilling the pledges of another. The late farce of suffrage-extension may serve them, or Mr. O'CONNELL, in Ireland: here it will be best for them when it is all forgotten.
