1 MAY 1852, Page 13

TOPICS OF THE DAY.

FROGR-Ess OF PARTY DISSOLUTION.

THE march of events confirms the view recently taken by us of the approach of a state of things in which government itself will be impossible without a totally new east of parties. After the general election is the time when a majority must be somehow constructed out of the four existing minorities. Meanwhile, it seems well to note, as they pass, the circumstances which are lead- ing us to the necessities of the autumn.

1. The abandonment Of Protection proceeds satisfactorily. The attempt of the Russell-Grey party, zealously promoted by Sir James Graham and the Manchester gentlemen, to hinder the Protection- ists from adopting Free-trade, has proved an utter failure. There- fore, Lord Derby holds the Government, though but provisionally : therefore, Lord John Russell's party design in recommending Lord Derby as his successor has been entirely frustrated. It is at any rate a comfort to know positively, that all danger is past of a re- vival of the state of things under which, of late years, England has had neither Government nor Opposition in the constitutional sense of those words.

2. But, on the other hand, the manner in which Protection is really abandoned by its friends continues to be doublefaced and shuffling. Therefore, Lord Derby's party gain nothing for the future by the abandonment itself. For the present they gain for- bearance from reproach by the stupidest and most violent of the Protectionists—the incurable residuum of the great folly which Lord Derby originated when he quarrelled with Sir Robert Peel : but the day must come when the anger of these few Becllamites will raise a cry of treason against Lord Derby ; and in the mean- while he continues to suffer in general estimation by exhibiting timidity and trickery. If he aspires to be Prime Minister next year, he should stop the mouth of Sir Fitzroy Kelly and the pen of Mr. G. F. Young, who are fixing upon him a reputation for in- firmity of purpose' for insincerity, and for political blindness. In other respects, we know of nothing which suggests the probability that Lord Derby's party will grow into a majority. He seems, if not bent on rejecting any support but that of the minority which he led in opposition, at least incapable of adding to its strength by winning the public confidence. As provisional Minister, he is stronger than was anticipated ; but if we look six months forward, when the country will require a permanent Government, Lord Derby's chance of the Premiership appears no better than it was six weeks ago.

3. The improved strength of Lord Derby's position as temporary Minister has not been occasioned by any sagacity or ability on his part, but solely by the blundering of Lord John Russell as a party leader. An attack which fails is generally serviceable to the per- son attacked. When Lord John forced Lord Derby's Chancellor of the Exchequer to say, "We do not intend to propose any corn- duty," he propped up the provisional Government which he had formed by advising the Queen to send for Lord Derby. And then, as if he had not already done enough for his rival, his whole course on the Militia question has tended not only to keep Lord Derby in power till after the general election, but to prolong the provisional term, and to improve Lord Derby's opportunities for the future. Whether Lord Derby will be capable of seizing such opportunities, is another question : but there they are created by Lord John Rus- sell. The groans of the Globe* are natural and appropriate. For whether or not Lord John has served Lord Derby, it is clear that he has most seriously damaged his own party. His future leader- ship is now openly questioned by Whig partisans. Hence jealousies, rivalries, and differences among the Whigs, which promise to make them extremely weak in the new Parliament. Indeed, one may deem it not improbable that the party is really broken up at this moment. At any rate, they have to seek a leader; and every week places them somewhat lower in the public esteem. There never was but one strong point about Lord John Russell—that of skill in mere party tactics. Failing here, and failing so completely and so conspicuously, he is reasonably supposed to he worn out. The ad- vantage to the country, which counterbalances the evil prolonga- tion of provisional government, is that a Russell.Grey restoration has been made impossible, and that the Whig party is already ripe * "We have not space to discuss at its proper length the insinuation, that if the division means anything it means that the Opposition does not intend to be led by Lord John Russell. We pass over every consideration of what is due to Lord John's courage, sagacity, and his immortal services in the cause of civil and religious liberty. We only propose one question for the consideration of those Liberals who from thoughtlessness or spleen may be forcing on an issue that we verily believe might accomplish Mr. Disraeli's boast, that he would stay in office as long as Lord Liverpool. Have they ever considered how they could replace those two elements of in- fluence which Lord John Russell possesses in a greater degree than any other public man alive? It will not, we suppose, be disputed that the great _Liberal houses who have hitherto contributed so largely to the safety and progress of Reform, give their support to lord .Tohn Russell and to Lord John Russell Only. His personal influence is scarcely slighter among the local managers of country constituencies. Go through the great corporate cities and boroughs, and everywhere you will find a set of men whose local patriotism, Valuable municipal exertion; and general popularity, has given them an un- rivalled, and very well-deserved influence among their fellow citizens. We are convinced that there is scarcely a town in which Lord John Russell cannot secure the adhesion of such a local staff as this. These are two great elements of strength, which some may regret -and others may disapprove, but of which no one can deny the efficacy and importance. We believe that neither Mr. Gladstone nor Sir James Graham, nor any subordinate mem- ber of the late Government, can wrest these resources from Lord John Russell, and that if they were lost to him they would be lost to the whole Liberal party."—Globs, April 27.

to supply materials for the fusion by means of which a Govern- ment may be formed, by and by, depending on a majority of its own.

4. There is nothing new to be said of the Peelites, except that Lord John's proceedings appear to have severed them entirely and finally from the Russell-Grey party. A separation was, no doubt, produced by Lord Derby's abandonment of Protection ; but still there were not wanting speculators who imagined that Lord John might strengthen his party by an open union with Sir Robert Peel's able lieutenants. This notion may now be dismissed from our political reckonings. The Peelites stand alone. That is the beat position for men who have a policy and capacity for recommending it to the country. We must confess, however, judging by the su- pineness of the Peelites under our present provisional Government- s state of things which affords excellent opportunities of action with a view to the future only—that independence of position does not, strange to say, appear congenial to the men who learned, politics from the most self-relying of English Ministers.