Ethan au rurubiug in4Sarlignitut PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OP THE WEEK.

Howe or Lynam Monday, April 26. St. Albans Msfranchisement; Bill passed through Committee. - Tuesday, April 27. Chicory mixed with Coffee; Lord Derby's Repudiation of Sir Charles Wood's doctrine. Thursday, April 29. General Roses in England—Sanitary state of London; Lord Shaftesbury's Resolution for Government interference agreed to. Friday, April 30. No business of interest. Hoose or Commosrs. Monday, April 26. Militia Bill; adjourned debate; second raading carried by 315 to 165—Refreshment to Voters; leave for a Bill given to Sir E. Buxton, by 58 to 19—House "counted out" at 1.30 a. m. Tuesday, April 27. County Franchise ; Mr. Locke King's Motion for leave to bring in a Bill, negatived by 202 to 149—House counted oat at 7.45 p.m. Wednesday, April 28. County Elections Bill: a division of 16 to 18 against first reading -Relieous Tests; Mr. MoneriefFs Universities of Scotland Bill; second reading negatived by 172 to 157—Church Government in the Colonies; Mr. Glad- stone's Colonial Bishops Bill ; debate on second reading opened, and adjourned till 19th May. Thursday, April 29. Church Establishment Reform ; Marquis of Blandford ob- tains leave for a Bill—Crystal Palace; Mr. Heywood's Motion for a Committee, negatived by 221 to 103—Enfranchisement of Copyholds Bill, read a third time and passed. Friday, April 30. Mr. Disraeli's Financial Statement.

TIME - TABLE.

THE MILITIA BILL.

The adjourned debate on the Militia Bill was opened on Monday by Mr. MorrsTr. He professed himself unable to see where the danger now said to threaten us is to come from, unless from France ; and he thought that against France our best defence would still be, as had been hitherto, an efficient force on the seas. Lord SEYMOUR took ground against the leader of the late Government, of which he was a member.

He had consented to share the responsibility and unpopularity of the measure proposed by the late Government ; and he now saw the present Go- vernment, which has had opportunity of scanning the great difficulties of the subject, propose a measure on their part. Each Government had deemed some such measure essential to the national security. But the course now threatened in the House of Commons would be a strong argument with the people that no bill at all was needed : such a course looked hke a determina- tion not to defeat the enemies of the country, but to defeat the Ministry of the day ; and such appearances were anything but calculated to raise the character of representative governments. He was prepared to support the second reading; but should move in Committee to omit from the bill the principle of compulsory service, the Government having stated their be- lief that they can obtain a sufficient militia force by voluntary enlistment.

Colonel REID confessed, as a military man of thirty years' experience, that he had no faith in the military advantages of this hill; but, receiving with deference the information that the highest military authorities in the country have sanctioned the bill, he gave it his very reluctant assent.

MB own preference would have been for an increase of the regular army ;

and he suggested a mode by which the increase might be secured cheaply. He would propose, as a more efficient way of strengthening the army, that we should recruit for 1863 and 1854 in advance. By this means, 15,000 men might be raised- at once, at an expense not exceeding 320,0001. for the first year and 160,0001. for the second. This, after all, would be much less than the cost of enlisting a raw force of 80,000 militia ; and 15,000 regular troops, disciplined as the British army is, would be much more valuable than almost any number of untrained militiamen.

Mr. Emden disclaimed party feelings ; but opposed the bill, as beset with difficulties, and as providing neither the best nor most economical system that could be devised. He disapproved of Lord John Russell's plan for raising 10,000 trained and embodied militia : such a force would be ob- jectionable in time of peace. Colonel LINDSAY went through a statement of figures to show that the present regular force leaves not more than 25,603 men available for field duty for the defence of London against foreign incursion. He would prefer 20,000 troops to 80,000 militiamen for field-serviee, but

would readily accept militiamen for garrison service ; and therefore his opinion was, on the whole, favourable to the bill. He suggested, that a system of working the bill locally might be adopted with advantage. He meant, that men raised within certain towns and localities should be drilled together in the long summer months after their work is over; and as this would not interfere with their usual employment, he would propose that they shOuld receive only a small rate of pay. If drilled in companies, the men would be perfectly capable of going through every movement of a bat- talion if they had at their head good officers who understood battalion work. He would propose that they should be brought together in battalions once in two years. H he had ten companies from as many different counties of the kingdom, he would almost undertake to make a working battalion in a week or ten days. Mr. CARDWELL put before the House the exact position of the Militia question in point of legal form.

The 42d George III. chap. 90 was of permanent operation ; and for nearly

twenty years they annually dealt with it, by passing an act suspending its operation for twelve months, and also giving a power to the Executive Go- vernment, which they might exercise by order in Council, to suspend the suspending law and revive the enuring law. He thought, then, that if they defeated this Militia Bill upon the second reading, they might find them- selves in this predicament—that the Minister would say to Parliament, "I told you, on may own responsibility, that without a militia this kingdom would-not be safe from foreign invasion. My predecessors told you the acme thing. (Cheersfrans the Ministerial benches.) You have refused to go into an inquiry into the details of the Militia laws. I oil not ask you for an

The Lords.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment.

Moadal bh bh 25m Tuesday 5h . 6h tOrn Wednesday No Sitting. Thursday . Sh 10m Friday 5h . btm Sittings this 'Week, 4 ; Time, 45 355 this Session, 36 — 535 10m

The Commons.

Hour of How of Meeting. Adjournment. Monday 4h .(m) lh 20m Tuesday 4h 7h 45an Wednesday Noon .... 6h Mu Thursday 4h .(1a) lb Om Friday 4h .(m) 121, 30m Sittings this 'Week, 6; Time.36h 45m

— this Session, 44: 278h WM

a

annual suspension bill, because I do not think the shores of this country are safe ; but I shall put in operation the statute of George III. ; I shall pre, ceed by compulsory conscription through the ballot; and if your constituens3 do net like it, tbe responsibility rests with you. You had the opportunity of amending the law ; you rejected it; and I therefore shall not hold myself responsible for the consequences." Mr. Cardwell thought, then, that they were bound, out of respect for the Crown, acting upon the advice of successive Cabinets, by their regard for the eafety and liberties of the country, and by their jealousy of compulsory conscriptions, to adopt the second reading of this Admiral BE:axclxv propounded a new naval panacea against invasion. Me had some experience in the disembarkation of troops, and he well knew the difiloufties experienced in such a service. Now, he would suggest thot the House should vote an additional force for the Navy of 4000 men and 1000 boys. This addition would not cost the country more than 200,0001, ; and would enable them to have a fleet of thirty sail of steamers in the Channel, none of which should be under 900 or 10010 tons burden ; and they conk man in addition six steamers of a large class, thus establishing a very for- midable force. Some fifty or sixty vessels would be required for embarking 50,000 or 60,000 men at Cherbourg, and at least the same force which this country had in the Channel would be required for their protection. As the ease of a surprise had been put, without a declaration of war against thi$ country, any attempt must be made by steamers ; and he had shown that for such an enterprise from ninety to a hundred ships of that description must be collected. He thought that if vessels so loaded with troops and the materiel of an army attempted to cross the Channel, any officer in command of the force he proposed to establish would not be fit for his position if he did not almost destroy the army before it reached these shores. Mr. Malian Grosow opposed the bill at considerable length. The bill ought to have consolidated the law on the subject. How was it possible for Members to carry in their minds the innumerable provisions and parts of the law of George the Third which the bill says shall apply ? Hew, indeed, was it sure that all those provisions were suitable for the present day ? Those objections were sufficient for taking the bill back and postponing it till another Parliament. Stating that he had got some information lately, to which he was disposed to attach some importance, that the Government had no serious intention to proceed with the measure after the second reading, he proceeded to facilitate any such intention of the Government by arguments against the Militia system, founded on its oppressiveness, and its inferior value as a protective force. He thought that in the present position of this country, and of our relations with foreign powers, it was unnecessary to add at all to our military force; but if it were not so, the very last plan he would adopt would be the plan of her Majesty's Government.

Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said, that when he found two Governments in succession telling them, on their authority and responsibility, that such a measure was necessary, they being the best judges both of the danger and of the means of defence, he listened to their authority with great respect, and he was not willing to take the responsibility of rejecting the bill.

Touching on the subject of naval defence, he went on to examine what, if that first line of our defence be broken through, are our means within the country to compensate for that disaster. On this point his former experience in the War Office assisted him to make a very clear statement. The army at home, rank and file of all classes, including Artillery and Sappers and Miners, amounted to 66,618. He deducted the troops in Ireland, 21,208, because he was speak- ing now of the force actually available in England under the apprehension of hostilities. Ireland is a country in which an invading force would be likely to make a diversion ; and he doubted whether Ireland ought to be left with so small a force. This left 45,410; from which must be deducted one- seventh of the whole for casualties, the sick, desertets, recruits, servants, and others. Some put the casualties at one-seventh, and others at one-tenth ; but he understood, from competent authorities, that one-seventh was the number generally deducted. After deductingt then, the troops in Ireland and one-seventh for casualties-6185—there remain 38,923 men. Then there must be deducted 5000 men who would be immediately required for the defence of the Channel Islands—Guernsey, Jersey, and Alderney. Then, to arrive at the Infantry force, you must deduct 5000 Cavalry and 700 Horse Artillery; and thus he got a force of 29,000 Infantry and Artillery : adding the Pen- sioners in England, with the deduction of one-seventh for casualties, he had 8304, making of Pensioners and Infantry 37,341. But then there must be again deducted the Infantry and Artillery required for the defence of our ports and arsenals. There must be given to Dover 2000 men, Portsmouth 5000, Plymouth 5000, and Pembroke, which is not fortified, and where there are no defences for the dockyard, 3000. Then there would be required for the defence of London, the Thames, Sheerness, Chatham, Woolwich, Dept- ford, Purfleet, and Tilbury, a further force which might be put down at 10,000 men. These numbers were given to him as the lowest necessary for the defence of those places ; but the Duke of Wellington put these garrisons at 30,000, However, taking them, as he did, at 25,000, and deducting that from the 37,000 Infantry, Artillery, and Pensioners, there is left available for the field 12,341 men. But, as the Pensioners are included in the gar- risons, the remaining force would be all regular Infantry of the Line. Add to these the Cavalry and Horse Artillery, 4886, and we have a total of 17,227 regular troops. If we add the Yeomanry-11,145—we shall have a body of 28,370 men ; but the actual available regular force would be 17,227. A great part of this force is made up of the depots of corps serving in India, not accustomed to act together ; and therefore it would not be a picked force of efficient men. Then, to collect it together, you would wholly denude all the rest of the country, and leave the civil power in populous districts wholly unassisted, at the very moment when a great paralysis of particular in- dustries, caused by the outbreak of war, would place the civil power in the most critical position, requiring all the extra assistance which the State could give it. Admitting the difficulties of the plan—indeed, no plan could be proposed altogether free from them—he gave his approbation to a militia as a sort of army of reserve, and especially as a valuable source of regular troops by volunteering at times of national danger. In short, he gave the principle of the bill his most cordial support. Mr. ROEBUCK treated distinctly the two points, the necessity for any increase of national defences, and the best mode of making the increase. He thought there was something abroad which settled the point of neces- sity,: and that, too, he had supposed was the opinion of Lord John Russell when he proposed his own Militia Bill; but now, when another bill was pro- posed by the present Government, he seemed to have modified his precon- ceived opinion. Out of what does the necessity for increasing our defences arise ? What do Members say to one another when talking in private ? They always come to one conclusion, and arrive at it by one mode of reasoning. There is only one people of whom they speak—there is only one man to whom they point. The French are the people—the President of France is the man. We know that there unfortunately exists in the minds of the French people a feeling of jealousy regarding this country, which a bad man may take advantage of, and we all know that the bad man is now in power. (..4n expression of dissent.) It is all very well to say "No," but that is not what we say to one another in private. Away with pretences ! We all know that thereis a man now in power in France who has arrived at the pos- session of power by breaking through all the sanctions by which men Lutt anfinarily bound. We know that he can only retain possession of power by pandering to the prejudices of his countrymen. Be has a large army, and

on that army depends his power. Upon that army his power rests; and we

au feel—Mr. Roebuck dared any one to deny it—that his popularity with the army might be indefinitely increased by undertaking the invasion of

England. People talk about the doctrines of peace, and pamphlets are sent to him by the score, informing him that he ought on all occasions to act in accordance with those doctrines. Now, he wished to know what prevents his being knocked down and robbed as he walks the streets ? Is he indebted for his safety to the influence of gospel truth, or to the dread of the police? It is his belief that peace is promoted by making it exceedingly dan- gerous for any one to attack us. Only that morning he had been favoured with a peace-offering in the form of a pamphlet, in which the writer gravely recom- mends that in the event of the French invading this country, we should quietly submit to the infliction, on the assurance that at the end of three or

four years our invaders would become ashamed of their conduct, retire, and make us a liberal compensation for the injury done to us. (Laughter.) That is the sort of stuff which the honourable Member for the West Riding patronizes. (Much laughter.) The writer of the pamphlet carries his peace doctrine to the full extent, and his consistency in that respect contrasts

favourably with the half-and-half betwixt-and-between policy of other peace advocates. Mankind is still governed by the same passions which have al- ways influenced them and it behoves us to be on our guard, instead of al- lowing ourselves to be lulled into a false security. England, rich almost be- yond imagining, offers powerful temptations to other nations. Mr. Roebuck did not wish to doubt the goodness of human nature, but, referring to his- tory, he found that every nation rich and tempting, but weak, had suc- cumbed to an invader. He wanted to see our great and civilized country carrying out its peaceful mission; • but at the same time saying to all the na- tions of the earth, "Touch me if you dare 1"—so well prepared, so well guarded against the possibility of attack, that no man, no body of men, would venture to intrude on our shores. Only conceive what woula be the conse- quence, not merely to England, but to mankind at large, of the occupation of

London but for twelve hours by an invading force! 'Don't tell me this is not likely to happen. Let me call to the recollection of the House, that

London is the only capital in Europe in which French armies have not planted themselves. Those armies have roamed through Europe, checked only, first by frost, and secondly by England ; and let the House be well as- sured that France has not forgotten this latter check, but is, on the con-

trary, now more than ever eager for revenge. (Cries of "Oh, oh !") Gentle- men may affect to scout this statement ; but there is not a man who hears it that does not in his heart believe it. Yes, there is danger, and great dan- ger—ay, and immediate danger": and, speaking not as an individual, but as a man interested in the destinies of humanity, as a friend of the people, he called upon the Parliament to strengthen England, not for the purpose of aggressive warfare, but of national defence.

But, agreeing with the Government as to the necessity of increasing the defences, he quite differed from them as to the mode of making the increase. He had no faith in a militia, and thought that fighting is like any other business—he who is bred to it fights best. Nor had he any fear of a stand- ing army. He believed that the army of France now maintains exactly the government which the French people want ; and he believed thst an army in England, fairly composed as an English army should be, need inspire no fears for the liberties of England. Be suggested that there be an addition made to the standing army of some 10,000 or 12,000 men, to form skeleton regiments; this done, upon the least manifestation of invasion, these skele- ton regiments could with facility be filled up, and you would have at once an addition to your effective army of 100,000 men. Multitudes of men had proposed to enrol themselves as volunteers ; why had not their offer been accepted ? Where would have been the danger from such men as those? In employing them it could not be said that you were putting muskets or rifles into the bands of the rabble ; for the persons who came forward and proposed to form rifle clubs were persons who had their own rifles, and who had more or less of leisure, and who were willing to apply a portion of that leisure to the competent acquisition of military training and knowledge. You would have had 100,000 of these men under arms if you had chosen to meet their proffers. There is danger, and immediate danger, no doubt ; but the proposed militia is not the best mode of meeting it; on the contrary, it would do far more mischief than good.

Mr. WALPOLE wound up the debate with a speech which rapidly but closely dealt with the main objections made against the necessity for any

measure, and against the machinery of the particular measure under dis- cussion. In the latter branch of his speech he contrasted the main fea- tures of his own bill with those of Lord John Russell's bill.

"By the noble Lord's plan, every man was to be drawn by ballot unless volunteers offered their services by the bribe of having to serve three years instead of four; whereas, by our plan, the men are not to be drawn by ballot,

but are to offer their services as volunteers. Therefore, I think that the noble Lord's plan is more severe than ours. This, however, is not all. By the noble Lord's plan, the men were to be drawn from a limited number—

for the first year, from between the ages of twenty and twenty-three, and in succeeding years from between the ages of twenty and twenty-one. Now, by our plan, if you go to the ballot, which possibly may not be needed, you

are to draw the men from an extended area, from between the years eighteen and thirty-five; and it requires little reasoning to show that the pressure on

a smaller base must be greater than on a more extended one. Then, with

respect to training and discipline, I own I was so astonished at what the noble Lord said, that I referred to Hansard to see whether or not I had for-

gotten what had fallen from him ; and I found that, by the noble Lord's plan, the men were to be drilled for twenty-eight days in the first year and fourteen days in the next. By our plan, the men are to be trained for twenty-one days in the year, and, upon a necessity, for seven weeks • but there is this provision, which greatly mitigates that arrangement—that in case the training may not be necessary, or in case there should be a great de- mand for labour, then the drill may be reduced to three days in the year." Referring to the explanation of the legal position of the question given by Mr. Cardwell, in order to state that the Government had not any notion of taking the course there hinted, he impressed on the House, nevertheless, that compared with the law of George the Third, the present bill is a miti- gated law—the language of mitigation ran throughout from the first section to the last. He concluded with a warning, that if they rejected the present attempt to legislate on the basis of voluntary enlistment and voluntary ser- vice, they might hereafter, in a time of crisis, find themselves compelled to resort suddenly to the Militia law with all the rigour and severity of the bal- lot and compulsory service.

The other speakers in the debate had been—in favour of the second reading, Captain DUNCOMBE, Mr. Molic-wrox MILNES, Mr. DEEDES, Mr. STANFORD, and Sir CHARLES Eminzu. ; against the second reading, Mr. Belmar..

The House divided—For the second reading, 315; for the amendment, 165; majority for the second reading, 150.

The bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Mon- day next.

COUNTY FRANCHISE AND ELECTIONS.

In renewing this year his motion for leave to bring in a bill to assimi- late the county franchise to the borough franchise, Mr. Locks KING ex- plained, that he had made a slight addition to the measure, in compliance with what had seemed a very general desire last session : besides its main object, it would now shorten the duration of county elections to one day, —a very desirable object, since the drunkenness and violence of election contests almost invariably happen on the second day. In support of the bill generally, Mr. King was brief. He chiefly confined himself to some quotations from the writings of two distinguished men, John Locke of the past, and M. Gilizot of the present ; and a reference to the opinions and arguments recently put forward by Mr. Disraeli on the subject of the franchise,—especially his saying, the other day, that he did not con- sider an extension of the franchise to be synonymous with an extension of Democratic power.

Mr. CAMPBELL opposed the motion, not only on the ground of the state of business and the period of the session, but because it had already been amply refuted last session by Lord John Russell.

Mr. Hums called on. the Government to meet the question with a can- did answer, Ay or No. He rallied the Home Secretary on his little after- dinner joke about a militia franchise ; and again asked the Government, now that a reasonable proposition was before them, to emerge from their thick veil of secrecy, and say whether they would resist all reform in the franchise, or how far they would go in extension.

Lord Joimr MANNERS had no hesitation in accepting Mr. flume's alternative of "Ay" or " No" : on the part of the Government, he said " No " to the motion.

He thought that the intention of the Reform Bill was to give the owners of property in counties, and the shopkeepers in boroughs, the power of send- ing Members they might deem best qualified to represent them; and he thought those intentions have been fairly carried out under the Reform Act. The county franchise had produced less controversy and lees corruption than the franchise which prevailed in boroughs. It was the borough system which had given rise to all those practices of bribery, corruption, and intimida- tion, against which so many speeches were directed; and_yet that is the sys- tem which they now want to extend to the counties. The present system, though not perhaps theoretically perfect, nevertheless works well in the main ; and as any innovation of it would lead to great delay and controversy, he called upon Members who profess to be anxious that the business of the session should be wound up in as short a time as possible, to give no counte- nance to any motion designed for such a purpose. For his own part, he would vote against the motion ; and he believed that the Government would be acting in a manner very inconsistent with their promises to expedite the public business as much as possible if they were not to adopt a similar course.

Lord ROBERT Gaosviation was "not inclined altogether to disagree" from much that had been said by Lord John Manners, and he would have advised against bringing forward the motion at the present time. But the portion of the bill for limiting the time of election would be very be- neficial in the coming election ; and, with the view of striking out all but that portion in Committee, he should vote for the second reading.

Mr. HENRY DRUMMOND, referring to his labours for thirty years to, extend the county franchise, said he was not going to let this opportunity slip of forwarding his object; but he thought it was a valid objection in the mouth of Lord John Manners, that the bill was introduced at this season ; and he was himself sorry it was brought forward now. But he would take leave, in no unfriendly terms, to tell the right honour- able gentlemen opposite, that it would not do for Lord Derby's Government to poohpooh this question, in vain mimicry of the Duke of Wellington's. He could, if he liked, bring to their recollection certain scenes at Brooke's,— which, however, he would not ; but her Majesty's Government, by this course, were doing nothing less than leaving a legacy to the noble Lord the Member for London, by the working of which he would be able, at any mo- ment he pleased, to turn them and every one of their supporters out of that House and out of the Government.

Mr. Buxon'v denied that the discussion was obstructive of Government business ; for there was none such on the notice-paper that night.

The question of Protection, which the Chancellor of the Exchequer was afraid to put to the country, was now discussed in all the boroughs and counties before the general election. In the boroughs, the principles of Free-trade are unanimously admitted : in the counties, the constituencies are not unanimous ; but if the county constituencies included population to the same extent as the boroughs, the discrepancy between the opinions of the constituencies, as shown for several years by their returns, would cease. On the Militia Bill, and on other great questions, the large constituencies had voted against the Government; but let him know whether the population of the counties with a ten-pound franchise agreed with the policy of the Go- vernment, and he for one should never call in question their proceedings, so long as he believed that they were founded upon the opinions of the great body of the constituencies of the country.

Mr. WAE.LEY said, it was very well for those who wished to go to the country on the mere question of confidence in Lord Derby to deprecate the discussion of matters of this nature ; but he conceived it to be the duty of those who sat upon the Opposition side of the House to introduce as many of these subjects as possible, in order that the electors might understand precisely how they were situated with regard to their can- didates.

Lord Jonti Russam further enforced the answer made by Mr. Bright to the objection urged by Lord John Manners.

"If the Government were to say that on any particular Tuesday they i whed to supersede private motions in order to promote the business of the Government, and thus accelerate a dissolution, I do not believe that any Member would insist upon bringing forward his motion upon that Tuesday. But as the Government not only do not ask for the Tuesdays, but seem re- luctantly to accept the Thursdays, I do not see that there is any objection to discussing motions of an important public nature upon the Tuesdays." On the other hand, after admitting the subject of the bill to be "a fair matter for consideration" of the House, Lord John said—"I own it appears to me, that if measures of this kind are to be proposed with the view of dealing with the franchise for the counties, they cannot well be considered sepa- rately; and that, considering how important is the question of framing the representation of the country, how important is the attempt to make any change in the suffrage which at present exists, it is far better that when Parliament does consider the subject they should consider it as a whole—not altering from time to time the franchise of the counties in one bill and the franchise of the boroughs in another."

Thus disposing of the main question, he diverged into other matters. "Upon this subject I cannot say that I differ from what I said had been slated as the opinion of the honourable and learned gentleman the Solicitor-

General, whom I see opposite. I understood him to have said he thought it of the utmost importance that the commercial policy of the ciuntry should be

settled, and that we should not proceed to discuss measures with regard to the reform of the representation until that question had received a settle- ment. I entirely differ from him, however, in the statement which he made that this country is now being ruined owing to the measures of Free-trade. I differ also from the noble Lord the Member for Colchester, and from the Se- cretary of the Colonies, in thinking that the Colonies are being ruined, as

well as from the honourable in the Member for Scarborough in be- lieving that the shipping is 111 a state of utter prostration from the same cause. I believe, on the contrary, that when this question comes to be con- sidered in the new Parliament, the House of Commons, with the approbation of the country, will declare that the Free-trade measures generally, collec- tively and individually, are calculated to promote the prosperity of the coun- try; and that it is the duty of Parliament to maintain and extend those measures. But, as I said before, I do think it is desirable that that great question should receive a solution before we proceed to the serious considera- tion of the question with respect to the reform of the representation."

At the end of his remarks, Lord John Russell professed to be glad that Lord John Manners had stated that the Government would be "ready to concur" in any well-considered measure for the reform of the representa- tion.

The CHANCELLOR of the ExcnncirEa rose instantly, to say that Lord John Russell was under a misapprehension. Lord Join; RussEtt re- asserted that Lord John Manners had said the Government were ready "to take into consideration any well-considered measure." The CHAN- CELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rejoined—" Yes, but concurring in a measure, and considering a measure, are very different things " ; and the distinc- tion was ratified by "Ministerial cheers." This episode the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER followed up by a speech, curtailed intentionally because "the sacred hour" [the dinner- hour] was so close at hand.

"That memorable law the Reform Act," he said, continued one great de- ficiency—a want of consideration of the rights of the working classes to the franchise ; and he professed that the Government would be ready to consider any well-considered plan for repairing that deficiency. "But I ask, is the grave omission to which I have referred—an omission which is now pain- fully felt, which is the source of much discontent, and which may ulti- mately lead to public disaster—I ask if it is at all met by the measure of the honourable Member for Surrey ? On the contrary, while some complain that property is too much represented in the constitution, what' is the answer of the honourable Member for Surrey to the claims of labour ? The answer is, We want to represent property still more.' I must say that I cannot myself sanction legislation of so crude a cha- racter. I believe it to be founded upon principles altogether fallacious. I have thought it right to say on the part of my colleagues what I have said before for myself. But let our feelings not be misconceived. We do not as- sociate an extension of the suffrage necessarily with an extension of Demo- cratic power.- If we see any well-matured measure brought forward, not with the view of serving a mere party purpose, but with the sincere desire of giving the deserving artisan the exercise of the suffrage in a manner con- sistent with the existence and maintenance of institutions which we believe to be as much for the interest of the artisan as any other class in the coun- try,-1 say that to such a measure we shall be disposed to give a dispas- sionate and kind consideration. But the motion of the honourable Member for Surrey is not of that class; and until some measure is brought forward which we think is calculated to meet the difficulties and exigencies of the case, we must be allowed to take our stand on the settlement which exists— not from any superstitious reverence for that settlement, but because we are opposed to the system of year after year tampering with the constitution; a system which we believe to be the source of political weakness and of na- tional debility."

Sir BENJAMIN Thum obtained for a short time the attention of the House; but a great disposition to divide was manifested.

Mr. Locxx Krim added a sentence or two. He did not propose to in- crease the representation of property, as Mr. Disraeli imputed, but only that if property were represented in one locality it should be represented fairly in another.

Mr. PACER, Mr. Bucx, and Colonel Snirnonu, had spoken against the motion earlier in the debate.

On a division, the numbers were—For the motion, 149; against it, 202; majority against the motion, 63.

Rieusnous Tram IN THE UNIVERSITIES OF SCOTLAND.

The second reading of the Universities of Scotland Bill having been moved by Mr. MoNennter, an amendment that the bill be read a second time that day six months, was moved by Mr. Flaxen Scorr. In the debate which ensued, the case in favour of the bill was advanced by Mr. XIONCRIEPF, supported by Mr. BETHELL, MT. ANSTEY, MT. EWART, Mr. HUMP., Lord Joan RUSSELL, and Mr. OSWALD. Among the most noticeable points of the clear statement made by Mr. MONClUEFF, were the facts, that out of eighty professors of the Universities, no fewer than twenty-four do not belong to the Established Church of Scot- land ; and that if the tests were enforced the University must have lost Pro- fessor Forbes, Professor Wilson, now passing from public to private life, Sir Daniel Sandford, and Sir David Brewster. Mr. Moncrieff emphatically described the test as to the weak a snare, to the sound a supererogation, to the unprincipled a contempt, to all not merely useless but dangerous ; while the Established Church of Scotland itself, for whose benefit it is said to exist, has, as a body, no sort of regard for it, and no desire to retain it. Mr. BRTHELL added the point, that under the existing law the teat can only be applied at the time of election, and never afterwards ; there being no power by which an errant professor can be deprived of his chair when once he has got it: so that the test fails in the very point for which its defenders moat rely on it.

Lord Joan RUSSELL was emphatic in his support of the bill : he concluded an argumentative speech on the subject with the statement of his opinion that the test is so anomalous, unjust, and absurd, that the sooner it is got rid of the better.

The opponents of the bill were Mr. Fardects Scow, Sir Ron INGLIS, MT. WALPOLE, Sir A. CAMPBELL, Sit GEORGE QLERK, and Mr. Cumersio Barns.

Sir ROBERT Nous said, that the very statement made to support the bill proved that these tests do not practically debar the youth in the Scottish Universities from the benefits of the highest professional ability; while they must still be beneficial, since the professors named, though not members of the Church, afford a guarantee by their general characters that they would do nothing to hinder the Church. Sir A. CAMPBELL doubted whether her Majesty could, in the face of her coronation-oath, give her Royal assent to such a bill : and he further doubted, if the bill did become an act, whether the Judges of the Court of Session

would obey it, or rather obey the old law of Scotland, thus contravened by a British Parliament

Sir GEORGE CLERK had regretted that proceedings were ever initiated by any of the Presbyteries of the Church of Scotland to eject such a man as Sir David Brewster, and no one rejoiced more than he did when they were aban- doned : but he was not astonished at those proceedings, in the midst of the excitement which produced them ; and he thought that no general grievance had been made out. He did not think that conscientious Episcopalians need object to take the oath ; indeed, Sir Daniel Sandford and Mr. Lushingtoe did take it. He begged to warn Members connected with England, that this would be the first step towards the application of similar principles in the English Universities, towards a vast change in the whole educational system of both countries, and perhaps its total severance from the control of the Established Church.

Mr. WALPOLE closed a speech of some length by stating that the Govern- ment opposed the bill on three grounds : the first was, that it would he a violation of the treaty of Union ; secondly, that it would materially alter the rights and vital principles of the ecclesiastical institutions of this coun- try ; and thirdly, that it was neither called for, nor required, nor expedient. On a division, the bill was thrown out, by 172 to 157.

Cifuncit ESTABLISHMENT REFORM.

The Marquis of BLANDFORD moved for leave to bring in a bill to enable her Majesty further to regulate the duties of ecclesiastical personages, and to make better provision for the management and distribution of epis- copal and capitular revenues. His motives in introducing the measure were, first, to enable the Esta- blished Church to extend its ramificatiqps through all the masses of the ra- pidly increasing population ; secondly, fo assist in giving a practical remedy for abuses which have drawn down some degree of scorn and sarcastic re- flection upon the Church. The main features of his plan were, that the incomes of the bishops should be fixed at precise sums named by him, which would save 30,0001. a year ; and that thirty-five deaneries and forty-six canonries be suppressed or merged in bishoprics, which would save 62,000L: these sums, with others to be obtained by other means, would amount to about 122,0001.; with which he would endow sixteen new bishoprics, and effect a large advance in augmenting the inadequate clerical stipends throughout the country. The bill would also place the whole management of Church pro- perty in the hands of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. Lord Blandford varied and strengthened his case in support of the bill by details of the evils of the present sinecure offices of large numbers of the deaneries and chap- ters of the Established Church ; and of the bad, and in many instances un- faithful management of Church property, in past times, by prelates of the Church long since dead. Lord ROBERT Gnosvaxon seconded the motion; and it was supported, with warm praises of its author, by Mr. CowrEa, Mr. Honsatex, Mr. Srmeny HERBERT, and Mr. Hulas. Sir ROBERT INGLIS received it with astonishment and vexation, and marked the approval of it given by the "Mountain" party of the House. Mr. WALPOLE expressed gratitude for the good intentions of Lord Blandford, and did not oppose the motion, though he did not pledge himself to support the measure. Leave to bring in the bill was given.

Cava= GovEniesrarr IN THE COLONIES.

On the order of the day for the second reading of the Colonial Bishops Bill, Mr. GrAns•roxit made a statement of the evil which he considers to require legislative remedy, and of the principle which has guided him in framing the present measure to accomplish that remedy. The evil is, that the Episcopalian communities in the Colonies are in truth not on an equality with the other religious communities in the Colonies : their relation to the Established Church of the Mother-country deprives them of power to organize their own internal rule and discipline in the same inde- pendent and effective manner which the other religious communities of the Colonies can use ; while the limitation of our ecclesiastical system to the area of the Mother-country balks them of the :advantages possessed by the com- munity of the Established Church at home. There are no such things in the Colonies as legal Ecclesiastical Courts ; and it would be absurd, as well as politically impossible, to introduce them there. The Bishop of Tasmania ex- amined his letters-patent to see if he could introduce them ; he found that by the terms of his letters-patent he could do so ; but the Dissenters of Tas- mania thereupon examined the letters-patent in their turn, and they ex- posed the legal fact that the Queen's prerogative did not entitle her to con- fer those powers, and that consequently the letters-patent were illegal. The grievances felt are so practical that all the Episcopalian com- munities of the Australian and American Colonies have publicly demanded a remedy for them; and in every instance, except possibly one, every sort of Parliamentary remedy, whether to be applied by the Imperial Parliament or by the Local Legislatures, has been repudiated, and the power of self-govern- ment by internal organization in the communities themselves has been claimed. The only exception is Tasmania, where the great majority of the community is attached to the English Church, and where possibly the Local Legislature might be willing and able to provide a Parliamentary remedy suitable for the particular case of that colony.

The principle which Mr. Gladstone has endeavoured to carry out in his remedy, is that which he hoped would daily gain strength, favour, and cur- rency in this country—that of leaving the Colonies (subject to any restraints needful on Imperial grounds) to the uncontrolled management of their own local affairs, whether it were for ecclesiastical or civil purposes. (Cheers.) For he would frankly state in the face of the House of Commons, that if any man offered him, for the Church of England in the Colonies, the boon of civil preference, he would reject that boon as a fatal gift; convinced that any such preference would be nothing but a source of weakness to the Church it- self, and of difficulty and of discord to the Colonial communities, in the soil of which he wished to see her take a free, strong, and healthy root. Mr. Gladstone elaborately justified the application of this principle to the eccle- siastical concerns of the Colonies ; and at the same time impressed OR the House that he had taken the utmost precaution not to trench upon the poli- dad rights of the Imperial or the Colonial authorities. Of the framework of his measure he said little more than that it includes a schedule of colonies to which it may be applied, and will give the Crown power to add other colonies by order in Council. Sir Jolts/ PAHINGTON, Colonial Minister, said that he should feel it necessary to go fully into the subject,—which the approaching hour of sir o'clock prevented him from doing on Wednesday ; and, on his motion, the debate was adjourned till the 19th of May.

THE PUBLIC. HEALTH.

The subject of the public health was ventilated in the House of Peers on Thursday, by a speech from the Earl of SueurEsnunv, on a motion that the House should resolve "that the sanitary state of the Metropolis requires the immediate interposition of her Majesty's Government" ; and the difficulties of legislating on the subject were portrayed with un- expected strength of colouring by the Earl of DERBY. The verbal scope of Lord Shaftesbury's motion was confined to London, but in his speech he went over the subject of the public health of the whole country.

In the main, what he said went to show, that despite all the improve- ments which have been made in the last few years—in cleanliness of life, and in healthfulness of general arrangements, the mortality of all the great

centres of population is now increasing ; and is in fact at such a height, that if streams of the rural population did not tend towards the towns, the population of the latter would totally die out in from fifty to a hundred years, and the sites of the dwellings become a desert. For instance, in London, the deaths by typhus and typhoid fevers in the six years ending 1851 were nearly double those of the preceding six years, and this did not include cholera cases, the prevalence of which is generally accompanied by a de- crease of the others ; the deaths by scarlet fever were one-fifth more nu- merous; those by diarrhcea were threefold ; and those by scrofula were more than double, a fact the more extraordinary as scrofula is chiefly hereditary in particular families. In Selby, Yorkshire, the deaths have risen to be double what they were five years ago ; and in Yeovil, Somersetshire, a comparison of longer average times gives an increased mortality in later years of nearly one-sixth.

Lord Shaftesbury pointed to the rsasons of this state of things as obvious in the fact that the rural population is yearly pressing by thousands on, arrangements fit only for tens, into courts and alleys of the towns, without water for sewerage or cleanliness, without drainage to carry off filth, and without adequate means for the healthy disposal of the bodies of the dead. These general propositions he illustrated by a mass of detailed proofs, similar in character to those already laid bare to the public eye. He laid emphasis on the continuance of intramural burial, after the Legislature has given the power of forbidding it; the continued imperfection of the Metropolitan sewerage, notwithstanding the Commission of Sewers has been remodelled and made omnipotent; and the prevalence of nuisances, of so malignant a power that a change of wind will cause fifty or sixty children to be struck down in one night in their neighbourhood. Having completed "a just pic- ture of the state of the Metropolis," he concluded with a general recoin- mendation of his resolution to the House.

The Earl of DERBY commenced with the observation, that, "after all, these details, which had been so ably and forcibly presented, might be called truisms"; they had "always been recognized in large and dense populations" ; and "it did not require their statement to satisfy any one that a country life was more wholesome than a life in the crowded streets of a large city."

But Lord Shaftesbury had quite omitted to show what particular remedies should be applied to these acknowledged evils; and, though the First Com- missioner of Works was associated with the President of the Board of Health, Lord Shaftesbury had never communicated with him on the subject of his motion. Parliament has not lost sight of the subject, nor been slow in en- deavouring to apply a remedy. Lord Derby sketched the origin and acts of the Board of Health, their difficulties, and their failures; and, as pendents to the sketch, dropped observations in favour of permitting individual parishes to snake arrangements with cemetery companies for the burial of their parishioners, and in favour of the scheme of the company now prosecuting a measure in Parliament for a great cemetery at a con- siderable distance from London, comprehending an area of 2000 acres, which might allow separate provision for separate parishes, and also for separate denominations of Christians. Then, recurring to the general bear- ings of the subject, he insisted that it is not by act of Parliament that you can compel people to be moral, decent, and clean. He observed that the general Police Act of 1839 gave very stringent powers for removal of nuisances ; and exclaimed, "then, what enormous powers, he might almost say what uncon- stitutional powers, are vested in the Metropolitan Commission of Sewers! there is hardly any limit to their powers!" But Parliament has to consider the cost of new arrangements; and, "however desirable it may be to provide for the cleanliness of the people by act of Parliament, yet beyond a certain point the Government cannot go, and will not be permitted to interfere with the internal affairs of the people, and to vest such extensive powers in an irresponsible Government Board." Consider- ing the official and personal position occupied by Lord Shaftesbury, the House was entitled to expect that he would not have been satisfied with say- ing that the question called for the immediate interference of the Govern- ment. But, though Lord Derby protested in a slight degree against the words "immediate," he would not oppose the resolution.

The Earl of CA.RLISLE described the main difficulty in the way of prac- tical progress as the want of sufficient leisure on the part of the heads of the superior departments of Government to gain the necessary knowledge upon and give the necessary consideration to the subject. The Duke of NEWCASTLE expressed fear that Lord Derby had done some harm by exaggerating the difficulties of legislation ; and hoped that he would take an early opportunity, in another session of Parliament, of proving that, though by his words now he had not answered public ex- pectation, he was willing by his acts then to do all that a Government could do in forwarding this great object. He was confident that until the Metropolitan Commission were reduced to three or five paid and responsi- ble members, its functions would never be properly discharged. Lord DERBY admitted that it was very possible he had said more than he had intended to say ; but he repeated his opinion that there is great apathy in a large portion of the inhabitants to contend with, and im- portant pecuniary interests to sacrifice. Lord SHAFTESBURY readily struck the word "immediate" out of his resolution; and so amended it was agreed r0.

THE CRYSTAL PALACE.

Mr. HEYWOOD moved his resolution for a Select Committee to consider and report upon the preservation of the Crystal Palace, or the central portion thereof, with a view to purposes of public instruction and recre- ation.

In a short speech, he stated his desire that the Committee should have full power on all parts of the subject, and not be limited to any particular -views or objects. He himself considered the building to be too long for a permanent one; he thought-that it -might be shortened, and that great im- provements in the access to it, and the roads near it, might be made ; ivhich would much diminish the objections felt by Lord Campbell, Mr. Jus- tice Cresswell, and the other residents in its neighbourhood. The question of maintaining the building was becoming a classquestion, which if now decided in the negative would open a serious division between the middle Classes and the aristocracy. Mr. HUME seconded the motion.

Colonel SIETHORP led the opposition to it ; informing the House at the outset, that he never entered the Palace, nor would he have done so if any individual had offered him a thousand guineas to do it.

But the chief speech against the motion was made by Lord Sons Max- nos, President of the Board of Works ; and it was grounded first, and mainly, on the foundation of "the public faith "; secondly, but less strongly, though expressly, on a denial of the advantages to the working people of the Metropolis which are held out as the conditions of main- taining the building in Hyde Park.

Lord John read many extracts from the original correspondence between the Berl Commission and those parties who opposed the granting of a site

In e Park, to prove the explicitness and permanency of the engage- ments then made, that the building should be removed when its first pur- pose had been fulfilled: he put it as strongly as this—that had not those en- gagements been made, the building would never have been admitted to Hyde Park ; and that to break those engagements now would be a flagrant breach of faith, scandalous to public morality, and possibly inconvenient in future, when other arrangements might be balked by mistrust in Govern- ment promises. His opinion that the building in Hyde Park would not be of advantage to the working classes, he backed by a suggestion, made after much thought and official inquiry, that if the building were transferred to Battersea Park, with a frontage to the river, not fifty minutes distant from all the great centres of working populations congregated near the shores of the Thames between Vauxhall and the Thames Tunnel, the desired ad- vantages might very probably be realized.

The other speeches in favour of the motion were by Mr. D'Eviveouter, Mr. G. CAVENDISH, Mr. MACGREGOR, Lord PALMERSTON, Mr. WALLEY, Mr. Galen, Sir GEORGE PECHELL, Mr. ALcoex, Sir ROBERT PEEL, and Mr. Wven. Lord Parossiterois thought that the speech of Lord John Manners himself made out a case of difficulty, and of interest, sufficient for inquiry. The other speeches against the motion were by the late President of the Board of Trade and the late head of the Board of Works. Mr. Ls- DOUCHE= felt strongly that the national faith was pledged, and that there was by no means that universal or even general expression of public opin- ion on the subject which could relieve the Government or Parliament from the pledge. Lord SEYMOUR expanded the case founded on the " pledge " : after what the residents opposite to the building had done in sharing the cost of public improvements there, "to turn round on them and block up their view of the Park for ever, would be a dishonest transaction, that no Member of that House would be guilty of in his private character."

On division, the motion of Mr. Heywood was negatived by 221 to 103 —majority for removing the Crystal Palace, 118.

Sr. ALBANS DISFRANCHISEMENT Brix.

The bill for Disfranchising St. Albans met no delay in the House of Lords at the stage of Committee. The Earl of VERULAM informed their Lordships, on the authority of the Mayor of St. Albans, that the electors had determined not to avail themselves of the privilege of instructing counsel to plead against the bill : they would not take up the time of the House. So the bill went through Committee.

COUNTY ELECTIONS.

When Mr. CHRISTOPHER brought up the County Elections [expenses] Bill, and moved its first reading, Mr. ANSTEY opposed him, and took a division. There appeared but 18 against and 18 in favour of the first reading. These numbers being leas than forty, the SPEAKER was about to adjourn the House for want of a quorum ; but enough Members presently entered, and business went on formally. Mr. CHRISTOPHER said, that though the division just taken went for nothing, yet as it was so far against him, he would not press on, but would postpone the first reading till Wednesday next week.

CHICORY AND COME.

Viscount TORRINGTON presented petitions by certain merchants against the Treasury minute of 1840 suspending prosecutions which had been begun against grocers who adulterated coffee with chicory, on the avowed opinions that such mixture was not a fraud on the revenue, and that "as between the seller and the consumer my Lords desire that Government should interfere as little as possible." According to notice, Lord Tor- rington went into the ease of the merchants interested in the coffee- cultivation of Ceylon against the official permission of chicory adulte- ration.

The Earl of DERBY admitted that the case was important ; and he ex- pressly repudiated the doctrine advanced on the subject in the House of Commons by Sir Charles Wood as Chancellor of the Exchequer. To rescind the minutes complained of, would be to go too far ; but it is desirable to direct attention, not to the bon& fide admixture and sale of avowedly. mixed articles, but the fraudulent mixture and sale of spurious articles, Imposing on the purchaser, inflicting injury on the fair trader, and practising a deceit on the community at large. The Government would give their best consideration to the matter, with the view of protecting the poor, doing justice to the trader, and affording some benefit to the Colonies.

OFFICIAL RECEPTION OF GENERAL ROSA&

The public reports that General Roses had been received at Devonport Dockyard by Commodore Sir Michael Seymour, the Superintendent, and visited at his hotel by Sir Sohn Ommanney, the Port-Admiral, and the other heads of departments, and that a Treasury order had been issued to give Customhouse facilities in reference to his baggage, were made the subject of question and comment by Earl GRAN-VILLE. Such official at- tentions were an exception to our sound general rule to pay no official honours to any of the distinguished political refugees who have sought refuge in this country, and to whom we have given shelter, and in some instances popular welcome ; and, as unusual, they might form an incon- venient if not a dangerous precedent. The Earl of MALMESBURY stated, that no orders to pay official honours to General Roses had been hurried; and he was not aware that any such Treasury order as was referred to had been issued, though that was possible, as General Roses had not come with wealth, but the contrary, with so little to live on that the rest of his life must be spent in abject penury.