The Mayor of Southampton entertained the lion of the day, M. Kos- suth, at his residence near Winchester, on Saturday last. Mr. Cobden, Lord Dudley Stuart, Mr. Croskey the American Consul at Southampton, and the principal members of the Corporation, were among the assistant guests. M. Kossuth took the opportunity to make a very remarkable speech, which occupied upwards of three hours in the delivery ' - his- torically recounting the events of the Hungarian struggle, as the justifica- tion of the part which he played from beginning to end of that struggle. The toast which elicited his speech was that of "The illustrious Kossuth." Declaring that such generous terms made him unable to forbear emotion, which would not be subservient to eloquence, he said, that rather than en- deavour to give his hearers " a good speech," he would, in a plain common manner—begging excuses for the faults of his language—give them some in- formation about the true nature of the struggle in Hungary ; because he be- lieved that there can nothing better be done than "to give a plain state- ment of the facts, without any flourish, or attributional pomp, as they passed in Hungary."
M. Kossuth commenced with an historical explanation of the constitution of his country; of the "Parliament," and of those quasi-municipalities the "county meetings," which by their peculiar constitution and powers offered the strongest bulwark in Hungary against the encroachments of the house of Hapsburg. The house of Hapsburg ruled not by conquest, but by the free choice of the Hungarian nation—not without con- ditions, but upon the basis of treaties, pacifications, and coronations, which bound it to rule Hungary by her own laws and institutions. The chief feature of those treaties was, that the Monarch should reign in Hungary by the same lineal succession as in the dominions of the house of Austria— that kthe Austrian dynasty was recognized, and should remain Kings of Hungary ; and thereupon the King took on himself a sacred duty to respect and conserve the Hungarian constitution, and to rule and govern Hungary by its own public institutions according to its own ancient laws. And that was the duty of the King. He swore to God, he swore to the Eternal God, that he hoped He would so bless him as he should keep that word. This was a resume of the facts so far. Well, cut of thirteen Kings—out of the thirteen Kings we had of this house and dynasty, no one who knows anything of history can charge me with exaggeration when I say that their rule was one of continual perjury. [M. Kossuth spoke very earnestly and with emotion, dropping his voice so that the close of the sentence was not audible at the end of the table; and some person asked, " A rule of what ? " He exclaimed, "Of perjury, gentlemen—that is the word—perjury." Cheers for some momenta followed his emphatic delivery of the word.] I am a plain common man ; I call things as they are." Continuing his sketch, he told how the house of Hapsburg had, before the late struggle with Hungary, reduced every one of the states over which it ruled to the con- dition of so many Imperial Provinces, under its absolute sway. In Hungary itself also, by violence, intrigue, the fomentation of unfortunate discords, and through the constitution of "the House of Lords," which consisted chiefly of Government nominees, the National party at last saw plainly that three or four hundred thousand nobles were an insufficient safeguard for the national institutions. They resolved therefore to give those institutions to the people —that fifteen milli sin might be united in defence of what four hundred thousand had proved too weak to conserve : and that policy has animated the whole of the struggles of Hungary against the house of Hapsburg since the year 1825. The measures brought forward in Parliament in pursuance of that policy—for the commutation of the onerous feudal burden of the ro- bot at a fair valuation to be paid by the State, for the improvement and un- privileged distribution upon all taxation, for the improvement of ju- dicial administration, and for the strengthening of municipal and local go- vernment against the centralizing despotism of the reigning house—were ra- pidly told ; and the rejection of all those measures by the House of Lords, or by the Austrian Government.
At the climax of this Parliamentary struggle came the news of the French Revolution, and that Vienna had risen up in revolt. The measures before rejected were now speedily assented to by the House of Lords ; and a deputation headed by the Archduke Palatine went to Vienna to obtain the sanction of the King to these laws. The agitation in Vienna was great, and the King hesitated to grant Hungary these rights. " I went up to the Imperial Palace ; and I told them there, that if the deputation was kept long waiting I would not guarantee on myself what the consequences would be, or that the movement that was taking place would not reach Hungary, if we were discomfited and disappointed in our just ex- pectations ; and I therefore entreated them to do us justice. They promised they would do so if only Vienna was quiet, but that they did not wish it to appear that the house of Hapsburg was compelled by its fears to be just and generous. This was one of the moments in which I in my own humble person was a strange example of the various changes of human life. Myself, an humble unpretending son of modest Hungary, was in the con- dition that I had the existence of the house of Hapsburg and all its crowns here in my band. (Al.. Kossuth here stretched out his arm with clenched Bet across the table. Tremendous cheering.) I told them, Be just to my fatherland, and I will give you peace and tranquillity in Vienna.' They promised me to be just, and I gave them peace and tranquillity in Vienna in twenty-four hours. And before the Eternal God, who will make responsible to Him my soul—before history, the independent judge of men and events— I have a right to say the house of Hapsburg has to thank its existence to me."
Pursuing his rapid narrative, M. Kossuth recalled the reluctant yielding of the sanction, and the contemporaneous plottings of the Archduchess Sophia with Metternich to get rid of that sanction ; the revolt of the Serbs—stirred up by those secret plotters ; the King's denunciation of Jellachich and the Serbs for their damnable treason, the. marching of the Serbs against the King ; the change of the fortunes of the house of Hapsburg by the winning of the battle of Novarra, [against Charles Albert,] the reversal of Hapsburg policy towards Jellachich, and the placing of him over Hungary as the King's " alter 'ego "—but by an unconstitutional document ; the marching of Jella- chich against Perth, his defeat by Kossuth's generals, and his retreat, in breach of his plighted word and of the truce granted to him by Kossuth, to- wards Vienna to unite with Windischgratz in the destructive assault upon that capital for the King. But even when the Emperor of Austria had by a scratch of his pen blotted out Hungary from the list of nations, and incorporated it with his empire, to be ruled without law and at his own pleasure—even then, Kossuth did not proclaim final rupture with the house of Hapsburg. " When I got true and exact intelligence that the Russian intervention was decided on and had been accepted ; and when I had got, I am sorry to say, the intelli- gence that in order to avoid this Russian intervention we had no help in the world—from nobody—no, not one—" [Here, overcome by irrepressible emotion, the voice of M. Kossuth faltered ; he burst into tears, and for some moments was incapable of proceeding ; while a burst of sympathy broke from the company. As soon as he had recovered he proceeded, still agitated.] " Then I considered matters in my conscience, and I came to the resolution, that either my nation must submit to the deadly stroke aimed at her life, or if we were not cowards enough, not base enough to accept this suicide, it would not be amiss to put as the reward of our struggles—our fatal struggles— that which should have the merit of being worthy the sacrifice of the people ; and if we had to contest with two great empires—if we had no one to help us, if we had no Mend, and to contest in our struggles for the liberties of Europe, because now the Hungarian question rose Europe-high, it assumed the dignity of an European question,—if it was our fate to struggle for the liberties of Europe, as once we had struggled for her Christianity, and if God should bless us, I proposed as a reward the independence of Hungary : and it was accepted. That is the statement, the brief—no, not the brief, but the true statement of the relations between Hungary and Austria. What was the result ? How we fell—let me not speak about it—[After a pause]— That is a matter of too deep sorrow to dwell on. So much I can say, that, though forsaken by the whole world, I am today confident we would have been a match for the combined forces of these two despotical empires, but that it was my fault, and my debility, that I, the Governor of Hungary, who had the lead of this great cause, had not faculties enough to match Russian diplomacy, which knew how to introduce treason into our camp : but had I been capable even to imagine all these intrigues, we should not have fallen. As it is, you know the house of Hapsburg, as a dynasty, . is gone ; it exists no more—it merely vegetates. The Emperor can only act by the whim and will of his master the Czar. If only the Czar would not threaten every por- tion of the world where the prayers for liberty rise up from the nation to Almighty God—if the people of England would only decide that the Russian should not put his foot on the nations of Europe—if England would but only say 'stop,' and nothing more—the boast of Paskievitch, that he would put his foot on the neck of Hungary, would never be realized ; and Hungary, I am sure, would have knowledge enough, truth enough, and courage enough, to dispose of its own domestic matters, as it is the sovereig right of every nation of the world, and to put down any aggression on her liberties."
" That is the case for my country," said M. Kossuth. " My intention was to show you the past of my country was worthy of your generous sym- pathies, because it has struggled in a fair cause; it has struggled valiantly for its national existence, which, once lost, there is n6 resurrection more for the people. I wish to secure for her your generous Sympathy for this plain exposition of facts. The principle involved is one which you honour—the cause has been honoured in my undeserving person." He concluded with a compliment to his host the Mayor, and the proposal of the Mayor's health.
Mr. Andrews returned thanks, and proposed the health of " The Liberal Members" of the House of Commons ; coupling it with the names of Lord Dudley Stuart and Mr. Cobden. Lord Dudley Stuart said that it was a 'high privilege now to behold in safety in England "a man who would be celebrated to all ages.".
Mr. Cobden made a speech of some length.
Explaining how it was thqt he had not succeeded in moving from the place of his somewhat outlandish retirement in Sussex quickly enough to be present at the landing of M. Kossuth in Southampton, he told the company how, the moment he heard of M. Kossuth's arrival in England, he started at once to pay him his humble respects. Seeing that one of the Most base and dastardly attempts ever made against the character of any public man was being made in a ssortion of the public press against their guest, Mr. Cobden "determined to be here, to show these calumniators, that, if these slanders reach his character, it shall be only through ourselves." He judged their illustrious guest worthy of the hospitality and moral assistance now given him, because the credentials he bears hither are the credentials of a whole nation, endorsed by the suffrages of a people. "When fugitive sovereigns are driven from their shores by the execrations of their people to our shores, we throw open our vacant palaces for their reception—and I will not say a word against the hospitalities of Claremont—but when a man arrives on our shores bearing not the curses but the blessings of his countrymen, I say that if England refuses a welcome to such a man, adieu for ever to that sympathy with nations and with nations' rights which has hitherto been the boast England. But I take no merit in sharing in these honours. Selfishness as a public man might induce me, if I had no other motive, to be here today. But I am here speaking in the name of the great majority of the people of this country. I say it advisedly : I know as much of public opinion as any newspaper can pretend to know, and I say that this meeting, enthu- siastic as it is, fairly represents a large majority of the men, ay, and the women of this country."
" People will see how far the aspirations of Europe will go with his cause, and how they may expect the support of Englishmen, or Americans, in their future proceedings. My illustrious friend stated, at the conclusion of his most eloquent address, that he wishes only for such a demonstration in this country as shall prevent Russia from invading his country, or from inter- firing with the settlement of its domestic affairs. Well, if there be one man who has a stronger opinion than another on the subject of nonintervention, I am that man. I am fanatical in that doctrine ; because I think there can be no vigour in manhood in the country which looka to the right or left for external aid, and is not allowed to develop its resources by its own internal working. But I quite agree with my friend, that a word spoken by England would have an almost irresistible force in the rouncils of despotic sovereigns. I confess I hear with regret that the invasion of Hungary by Russia, the greatest scandal to civilization in our day; should have been allowed to pass without an angry protest from this country. I stated that so long as the dis- pute lay between Austria and Hungary, we should go no further than ex- press our sympathy with the right ; but from the moment that Russia inter- fered it became a changed question. Here was a semi-barbarous power coming down with its hordes to crush a more civilized country ; and a strong protest from the Government and people of this country would have been of immense advantage."
Some explanation was due to M. Kossuth before he was fairly launched on the public gatherings that awaited him. "He is anxious to avoid even the appearance of interfering in our domestic affairs • and under these circum- stances, I think it would be wrong for any political party to offer any act of fraternization with our Hungarian friends, or to claim any political i entity. In short, I think I' may once for all avow that there is nothing in the position of our friend to warrant any party claiming political identity with him. He took the constitution as it had existed for eight hundred years ; and therefore I see no reason to identify him with Whig, Tory, or Radical in this country. I hope that after his moderate and singularly ta- lented address, this great community will see that he is to be received on the part of the nation at large as representing an entire people, and that at no public meeting will any question be introduced which he could not discuss without incurring the appearance of that intervention which he is most anxious to avoid.'
On the health of Mr. Croskey, the American Consul, being proposed, Mr. Croskey said, he was sure that M. Kossuth will be received in Ame- rica, by all parties, whether Whig or Democrat, as Lafayette was re- ceived in 1825.
" The Americans are no Red Republicans—they love law, order, and the oonstitution as the basis of their liberties ; and although it has not appeared that Kossuth intended to institute a Republic in Hungary,' still he fought for the constitutional rights of his nation, and as such has endeared himself to all lovers of true liberty."
Mr. Croskey "took that opportunity to say a few words on the subject of intervention, on which Mr. Cobden had eo much dwelt." No country has so well adhered to the doctrine of nonintervention as have the United States. The doctrine was bequeathed to them by Washington, and they still look upon it as a sacred bequest. But there are many of his countrymen who consider that with their increased power and their dazzling future a new and different policy may be forced upon them by the necessities of their condi- tion. The time will come, f it has not already come, when the United States will be forced into taking more than an interest in European politics. When they should be so forced, he hoped they would still adhere to the ad- vice of Washington, and at the same time require of other members of the great family of nations to adhere to the same doctrine. He hoped, when introduced into the arena of European politics, they would be introduced as the ally of England upon some such great constitutional cause as that of the independence of Hungary crushed by foreign intervention. Hand in hand with Great Britain, no combination of despotic governments could re- enact the terrible drama of placing the foot of absolutism upon the neck of national independence and constitutional freedom.
The banquet given by the Corporation of Southampton to M. Kossuth, i
on Tuesday, had its interest discounted by the previous banquet and speechmaking at Winchester. M. Kossuth had gone to London on Mon- day, to consult his medical adviser; and returned to Southampton from London direct on Tuesday, becoming the guest of Mr. Croskey the Ame- rican Consul, for the day and night. The banquet was given where the addresses were presented last week, in the Town-hall, over the Bar Gate —a room capable of holding but a very limited company. Among the invited guests, were Tiord Dudley Stuart, Mr. Walker, late Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, and Colonel T. B. Lawrence, as the representative of his father the American Ambassador, (who was detained in London by the state of his health,) Lord Charles Fitzroy, Sir John Scott Leslie, M. Pulszki, Mr. Wilcox one of the borough Members, Alder- man Wire, and Mr. Feargus O'Connor. Mr. O'Connor seems to have caused some annoyance to the less Radical company, by his obtrusive at- tempts to play a leading part. "The place assigned him," says the report, "was at some distance from the principal persons. While the dinner was progressing, he came up and addressed M. Kossuth, saying, love you • my heart is yours,' &c. ; at the same time grasping his hand. The Mayor started up and said, I can't allow this.' Mr. O'Connor—' Why, what's the matter ? ' The Mayor rose and said, ' Gentlemen, I have attended many public meetings, and I do not think such liberties as this ought to be allowed.' This elicited loud cheers from all sides of the hall, in the midst of which Mr. O'Connor resumed his seat. At a later period of the evening, and before the cloth was removed, Mr. O'Connor again rose, and began to address that portion of the audience which was nearest to him ; apparently not at all to their satisfaction, as was shown by the hisses, and cries of 'Oh, oh !' which resounded from all sides. The Mayor again interfered, and, addressing the meeting, said, Gentlemen, if you will but have patience, I will attend to that gentleman, and if he does not know his duty I will endeavour to teach it him.' This again elicited enthusiastic cheers, which again silenced the honourable gentleman." The speech of Y. Kossuth in reply to the toast of his health touched on many points. Our nation was praised forasmuch as it not only bears good-will to the un- fortunate, but offers a brother's hand. This only would explain the great phenomena that " those honourable classes whose entire capital consists of their honest labour and their time—those classes before whose majesty every rank must bow—that they left their labour, and gave up their time, to ex- press their sympathy for the principle of liberty." The eloquent develop- ment of this panegyric included a sympathetic reference to free trade. Our recent legislation in repulsion of the Pope was glanced at ; and the effective points were made, that though M. Kossuth is himself a Protestant by birth and conviction, he has throughout the late struggle been the representative of a nation the majority of which is composed of Roman Catholics, and that in past times it has been not the least of Hungary's glories that she has had Catholics ready to struggle in peace and die in the fight for freedom of con- science and religious liberty to all.
Towards the end of his speech, M. Kossuth referred to " those base absurd calumnies " on himself which he had been " surprised to see where he should not have expected." He said—" It may be, that, relying on the fact that my people are a moral people, who have never, in any one example or instance, given its confidence, given its love, to a man who was not an honest man—it may be that, relying on the testimony of that people, I shall not further consider these calumnies : but it may also be that I shall entreat against them the protection of the laws of England. I shall consider the matter, so soon as the duties which I owe to my fatherland will leave me a moment to sacrifice to myself." Colonel Lawrence returned thanks on behalf of the United States. " Throughout the whole of the United States there is but one heart, and that beats with sympathy for the name of the illustrious Kossuth. Max the star of freedom in Hungary, though now dim in the horizon, yet culminate and shine in its zenith ; and may Hungarians be a free and happy people, victorious in the land of their birth." Lord Dudley Stuart, in a characteristic speech, identified Poland with EtillgarY. The interests of the two countries are inseparably connected. (M. Kos- suth—" So it is.") It has been said that the Poles are the enemies of every government in Europe ; but the reason is that every Government in the East of Europe is the enemy of the Poles. Mr. Walker (styled "Honourable" by virtue of the public office he held in America) spoke to the toast of " The Constitutional Governments of England and the United States."
He especially endorsed the sentiment of the American Consul at Win- chester, that whilst America is opposed to any intervention in the concerns of other countries, the time may come when, if despots should combine to overthrow the liberties of any nation, the people of the United States would be prepared to unite with their ancestors the English in withstanding them. "These islands are, from their remarkable insularpoaition, a sort of break- water of liberty between the American and the European continents ; and the Americans feel that if the surges of despotism ever break on their own shore they must first overwhelm this country. If, then, this alliance of despots, headed by Russia, which is the soul and body of the whole, should attempt to make war upon free governments—if it should intimate to Eng- land, as it did to Hungary, that it must give up its free institutions2--if it should say to England, Abandon your Queen, give up your throne, give up your Parliament, give up your trial by jury, give up your habeas corpus, give up all those great fundamental principles which mark you as a free people,'— if these tyrannous demands should ever be made, and the people of England should say to their relatives—for they feel that they are related to the -Eng- lish, in blood and in language, and by a thousand endearing recollections of the glories of the past—and they will be related, too, as I believe, looking at these two flags—(Pointing to theflags of the two nations in the room)—by the still brighter glories of the future,—and if this country should ever say to the United States, The time is come when the great conflict must com- mence between the principles of despotism and those of liberty '—a conflict which I believe is close at hand,—there are millions of my countrymen who would delight to flock to the shores of Great Britain, and under its anti their standard to overthrow despotism. Why should England and America united fear the world in arms ? Is not the ocean theirs ? Do not their commercial and naval marine amount to nine-tenths of the commercial and naval marine of the whole world ? But I will not boast of their power . all I will say is, that in America there are four millions of militia, and I believe that if the day which I have indicated should come, the vessels now built and those which would be created by such an occasion would not contain the millions who would rush to the rescue of liberty at the call of their forefathers. As to the welcome which awaits Kossuth in America, I believe it will be a wel- come from every heart and every lip ; welcome will beam from every eye. They will take him to their hearts, and give him such a welcome as has never before been extended to any one except our illustrious benefactor La- fayette. His reception will be even more tender. This illustrious man comes to them as an exile ; he comes to them as a man who, for the present, has been struck down in the cause of liberty. Like Lafayette he has been in Austrian dungeons, and like Lafayette he has suffered foiliberty. Every party will strive to do honour to a man who has done more, they believe, for the cause of liberty, than any other man of the present century." His toast was, "Louis Kossuth, without wealth or office, but more feared by the despots of the world than an army with banners."
The company continued their speeches in honour of the illustrious guest until a late hour.
An intimation has been conveyed from the Mayor of Southampton to Mr. George Wilson, that M. Kossuth will visit Manchester. The Cor- poration of Liverpool, in a very full meeting on Thursday, voted an ad- dress of welcome to the distinguished exile.
The General Council of the Manchester Parliamentary and Financial Association of Manchester met on Tuesday, to consider their course in reference to recent political portents. On the motion of Mr. Bright M.P., seconded by Mr. Kershaw M.P., the following resolution was adopted- " That the Prime Minister having announced it to be the intention of the Government to introduce a measure for the reform of the representation in the coming session of Parliament., this Council, complying with many urgent requests from various parts of the country, resolves to convene a meeting of friends of reform, chiefly, if not exclusively, from Lancashire and Yorkshire, for the purpose of conferring on the steps which may be necessary to give due expression to public opinion, and thus to secure such a mea- sure of reform as may be satisfactory to the country?'
Another resolution was adopted, to the effect that the Executive Com- mittee should convene such meeting at such time as they might find most convenient, and take such other steps as might be necessary.
A body of Parliamentary Reformers in Bury, Lancashire, assembled in the Town-hall of Bury at the end of last week, to receive a deputation from the National Parliamentary and Financial Association, and bear speeches from Mr. W. J. Fox M.P. and Mr. Tindal Atkinson. Mr. Fox explained the origin of the Association, the objects it contemplates, and the claims it has on the active populations of the manufacturing districts for their support. He set forth the Reform creed of the Association, de- nounced the corruptions and iniquities of the existing political machine, and concluded by declaring-
" We are no innovators; we are not newfangled constitution-mongers; we are not revolutionists : we adhere to principles which have been asserted generation after generation, and which are the real constitutional principles of this country ; which, while it has one House of Hereditary Legislature, should have another House of Representative Legislature—a house of Com- mons—nominated by the Commons of England. We have nailed our flag to the mast. It was not lowered for Pitt, Castlereagh, Peel, or Wellington ; and it shall not be stained or dishonoured for a Grey or a Russell."
A resolution, demanding that the creed of the Association shall be made law, was unanimously adopted.
The foundation-stone of the Oxford Diocesan Training School, for the education of teachers, was laid on Wednesday, by the Bishop of Oxford, at Culham, about a mile and a half South-east of Abingdon. The build- ing will be in the style of the fourteenth century, and will stand on three sides of a quadrangle, with a frontage 226 feet long. About a hundred dormitories will be provided. The cost will be about 12,0001. ; at least 20001. of which is still to be raised ; for a commencement in building was made before the whole fund was raised, " in the firm hope that God would so prosper the undertaking in its progress " as to provide the full means of its completion. The ceremony of laying the stone was one of much re- ligious form. A band of choristers from Oxford formed a portion of a long procession ; a regular formulary of successive prayers was gone through ; concluding " suffrages " were said by "the Bishop " and " the People" (a numerous and fashionable group) alternately ; and the whole was wound up by the harmonious performance of the doxology by the choir, and the parting blessing of the people by the Bishop.
The Commission issued' by the Crown for inquiring into the existence of corrupt election practices in St. Alban's opened' its sitting; in the Cburt-house of that borough, on Monthly.. The. Ctunmissioners are Mr..
F. W. Slade, Ca., Mr. W-Forsyth, and Mr. T. and Me. Fitz- gerald is their secretary. At the opening of business, Mr. Slade statedthat it WU intended to hold open. court, so long as the. proceedings were not reported. with that detail which would' injure parties giving testimony,. and so long as opinion was suspended by the press during the pendency. of the mcompleted inquiry. The statute under which the Commission acts gives unlimited power to, bring all the-evidence:before them which. they -think necessary ; and for the furtherance of this end, also gives the Commission power to grant a certificate to eaeh' witness deserving it, which shall exempt him: from every penal ar civil consequence of the disclosureshe may make.
Owing to animperfect understanding of the intention of the Commis- sibsas to the publication of its transactions, the reporters of the London_ press retired from the. COurtAiouse on the first. day, of the inquiry ; but-on, Tuesday, finding, that they were not precluded from giving-the substance of the preceedings, they regelarly entered on.their
Among the witnesses examined en. the first day. was Mr. Jacob Bellt the sitting Member.. Mr. Bell desired. to enter Parliament in order to pass. a. bill: foe the Pharmaceutical Society,, of which he Ma leading member. The famed Mr. Cop oak was theinstrument of his direction towards St. Alban's. The price of t e. borough was very explicitly mentioned to him; and- his doubts,. as to whether a. large sum could be needed for legal expenses, were. allayed by Mr. Coppook's, assurances that the money would be required- for "agencies and various things." Mr.. Brace, a respectable London solicitor, went down to St. dlbanqi. to make inquiries; but returned with every un- favourable, opinion-of the parties he came in. contact with, and advised his. client Minuet nothing to do with St Albans But Mr. Bell conferivi with. Mr. Coppook„ and. then resolved to go on ;. Mr. Brace handed him over to- another attorney; and himself. only meddled occasionally to keep-his client "out of mischief." Summoned. by Mr. Coppook, there-appeared in London Mr. Edward; the notorious-witness who was imprisoned be the House- of Commons.; a.man for twenty-five years connected. with- the St. Alban's con- stituency, ten. years ago manager of the bank there, afterwards a farmer, always the-controller and manager of. the Liberal elections, and once the manager of a. Conservative triumph. Mr. Edwards made his bargain for money with.hbr. Coppock. The money transactions-were-studiously oblique and coniplicated. The first advance-was a packet of five hundred sovereigns, bsought by. "Jenkins,:' a. man then unknown, and coming from an unknown treasury; but since connected with Mr. Coppock, Mr. Brace,, and. Mr, Hills the-partner. of Mr. Bell ;, and afterwards four other packets of five hundred. sovereigns each were conveyed from Mr.. Hills through Mr. Brace,. through Mr. Coppock,. and through. Mr. Edwarde's son to Mr. Edwards. himself. Mr. Hill; the partner of Mr. Bell,. frankly de- poses that he- cannot now wholly explain the details of these advances, be-, .-cause he purposely complicated-the entries of them, with partnership matters- in. the partWershiploolii, so. that if any inquiry should be made the source - of the money should be concealed. The constituency seems to have been at, the fingerseends of Me. Edwards, and to have been counted, off by him in its leading features of Liberal, Conservative, and purchaseable,. with the most. minute and fractional accuracy. Mr.Simpson, a local attorney, tried to get his into- the election scramble, and he even offered from his party to pay off Edwards with 3001. hard cash ; but Edwards knew his supremacy, rejected: that and other. offers,, and. boasted,thatthe would poll. two for every. one that, any other person would poll. Edwards's evidence before the Commission was given on Wednesday and Thursday. The reader recollects, from etir description of the prooeedings- before the Committee of the House eof Commons, the mode in which briber was managed in St. Albans.- At, a small house in s. lane, ever since significantly-called by the inhabitants " Sovereign.Alley,"' tile-venal citizens came and went to the ring of the Belt-metal of the fortunate candidate. After a general description of these matters, Mr. Edwards was. asked the actual names of the citizens whom he thus boght and sold. He objected -to mention those names.
Chief ominissioner Slade said= You must'snpply the names."
CommissionerForsyth--" The reason is, that the act of Parliament requires whist; ; and- if you cannot give a list, we must ask yew seriatim whom you bribed first, whom you.bribed second, whom you bribed third,. and so on through all thefive hundred names, till we come to the:end."
Witness.-" It is a painful thing to me,. Sir ; and my first suggestion is, Win you tell me, in the presence of those who are here, what will be the 'consequences if I withhold the names ?"
The Chief Commissioner—" That. you. will be-imprisoned until you answer." Witness—" A: very pleasant thing for me, certainly ! 1 have been eighteen weeks in confinement already ; and I-should readily be shut up eighteen weeks more if you would not press these questions upon me." The Chief Commissioner—" You are bound to give the names."
Witness.—" Let us first go back. to the act of Parliament: it says that I must answer all the questions put to me.' [Here the witness's feelings gave way, and he was fin a moment affected'even to tears. The Commissioners ordered a glass of water to be given to him.; and he soon recovered the remarkable nonchalance with which he had given his evidence up to this point. Owing to indisposition, he had been accommodated with.a chair during his examination.] He proceeded—" I tun pre- pared to answer the questions. It was either on the 29th or the 30th November that the voters were first brought singly to me in my room in the house in Chequers, Steeet. I cazettell.how many voters I saw, that first night—I think-it was between forty and fifty."
The Chief Commissioner—" Can you now give us the names ?" Witness—" I can only give you them by going alphabetically through the re- giater of voters, if' you compel me to do so. Names, I know, have been selected by partisans; but it would-be very cruel-in me to gratify the caprice of some few. I will go through the whole, so as not tar make fish of one and fowl of another." The Chief. Commudeeioner—" It is not to gratify us,, onto gratify anybody; but. the supreme power of the Legislature requires you to give the names; and there is no alternative but to do it."
Witness—" I wish to dolt, and I hope it will do good."
The Commissioners were then furnished with copies of the borough regis- ter of electors, and proceeded to call over the whole of the names in regular alphabetical order; asking the witness whether the voter in question had, received anything for his vote, and how much. The witness made his answers from hie recollection, by the aid of a copy of the poll-book. The Commissioners in this manner went over the. whole of the register for St. Alban's parish-; and therwitness gave in about a hundred names of electors who had all received bribes et 51, or upwards. In about a dozen cases the amounts were as high as 81. ; but then the parties in moot instances were stated by the witness to have been employed either as messengers or spies, to entitle them to the excess above 51. • and in some of these cases Edwards gave it as his opinion that the men had. actually been under-paid, rather than over-paid, in consideration of the services they had rendered to him during the five weeks during which the canvassing lasted In a few instances the bribes had been received by the wives in.tho absence of the voters ; and sometimes the husband' repudiated the bargain, and -withheld his vote- from Mr. Bell, without, however, returning, the money. hied of the head-money-had been paid by the witness himself to the parties ; and the rest, he had no doubt, had been paid by Mr. Blagg. Thewitness explantedthat his security against the bribed voter tweaking their promises after they had pocketed the money was to have nothing to do with them on any future occasion.; and if they
should'at alb:tura election' keep their worcg or give- an nneolleited vote, generally recompensed them with 21. or 31 after the close of the poll.
The whole amount of money. spent by Edwards in bribing the electors by- heathmoney, might have amounted' bi- about 1700f. ;, and about 809/: was, spent fbr the hire of committee-rooms, salaries of' clerks,. payments to toe_ band, refreshments, unlimiteddrink to the- committee and their assistants!; and-. the. dinners. at which. Mr. Bell': waspresent. The money which Edivardi himselfreseivect war "a delkati3 point' They-would' not believe him whew he told.' them. But he-Had' "'another inducement" besides the money. ete, should think-that he. apprepriated.anout- sot. to hiinself. It being reertllier to hismindthathe had refused' the offer'made by Mr.. Simpson, of 3001., Ed- wards said, "'Tit had been 30001. instead of 3001; he wouldhave refuaedi it. This answer proyoked a searching. question • to, whieh he repliete_ier could easily expliun it, but .P don't think you wilisp.reas that westiont if you think of thesenonsin' me. g eonneeted'with the' election, and' it WEIS 0 Y.known to Mk. Bell lately, through me."' After. re. consultation in' whispers; the Commissioners asked' whetherEdwards's object was "to obtain a. pecuniary advantage or onlyto retain the influence he Mel- ba- the borough:" admitted' that the inducemenewas grater than,
money : " the- interest of sonmemelielonging•to me an interest founded' upon- wonla thatfell." Beingefurther pressed, he-said,the." words fell from Mr. Coppock.
Mr. CominiesionerForsyth= Welk_ we must ask, one duty. compels us,toask, what thenature.of. the words:that fell fronx Mr. Coppock was?" Witness---"They had no reference at all. to the election.:. they,.onlg touched airown immediate pen'. sonal interest. The-Chief C'ommissioner—" Wt mushlimorivirat the wordt.were."' Witness—" r think it rather hard if I must give up all that 1 have rested my, hopes upon. I have toldlonail that you have sake& Idtherto, winhinr Mooncealinething ; but this -point is a matter only touching my ontrprivater interest,. and if year press me.1 shall low it (lierellielodneses,voice fortiered, and he shed.teare.), Headded„" You donot; wish to d estroyr. me."
Mr. Commissioner PMon —"II' is oar ditty to. ask this gnestien, although the
necensky un leasant tb' at You have given.yonr evidence in a very candid' manner hitherto)" Witness= h have already given you theme; T told you the- name of Mr. Coppock. So.-as it:does not pass.frotn.my lips, I shall not suffer.? Mr. Commissioner Rhino--t° le. it.. a. mere personal scruple on, your part that, makes you. decline. to answer.?:" Witness—" Lhave.desired to giveyou every, in, formation." Mr. Commissioner Phinn—" You say Mr. Coppock-can, give us the.answor. We shall ask-Mr. Coppock. the question; brit in casewe-do-not get the answer from-bier, we shallseserve tonurseivesthe- power of examining-you again. on the point. There- fore, in deference toyour personal seruples;, thereommissmnere will abstain from pressing you-new." Witness—" Mr. Co pock is.atlioine now,.and. no doubt he will attend." Mr. Commissioner Forsyth—,'Nell, we. will not press you now, Edwards."" Wit-, ne s s —"Thank you, Wu..
Mr. Coppock was one of the witnesses- =Berlin-court' though lie hadbeen. regularly summoned, he did-not make his appearance.
Aa winter, approaches„ it would seem that. the burglars are about to resume their reign of. terror. Last week the atrocious attack on Miss Nicklin and her brother, in Staffbrdehire, was reported.; and-now we have a daring out- rage in Huntingdonshire: Mr. Falsity ending wifte natiresed Feet-land manage farms- for .Mr: Hes- sev theplive at Holborn Farmi.near 13pwooch At eleven o'clock on-Friday seimight; Me: Fairley hearciliotsteps outside the house ; he armed himself with a horseepistol ands-revolt-or,. and threatened to fire; upon. the robbers: (for melt they proyed.to. be) from a-window: They forced. in the ur- window and a back-door, . and entered the house.. For. an: hour t e stout farmer, encouraged by his wife,, held them-at bay, firing down the staircase. The robbers returned the fire ;. set fire to straw and furniture, and produced, so much smoke that the farmet was obliged to capitulate. There were five robbers in the house, masked„ and' armed. with four guns. and three horse- pistols ; and more were heard outside. They dealt several' blows atlift and' Mrs. leerier after. theysurrenclered, anclites. Fairley had beenstruck on-the. head with stone as.slie opened a.windotw The robbers ransacked'the hone; and regaled themselves : the farmer encouraged them to.drink,, telling them where they would. find some-good whisky. At three o'clock in the morning they decamped. Mr. Fairdep immediately roused. his neighbours.atUpwoo4 and the country was see . Near-daylight. two of the gang were form& asleep in a-dilcla drunk, amtamelling strongly of whisk . The windoiseanth doors of the fann-house arcestamnplete wreck, and thepiesteron. the wall:elle riddled: with: shot and_ bullets,.
A servant-girl has been the victim ofir "garotte"- robbery at Bristol. She, had been seat by her master to-get a five-pound note changed, and was re- turning through Stokes-Croft, when's: man, behied'her, threw a rope rothith her neck, and, whilst she was choking andfallnig-, took awaythe moneyand got off with it.
A gamekeeper. has been killed at Iruftbrd in Nottinghamshire in an allierwi with poachersi The Bart of Scarborough's keepers were on tits watch at nigh; armed with flails. A large body of poachers came up; a conflict ene sued, with stones, Muteone andltails ;. William Roberts was struck by a stone on the head,. and he (India a few days. At the scene of the conflict a number of large nett were fiend. Fourteen men have been arrested on suspicion. The poachers are said to have been stockingers and• agricultural! labourers: A strong feeling pervades the vicinity in favour of the poachers. There are regular clubs of these- depredators, every member paying an en- trance-fee upon: joining one.
A fburth man is in custody for the murder of. the young girt near Frome. Against one of the prisoners a strongly criminatory circumstance has been proved : before the murder a woman saw in his possession a handkerchief, ragged. at the corners and with slits; after the murder,. that handkerchief was found on a table in the cottage.
At the inquest on Ann Cornell, the-woman who died-under suspicions eir-- orimstaneee at Clare in Suffolk, it wasproved that arsenic was found' in the corpse: The verdict was "-Wilful murder "' against William Rawlinsom He is upwards of eighty years of age. The Magistrates have committed him,
both for the murder, and for administering arsenic to his step-daughter: - The. bodiesof two infants have been Need in theTrent, near the: bridge where- the corpse was discovered last_ week.. Eight murd.ereekiefentathave been.framthin that vicinity within. a year.