TOPICS OF THE DAY.
THE DISPUTE WITH THE UNITED STATES. tORD DERBY once suggested that it would be very convenient if we could only manage to introduce wars with limited liability. The exigencies of electoral campaigns seem now to point to another need, the need of stage wars such as may last till an electoral campaign is virtually decided, and not do too much harm mean- while. It is clear, we think, that President Cleveland's unexpected demand for retaliatory powers on the commerce of Canada, is partly intended to give the United States a lesson on the serious consequences of rejecting a well- considered treaty between friendly Governments, and partly to take the wind out of the sails of the Republican blusterers. We do not believe, in spite' of the tone of the Message, that President Cleveland has any intention of exciting the sort of irritation between the United. States and Canada which might ultimately lead to war. And we have a very strong impression that if the present President is re-elected in November, the retaliatory measures, whatever they be, which he may have adopted against Canada, would soon be exchanged for some wise conciliatory measure, such as that agreed upon between the Government of the United States and the Commission of which Mr. Chamberlain was the head. In the meantime, the situation is by no means agreeable. Though we sincerely believe that Mr. Cleve- land's bark is considerably worse than his bite is likely to be, there is no knowing to what consequences a policy of commercial retaliation may lead. Even his first step appears to be a very questionable one. He tells Congress that " it appears quite plain that Article 29 of the Treaty of 1871, which was the only article incorporating" the laws and regulations " permitting the transit of goods, merchandise, and wares in bond across or over the territory of the United States to or from Canada," terminated on July 1st, 1885. Senator Edmunds does not agree with the President that this is quite plain; on the contrary, he thinks it plain that this article has not expired, and that due notice must be given before its obligations can be can- celled. Many of the Canadian authorities take the same view. And whether the President or those who differ from him, be right, it is certain that any act by which the United States should appear to have wilfully violated a treaty which the other contracting Power still regards as binding, would give rise to a sort of irritation that might prove exceedingly dangerous. Then, apart from this question of the continued existence of a treaty obliga- tion which the proposed retaliation would violate, the retaliatory powers given by the Bill which Congress is now about to consider, are of a very irritating kind. Mr. Cleve- land is to be empowered to refuse to allow the transit of any foreign goods in bond. to or from the British dominions in North America, without full payment of duty ; and, further, it is propsed that " wherever the President is satisfied that there is any discrimina- tion whatever in the use of the Welland Canal, the St. Lawrence River canals, the Chambly Canal, or either of them, whether by tolls, drawbacks, refund tolls, or other- wise, which is or may be detrimental to the interests of the United States," the President shall have discretion to issue &proclamation to that effect, after which a toll of 20 cents a ton is to be levied on every foreign vessel and cargo passing through the United States canals, and may further, if he pleases, prohibit the use of such canals entirely to foreign vessels. He is also given power to revoke these orders so soon as he is satisfied that the tolls to which he objects on the Canadian canals are no longer enforced. Now, the President would hardly have asked for these pro- visions if he had not intended to use them, at all events in the few months during which no final policy can be determined on, and during which, we may add, the effect of a policy that is a little blustering may be conducive to the success of the Democratic Party and the defeat of the Republican Party. It is worthy of notice that already there has been one Irish meeting in the United States in support of President Cleveland's policy, on the ground that his last Message is unpleasing to Great Britain ; and we have little doubt that Mr. Harrison is already discovering the difference between having to fight a President who was branded as friendly to England, and having to fight a President who is supposed to have dared the British Lion to combat, even though only in a commercial war. The danger of a quarrel is not diminished by the excited state of Canadian feeling. We already hear that Canadian statesmen are boasting of the glorious effect of President Cleveland's Message in stirring up the patriotism of Canada, and of the determination of Canada not to be the victim of United States injustice. That is all very natural and right ; but it is just the condition of things under which some quarrel might arise that would hardly be settled without either humiliation on one side or fighting on both. Now, it is certain that during a Presidential contest the Government of the United States will not submit to any- thing that has the most distant resemblance to a humilia- tion, and that they would not be at all sorry, for elec- tioneering purposes, to inflict something very like a humiliation on the Government of Canada,—which the Government of Canada would certainly not endure. Altogether, we are not at all easy about the situation, though we hope and believe that the statesmen on both sides have too much good sense to let the electioneering exigencies of the moment predominate to the virtual exclusion of those considerations of justice and prudence by which alone the good mutual understanding of nations can be maintained.
On the whole, we must say that General Elections pro- duce a very serious disturbing force on foreign politics. If we could only have sham-wars to last for a few months, —the operations to be carried on on both sides in pro- ceedings not more harmful than peaceful autumn man- oeuvres,—without letting the electorates into the secret of the sham, there would be many a thrilling sensation for the electors without any serious mischief being done. Unfor- tunately, that is impossible. The very popularity of bluster- is chiefly due to the sense of danger which accompanies it, and just as amphitheatre fights were never relished unless blood was really shed, so political quarrels which have no heart in them would not satisfy the people, and would not bring the electors to the poll. What is really wanted is an electorate sensible enough to dislike bluster, and to prefer reasonable concession to the exchange of defiant threats. We fear that we have not yet got such an electorate on either side of the Atlantic. The American voters still relish the fulmination of thunderbolts against Great Britain whenever a legitimate issue can be found, just as French voters relish military pretenders who are supposed. to be ready for a war of revenge, and English voters relish fanfaronades about the united navies of the great Colonial Empire on which the sun never sets. We are beginning to think that all serious inter- national questions ought to be suspended at least half- a-year before a General Election in every great country, and resumed only when the election is over. Unfortu- nately, that would require a close-time for negotiation of perhaps one year in every three between almost all the Great Powers, since one or other of them is almost always on the eve of some great appeal to the people, in which a good deal of flourishing is considered desirable, while sober sense is at a very serious discount.
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