GERMAN BRUTALITY TO PRISONERS.
[To THE EDITOR OP TEE " SPECTATOR."] Zia,—The Report of Mr. Justice Younger's Committee on the German treatment of British prisoners behind the Western Front raises yet once again the question as to the best method of coun- tering enemy brutality. In spite of the agreement of April, 1917, that neither Britain nor Germany would employ prisoners within thirty kilometres of the firing-line—an illegal practice in the first instance resorted to by Germany—we find that the enemy has per- sistently and shamelessly disregarded the undertaking, and has provided yet another example of the absolute worthlessness of the German word. Moreover, not only has the agreement been violated, but it has been violated with characteristic inhumanity. Our unfortunate men have been underfed, overworked, tortured, and neglected. They have been treated with a sustained barbarity difficult to parallel in history—with a barbarity so revolting as to arouse our deepest indignation, accustomed as we have unhappily become to the records of German wickedness.
Clearly the Report calls for prompt and strong action on the part of the Government. We are bound to do our utmost to protect these victims of German hate. What are the best means at our disposal ? Reprisals ? I do not think so. Reprisals—the employ- ment of German prisoners immediately behind our lines—would be quite justifiable, but they would probably be ineffective. The German Government cares little for the lives of the rank-and-file. And if we placed a few " All Highest" officers in the danger zone, the enemy would simply reply by placing a large number of our awn officers in worse situations. Even if we secured eventually a fresh agreement, experience has shown that it would be valueless. Before long it would be as flagrantly disregarded as at present.
We should proceed on different lines. The Allied Governments should issue a joint Proclamation that the Hohenzollerns by their acts had placed themselves outside the pale of civilization, and stood convicted of a faithlessness and depravity which rendered negotiation with them impossible; that a careful record was being kept of German atrocities; and that a first condition of peace would be the surrender to justice of each single miscreant who had inspired, condoned, and issued orders contrary to humanity and international law. The principle of personal accountability, from the Kaiser downwards, should be firmly enunciated, and when the time comes no less firmly applied.
If such an Allied Proclamation were issued, if the German leaders were clearly told that in their own persons they would ultimately answer for their misdeeds, they would surely pause-- certainly their subordinates would pause—before committing further crimes. The principle of personal accountability should have been laid down at an early stage of this struggle—it would have prevented many of the atrocities which have since occurred. But even now it is not too late, and would do much to alleviate the sufferings of our unfortunate men in German hands if every camp commander, every "slave" commandant, knew that by brutal conduct to those under his charge he ran the risk eventually of a Court-Martial and a length of rope. The crimes of this war call aloud for punishment, and whilst we must fight against the spirit of revenge, we must, in vindication of humanity, and to prevent a repetition of these enormities in the future, sternly enforce justice against the offenders.—I am, Sir, Ac.,
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