Eltbattd nub tlrotteningginriarlinnunt.

i. CONDUCT OF THE MAJORITY IN THE HOUSE OF PEERS.

Lord LYNDHURST rose, on Thursday, to move for a return showing the fate of the bills which had originated in both Houses of Parliament in the course of the present session. On this motion he founded an elaborate defence of the policy on which be and the other Tory Lords had acted, and a still more elaborate attack on the Ministers and their friends. He had resolved, he said, to vindicate himself and those who acted with him from the unjustifiable accusations brought against them—accusations that must rebound upon "the ungenerous and truth- violating" authors of them. The appeal he was about to make to their Lordships was extorted from him by the "open and unblushing slanders" of a part at least of the opposite side of the House. Lord Holland had commenced these attacks, in his characteristic strain—a strain not suited to the delicacy, temper, and judgment of that House. In the phrensy of his zeal, and in the disease of his Liberalism, Lord Holland had said that the conduct of the Opposition would excite the disgust of the country : but the noble lords with whom he was con- nected would defend the rigbts ceded to them by the Constitution, and would not be trodden under foot by avaricious place-hunters and dema- gogues, be they in office or not— To such base speculators for place, pension, or power, when not earned by public or private services, be should ever give his most strenuous opposition. Roguish, ambitious place. hunters, be they plebeitn or noble, he should ever watch (and this was the principle of his paity), and he should endeavour to treat them according to their services. It was not our wont to cast our mani- fold grapples and catch rising young men in order that we may snaffle and sub- due them to our service. No, my Lords, we never descended to those base artifices. We never held out a place as the wages of prostitution; we were no concession-mongers." His side of the House was mild, considerate, temperate, and judicious ; they looked only to the general good; they had no vile, no selfish feeling to pander to. There they were, before the scrutinizing gaze of the British people—aye, of the civilized world ; and, knowing all this, they shaped their course so is to meet the approbation of the present and every

coming age. Firet, they looked to the independence and security, the honour and the glory, of thew country ; and next, they did not disregard the opinions of posterity—present honour and future fame ; and only used power al an accom- paniment to the defence and the security of British liberty—that liberty which lifted our nation from barbarism to civilization, from civilization to freedom and refinement—which, if not checked by the demagogue influence of a seditious aepirant to power and honour, would still uphold us in the proud position that has marked us as the guides and guardians of rational liberty through Europe and the world. His aide of the House had acted, he would again say. with mildness. discretion, and forbearance, even to the present Government. Know- ing the Use position in which they stood, and not wishing to distract them, they did not wish to upset or disarrange the Cmincils of the King; they wished to let affairs take their course, knowing that the blundering imbecility of the Government would work its own downfal, and rouse the national indignation. His pay used no delusion, they unfurled no deceptive flag, they went right on in the path of honour and duty. They called fraudulently for no reports, made no motions for papers which were not to be produced, instituted no inquiries that wine not to be granted ; they propounded no laws that ney did not mean to pass, they made no motions that they knew would never be carried—they

'el nothing for humbug, or delusion, or dishonesty ; but they did every thing in sincerity and for the public good ; and when the foul mist of delusion was purged away from the public eye, the community would Bee their oltiects and appreciate their motives. The majority in that house never set itself in array againet the other House of Parliament. They always wished to har- monize with it. But then, their Lordshipe ever defended their indisputable privileges of sifting and correcting any bill sent up to them from the other Houee. When a bill was sent up, they examined, they scrutinized it, ivith in- dustry. zeal, and integrity—they applied to it the whole of their intellectual and moral power. If the principle of the bill were bad,—if it embudied false and dangerous principles,—if it were a bill calculated to blind the public eye, and deceive the judgment of the people,—if it were found to be a mea-ure in- troduced by week-minded or dishonest Ministers either on their own mere motion, or at the dictation of those who alternately coerced and reviled them,— still it was the duty of their Lordships to stand as a barrier and a fort between the ageney of two antagonist principles and powers—the invasion of Monarchy on popular rights and privileges on the one side, and the usurpation and tyranny of Democracy on the other. To this calm and reflecting exercise of judgment their lendships would ever cling, despite of Cie whine of the placeman or the growl of the demagegue. During the entire session, their conduct (and he meant his own and those who cooperated with him) was temperate and folbearing—forbearing even to the Government. They never showed any disposition to harass or impede it. They knew the King too well to obstruct his wishes or fetter his Ministers, when they were pursuing a useful course of policy. In entering on the defence and explanation that he intended to offer to their Lordships respecting the course be had pur- sued during the session, he should take the liberty of referring to the speech that his Majesty, of course at the dictation of the noble viscount and his colleagues, delivered at the opening of the present session of Parliament,—a speech which was no doubt the index that was to point to the Ministerial measures about to be introduced. In noticing that speech, he should of coulee be compelled to contrast the brilliant prospects then held out to the eager and admiring view of the nation, with the gloomy and desponding results that had flowed from those boastful promises. Then, brilliant indeed were the an- ticipations awl the promises ; but look to the execution—how fallen, how wretched, and how despicable! It was lamentable, yet it was somewhat ludi- crous :on, to contrast the position uf the noble viscount at the opening of the session, with his present condirion. Ile was, at the opening of the session a somebody—a man of 112111C and station—armed with influence and power ; but what was he 110w? Shrunken and fallen, without substantial power—dis- trusted and derided by the nation. Contiasling, then, his proud position at the opening of the session:, and his ostentatious profesei llll e, with his humble, pitiful condition non and his wretched failure in all his projects,—contrasting the past and the present, and looking at his character in these several points of view,—he could not help applying to him the remark which WIS applied to a noble predecessor of his in office, whose general character as a statesman and a man were not dissimilar to his own. lie, like the noble viscount, mercurial, ostentatious, and sanguine, took into his rash hands the helm of state, without knowledge of the present, experience of the past, or foresight into the future, to guide him in his dizzy course along the eddying current of public affiiirs. To the nobW viscount, then, he would apply the words that were applied most pertinently to Lis abler and no less presumptuous predecessor—" The noble lord's promises were, at the beginning, like his high pesition, magnificent; but his executioa is now, like his present fallen and helpless degraded condition, nothing."

In adverting to the measures of the session, it was necessary to com- pare them with the recommendations in the King's Speech at its com- mencement. He related the circumstances attending the failure of the Lord Chancellor's Chancery Reform Bill ; and of the lull for im- proving the Ecclesiastical Courts; which had been referred to a Select Committee, reported on, and left to lie on the table,—a course of pro- ceeding, or rather of non-proceeding, which almost justified the expres- sion of Sir John Campbell; who had compared the House of Lords to a dormitory. The other measure of Law Reform related to the juris- diction of the Stannary Courts ; many of the clauses of that bill were most ably opposed by Lord Langdale; and it was scarcely credible that the most olnectionable clause, which empowered a Judge, appointed by the Duke of Cornwall, to decide on claims brought by the Duke against the tenants of his mines—to decide on the rights of a person who placed him in his situation, and could remove him from it—was de- fended with all his address, dexterity, and imposing sophistication, by Lord Holland, though in a very gentle tone of voice—not audible above the bar—not audible below the bar—not audible to noble lords who sat in that part of the House. So much for that 1: art of the Royal speech which related to Law Reform —

So far as the Court of Chancery was concerned, the measure introduced

was a miserable abortion ; so far is the Ecclesiastical Courts were concerned, they had an abandoned offspring ; awl with respect to the last bill which he had noticed, what had they there ?—why, there they saw*the violation of a principle which had been acknowledged and acted on for upwards of a century.

The next prominent part of the Speech from the Throne related to the Irish Corporations.....

TheirLordships had heard it stated over and over again, that the ground of

the proceeding adopted by noble lords on his side of the House, with reference to this subject, was the acknowledged abuse and corruption which prevailed in these Corporations. But the contrary was the fact. They had always stated that they never proceeded on any such ground—they had never acted upon any such assumption. Before they would do so, they would have required that counsel and evidence should be heard at the bar, to establish the accusation. He and his noble friends said—and that formed the ground of their proceeding_ that these Corporations were exclusively administered by Protestants, and by Protestants only ; and therefore they were of opinion that they were nut suited to the peculiar situation of that country. What change did Ministers propose? They proposed, indeed, to rt move one exclusive system, hut to introduce ano- ther. The difference was this—that whereas the Corporations of Ireland were now exclusively in the hands of the Protestants, they should hereafter he placed exclusively in the hands a the Roman Catholics. It was to be a transfer of power from the hands of one body to the hands of another ; and when they heard, what was pretty loudly proclaimed, that the measure was intended to give greater en ength to the agitators in Ireland, he and his noble friends at once said—" We are ready to put an end to the evil originally complalced of, but we will not consent to give birth to a still greater evil, by adopttaz this measure." Acting on that principle, and on that principle alone, he had pro- posed a motion for the abolition of those Corporations.

The Newspaper Bill was another measure in which he had found it necessary to interfere— When it was introduced to that House—when it was proposed to pass a chime which Wits replete with injustice, and oppression, and vexation—when that clause, which bore such an inquisitorial character, came before their Lordships—and was proposed for their adoption—he had strenuously, as was his duty, opposed it. His opposition was met with indignation, with invective, with sarcasm, by the noble viscount. Ile however carried his point ; and when the whirlwind of the noble viscount's passion hail passed away—when good humour and kindness were restored—the noble viscount himself came forward with'a measure just such as he wished to have been carried. The noble viscount did not then, when he brought forward that measure, anticipate any of those fatal consequences which on a former occasion he had supposed were likely to result from its being adopted: on the contrary, he was very facetious on the subject, and said that he had laid on their Lorilehips' table an editio expurgata or the former bill. Ile and his noble friends had thus, he thought, done much good-in preventing a clause of so scandalous a nature receiving the sanction of Parliament.

The King had recommended his Parliament to deal with the Irish Tithe question so as to produce tranquillity in Ireland: Lord Lynd- hurst contended that he and his ftiends had acted in strict conformity with that recommendation.

They prepared a measure for the purpose of extinguishing all disputes about tithes in Ireland, which, if carried into effect, would, he believed, have gone fey towards tranquillizing that unfortunate country. Not a syllable was ut- tered in that or in the other House of Parliament against that measure ; which was of a very comprehensive nature, for it embraced a provision to do away, as far as possible, with the inequality of remuneration which prevailed in some of the livings. But that measure, so admirably calculated for the purpo9e which it was intended to effect—so well suited to give satisfection to all parties —was rejected by his Majesty's Government, not because it was not good and beneficial in itself, but because it did not contain an abstract principle—a prin- ciple that could not be carried into effect until some future period, and which, when carried into effect was calculated fatally to wound the best interests of the Church of Ireland. Such was the manner in which the noble viscount mid his supporters had redeemed the pledge which they put into the mouth of hie Majesty at the commencement of the session, with respect to Law Reform, to the Irish Municipal Corporations, and to the question of Tithes in Ireland.

He proceeded in the same strain to defend the rejection of the Cha- ritable Trustees Bill; and declared that he was willing to appeal to the sober sense of the country for the justification of his conduct : be and noble lords on his side of the House, were ready at that moment, as they had always been, to appeal to the country. They had not slum- bered at their post, or been led away by temptations to indolence, or the allurements of pleasure; they had exercised a constitutional vie.. lance over every measure, and discharged their duty faithfully and fear- lessly; however others might have acted, he and his friends bad done nothing inconsistent with their high station or the responsible trust re- posed in them. He then referred to the Pluralities Bill, which Minis- ters had themselves taken up— It was, he would say, strongly supported by the Ministers of the Crown in the other House ; but, unfortunately, a party who aided and assisted the urea- sures of Government when the interests of the Church were to be assailed, in- terposed their baleful influence and said, " We cannot agree to this measure." It appeared from the Parliamentary reports, that sonic snuggle fur a time was made ; hut at length Ministers gave up that measure, which was adwitted to be so important hi the country and to the interests of the Established Church, and yielded to the temptation which was thlown out te them by their sup, porters, who would have withdrawn their countenance if their dictates had not been obeyed. A measure which was intended to carry into effect the Fourth Report of the Ecclesiastical Commiesioners—a Repoit signed by the noble viscount, the Lord President of the Council, by the noble leader in the other House of Parliament, and by several other intlueneel persons—a Report which contained many extensive, important, and most valuable Church regulations, was thus defeated. A mutiny, it appeared, took place in the camp of the noble lord opposite, and it became necessary in consequence to suspend proceedings. It was deemed proper, under the peculiar circuinstences, to hold a conference in the neighboulhood of Whitehall or Downing Street. That conference, he understood, was not distinguished by the low tone or the gentle whisper which sometimes milted the conferences of their Lordships' House. He had heard that it was rather loud and noisy. What, then,was the result of that meeting? %Vliy, Ministers were told that they must abandon this measure—that they should not proceed to carry it further into effect. Nay, they were obliged te give way upon another n easure—namely, that for regulating certain Bishops' sees. That measure was founded on the labours of time same Commission, but was ri t founded on the same Report. The result, as he had already observed, of tl: ; conference, was, that Ministers were obliged to abandon a most irn- pme eit measure, in consequence of a threat comicg from a section of their supporters.

But was that all? By no means. A bill for the Registration of Voters, with one or two exceptions an excellent measnre, had been in- troduced by Lord John Russell, the Attorney- General, and the So-

licitor-General. This bill originally was as gocd as it was important. But that same class of persons to whom be had already referred, again set their hands to work—

They oppesed the bill ; they remodelled all its regulations; they altered the system of voting as laid down in the Reform Bill; and in this mutilated and

inmenfect balm the measure was brought up to their Lordship? House. For his own part, he thought that he and his noble friends had entitled themselves to the gratitude of the noble viscount opposite when they opposed the bill, dif-

ferent as it was from the measure introduced by the colleague of the noble

viscount. His noble friend (Lord Wharncliffe) with his vigorous and manly mind, applied himself to the examination of the bill : be carefully considered all its clauses ; he wished to render it a measure fitting for their Lordships to pass and the country to receive, and he endeavoured to restore to its original purity the text of the noble viscount or of his noble colleague. Was not his noble friend entitled, then, to the gratitude of the noble viscount for taking such a muse tah, no ! I1i noble friend, on the contrary, was met by those cutting

and sarcastic observation% with which the noble viscount wa% so fatniliar. They were NM IA his noble friend in a moat umparing manner ; aud he was accused of having undiluted the measure, to use the phrase of Lord Holland, although, in fact, his noble Mend hail only rettored the Aliniaterial bill to its pristine State. Ministers had in fart, and he believed agaired their own conviction, given up a measure approved of by them, for fear of displeasing some of those by whom they were suppoited M office. Could the cuuntry put confidence in timer emi- neat stateemem who anti condescended to hold the reins of Government after hiving their nwaaures either rejected or altered in the manner which he had deveribed ?

He would now say a word or two on the foreign policy of the country, though he admitted the suhject was not altogether relevant to the other topics he had brought under the notice of the House- He would ask whether the present Government had done any thing to in-

crease the respect or curtail the jedetasy of autromMing nationa. Repect for US, or for our alliance?-no, the foreign policy of this country had been touch that foreign nations looked upon us with averision and contempt. The princi-

ples of intervention, which bad been adopted by the Goer lit, were a depar-

ture Cr hose prufeaaions of foreign policy u hidt they had made at BFarting, and had already coat the country. between 1,000,0001. and 11,000,0001. And what had they got in vomit ?- disgrace and disappointment. The honour of the yountry bad been compromised and the glory of its arms tarnished. It wet imptetaible for ally tew to look Wok to the events in Spain, and not to recollect that •Spain had been the hrene of some of the 1110Mr glorious struggles of the British arms-that in her fields armies had been formed and disciplined under the auspices of the noble duke, and led from victtny to victory, so as to raise the military glory of this country to U pitch unknown in former times. What had bince occurred to support the military fame of the country ? It would seem as if Nome malign:let then lllll had conspired with the Matistry to tarnish the glories whit It we had acquired. WhAt had been the result ot that miser- able bucaocering es pi dition sent out under ministerial aanction and official patronage? What bad it achieved ? It had had this effect-that the Biitish arum had become hateful to its Spanish allies, and contemptible to its foes.

But Viscount Melbourne stood unmoved amidst all these tur- moils- He reversed the picture given by the poet who described his hero's crest as swelling with victory. That of the noble viscount seemed to swell as he strug- gled w ith defeat. The Adm iniati a lion was thus plata:II between the two Houses, that they were tint able to carry their measures well in either. In for- mer thaws, there would have been only one course open to a Ministty so ei: ea in- staueed; but such a course was now considered antiquated and out of date. Time was when with such defeats a Miniatiy wneild have retiled frum office, but the noble vim-omit had declined, that in spite of mutiny, in spite of deser- tion, in spite of defeat, he would stick to the vessel as long as there was a plank left. Ile admired the -pirit and courage of the noble vi-count ; but he hoped he might be allowed to give hint a piece of advice. '• I counsel the noble vis- count to get his vessel into still water as soon as possiblerurtikr oeculat

l'ornm."

Let the noble lord look round Hut- theme sill's ut

N whoa real.'- fetus.

• • • • ----" ac sioe futlibus Vix &mile cation!, imuctioAus

A11,1131 After all, there is snmething in the illi ts and stt oggling exertions of the noble

viscount not altogether unatuusing. 'fis impossible not to respect 'l'he brave man sti neadiog in the storms of fate '- May a part at least of what follows he averted- ' And greatly tailing with a falling state.'

My consolation is, that whatever be the di-position of the noble viscount, he has not sufficient strength, though his locks, I believe, are yit unshorn, to pull down the pillars of the buildieg, and involve the whole in his ruin. I trust it will survive his fall."

He concluded by moving-

" For a return of the number of Public Bills originated in this House during the present session, distinguishing how many passed with anti how many with- out amendments. and how many oere withdrawn and rejected either bele or in

the House of Coin,uionu. distinguiahing the n her in each [louse ; awl also a return of the number of Private Hills originated during the present season in the House of Ceaaeotet, distinguishing how many passed with and lune many without anamdmetits, and how twiny were withdrawn or rejected either by the House of C.mmons or this House, distinguishing the Dumber in each House."

Lord Ilor.aaND said, that as an occidental expression of his had been the peg on which Lord Lyedhurst bung this discussion, he felt it ne- cessary to reply to same of his remarks-

" Though I have been called by the noble anti learned lord something like a sophist, I shall not, I assure you. be the -E.schines mho will try to shake off the edge of his speech. I will not say that this is irregular-it certainly is not illegal-1 will not seek for any fat •fetched phrase to designate a proceeding which I feel to be sophistical in it-elf; but I will tell the noble lord in plain and homely English (and I hope he will excuse me for using such a phrase) that I regal d his as a queer proceediug, in point of taste atid of logic. First, in point of taste, because I am sure, if any expression escaped from nie offensive to the noble and learned lord or to others,1 would beat the tune it esraped, or now, most ready to recall it. I am ready to give credit to noble lords, that in re- jecting measures, they in their own consciences believe they are following what is the right course in so doing. But, my Lords. I always thought until now, that when any nuble lord felt, or a majority of your Lordahips felt, called upon in your consciences and by your feelings to take such a view of a subject as to re- ject the petitions and the prayers oh the people of this country, eignified by the legal Representatives, that at least it was a duty painful to you to perform, instead of being, as it has now been made, a subject for triumph and exultation. This, however, it is that the noble and learned lord boasts of-it is upon this he founds his claim for favour-this is the ground for his exultation. Now, this seems to me to be rather strange in point of taste, because I should have thought, that as to the progeny of our sister House of Parbament, when we were obliged to dismiss them from our (hens, we should at least do so with a sigh, instead ef doing as the noble and learned lord has done, adding insult, contempt, aud contumely to the rejection of their prayer."

In point of logic, he saw no very great merit in rejecting the mea- sures of the House of Commons-

" I shall not, as some have objected to it, use the word mutilation of mea- sures; but it seems that when applied to the Commons the- noble and learned Mid had no objection to speak of the I mutilations 'of the other House of Parliament ; and tlas he did with regard to other measures on which the House of Commons exercised a disatetiun at variance with the opinion of the noble and learned lard. At the beginning of the session, I ventuted to compute the noble and learned lord to Timotheus; but at present (and I hope it may not give offe ice) I must own that I made a mistake-he has become the Alexander, arid he has become so pleased with the sountl of his own exploits, that he has gratified us with the speech we have just heard.

.Sootieii with the strain, the King grew vain ; Fought an his battles o'er again; And thrice he routed all Ms foes, and thrice lie slew the slain.'

But for what purpose is all this done? For the purpose of explaining why it it that all the eff wts of the noble and learned lord have been of no avail-that my noble colleagues have been sustained by what they regard to be the opinion of

the majority of the House of COMIT11009. The noble and learned lord seems to think this an antiquated notion. Is it an antiquated notion that a Covernment

having the confidence of the People should regulate their conduct so as to de- serve that confidence ? Is this a new doctrine, or is it an antiquated opinion? At one time it did not appear to be so very antiquated to the noble and learned lord. The noble and learned lord says that my noble friend consults a section of those who support him in the other House of Parliament. My noble friend has the confidence of the House of Commons, and of the People who sent them there. I for one, then, shall advise hint to adhere to his present station; and whatever may be the diffident* felt, whatever the distrust expressed, whatever the sarcasms resorted to by others, I am sure my noble frieud will be recone.es - cited to their endurance, as long as lie enjoys the confidence of the Ito: se of Commons; for while he has that confidence, he can even defy, if it be necessary, the contempt and the distrust entertained elsewhere."

It had been said by a man of more wit than logic-the biographer of Johnson-that the blackballed members of a certain club would make the best society in Europe ; and so Lord Lyndhurst appeared to think, that the bills which the House of Lords had blackballed would form an excellent code for any other senatorial body to adopt. Lord Lyndhurst admitted that all the rejected bills were not bad ones ; that Inc objects of many were desirable, if not necessary, and their principles good ; yet in attempting to improve these bills, they had lost them. That, he thought, was a subject of regret-painful and unpleasant to reflect upon. He would not follow Lord Lyndhurst through his cata- logue of bills ; but on one of them he would say a few words : that was the Stannaries Bill.

" Upon my word-tile noble and learned lord must forgive me for ruing the expression-but in the strange and excellent speech he has made, I must say that that part of it appeared to me to he ludicrous and burlesque in the ex- treme. Your Lordships would suppose that for a long time there had been a court held in Cornwall ; of which the Judge held his office during good be-

haviour, and that we, by some legerdemain, introduced a bill enacting that he should hold office only during pleasure. So fur, now, is that front being the case, that we made the Judge niore independent than he had been here-

tofore. There is a court in Cornwall of which the Judge holds office only during pleasure, and is removable by the Duke of Cornwall. I did not posi. twely state its provisions, though I knew them very well, when the bill was under discussion. If I am wrong, my noble friend opposite (the Earl of Fat- ittotith) is able to correct me : but, instead of !lurking the Judge more easily removed from lds place, we made his place more certain. That bill applied a great many restrictions upon his removal, and it is necessary by it to have the concurrence of the supreme authority before the Judge or Vice-Warden can be renewed. And yet, my Lords, it is upon this, that we have had such beauti- ful declamation as to constitutional principles, as if we ditl not know the com- mon meaning of Constitutional principles." And here he must remark upon an insinuation which fell from Lord Lyndhurst, and which was somewhat uncourteous even if founded on truth- ". The noble lord says that I talked in a low-in so exceedingly low a tone, that I could not be heard below the bar. Now, my lords, I do not know whether the situation which the noble and learned lord selects is for the pur- 'Hoe of being heard ; at least the noble and learned loud appears to be aware, that nelsons may, in some places in this House, be beard to more advantage than in others. (Laughter.) I wish, my lords, I had the same command of my voice and of my feelings that he has. Such as I am, I inn now known to your lordships for forty years ; and I ask you whether you ever knell, of me arranging my voice very artificially, or with a view to be heard by this man and not to be beard by that. Mark now, the inconsistency of this noble and learned lord-he describes ine, lie compliments me, as the concentratica of Whig liberty and Constitutional principles; and when he ascribes to me, I will not any Conservative principles-when he says that I dropped my voice upon that occasion-the noble lord, who is so Conservative, who is such a stickler for liberty, what did he do? You would suppose, from the compliments he has paid to My noble and learned friend's (Lord Langdale's) great abilities in op- posing that bill, that he at leaA had seconded hum-that he had stood up for the Judge: mid yet not one word was saitl by the noble and learned lord on that occasion. He did not merely let his voice fall, but he did not let a word be heard. No; he has reserved it all for this occasion, to exalt the glory of this House, and to show the dangers of attending to the wishes of the People of England." The time was when the People of England were not to be distin. guished from the House of Commons-the Tories would recognize no such distinction. " Why," they used to say, "do you talk to us of the People of England ?-we have the House of Commons; in that House we recognize the People." What has happened since then ? 'Why, that the House of Commons speaks a little more in the voice of the People ; and now it appears that the House of Commons is only the section of a party ! " " And the noble and learned lord, with that high degree of stern virtue that belongs to him, declares that he would feel himself degraded from the high de- 11.‘ cation of consistency that has always marked his inflexible nature as a states- nian,-he who feels that he has never changed his opinions,-he who never could bend before the authority of the day,-he it is who declares he would not brook the interference of a majority of the House of Commons-that he would leave office-that he would spurn it with contempt, sooner than be governed by such coblers and low people. These are the high notions that the noble and learned lord has of the duties of a statesman. I do not follow the noble and learned lord in his aspiring notions; and for what good purpose could I do so ?" As Lord Lyndhurst had expressed his deep compassion for the con- dition of Ministers, Lord Holland would give him a little wholesome admonition- " Even admiring, as I sincerely do, his abilities, and acknowledging the beauty and talent of his speech, yet I cannot compliment hint upon his judg- tnent. I do not understand why he made such a speech. It has always appeared to me to be conceit to put ourselves in the situation of others, and then say they ought to do so and so: but yet I cannot help thinking that the noble and learned lord does not appear to understand the situation in which he is placed. or he would ma have addressed us on a topic which, if in his situation, I should rather have deprecated. I certainly should not unnecessarily do so ; for it was trot accessary for him to say all he has said. In the preseuttevetish state of the public mind respecting the relative positions of the House of Lords, and the House of Commons, I must say that I do not think it was wise or prudent in the noble and learned lord, thus unnecessarily, and without being forced to it by any pub. be measure of importance, to come down prepare with an elaborate and deliberate attack upon the House of Commons, coupled with a retrospective glance in justification of the conduct of this House in those points in which it hu differea from the other branch of the Legislature. This is a course of pro- eeeding which I cannot but deprecate. I have always been ready to admit that the noble lord possessed talents of a high degree, and was of nu mean authority with the nation ; though the weight of that authority must, I suspect, be some- what diminished by such a course as lie has adopted this evening—conduct which is rather aggravated than palliated by the high abilities which the noble and learned lord is known to possess."

In conclusion, Lord Holland defended the foreign policy of the Administration of Lord Grey and Lord Melbourne; which had been adopted by the Duke of Wellington himself when in office.

Lord LYNDHURST observed, with reference to the neglect of duty imputed to him in not opposing the Stannaries Bill, that the subject had been exhausted by the very able speech of Lord Langdale, and it '.,vas therefore unnecessary for him to trouble the House.

Lord HOLLAND said, the explanation was not satisfactory; for if Lord Lyndhurst had said all that he had said to-night when the Stan- naries Bill was under discussion, the measure would have been rejected, and its evil consequences averted.

Lord 111Eutou1tNE fully admitted Lord Lyndhurst's dexterity in sarcasm, and clearness of argument ; and if he could be satisfied with a compliment confined strictly to his abilities, he was ready to pay him that homage-

" But, my Lords, ability is not every thing ; propriety of conduct—the rere- cundia—ahould also be combined to make a great man and a statesman. Such a man is not merely ' Homo dun i frontis, perditx atelaciw."f he noble and learned lord has referred, in the course of his speech, to many matters in his- tory, and has quoted Shakspeare, and quoted the particulars of a great number of statesmen of former times, to whom the noble and learned lord is pleased to say that I bear some resemblance. I beg, in return, to refer to him what was once said by the Earl of Bristol of another great statesman of former times (the Earl of Strafford), to whom the noble lord might, I think, be not Map- plicably compared ; and of whom it was said, that ' The malignity of his practices was hugely aggravated by his vast talents, whereof God bad given him the use but the Devil the application." (Laughter.)

It was impossible to avoid contrasting the pompous and threatening speech of Lord Lyndhurst, full of invective and attack, with the im- potence of the motion with which he concluded-

" Would uot the House, on hearing the speech of the noble and learned lord, have been prepared to hear him conclude by moving an address to the Crown, expressive of want of confidence in the present Ministers, with a call for their immediate dismissal? The House might have expected to hear some- thing little short of a criminal charge to wind up the speech of the noble and learned lord ; and after all their expectations, what must the House think of the noble lord, when be concludes his speech with a miserable motion for re- turns which, from the miserable details entered upon by him in the course of his address, he appears scarcely to stand in need of. The noble and learned lord entered upon a long and laboured defence of the way in which he and his party had acted in reference to various measures during the present session. Now I cannot help thinking that the very trouble the noble and learned lord seems to have taken on this score, betrays a little uneasiness with regard to the light in which this, their conduct, may be viewed by others. The noble and learned lord seems to think that there is an'advantage in having the last word ; but I apprehend, also, that in many cases the first word is a very great thing. Now we have had the first word already ; and the application and effect of it are now in the course of taking place ; so that I should not fear to go to trial before any jury in the country, even though they had heard the speech of the noble and learned lord, and that speech had been suffered to remain without answer and without explanation in my defence. The noble lord takes credit to himself and his party for having behaved with the greatest meekness and leniency towards me and my colleagues, throughout the course of the pre- sent session; they have moved for no papers to embarrass the Govern- ment, they have brought on no votes of censure against us. Now let rue ask, why was it that noble lords took up this meek and patient line of conduct? Was it because they were not willing to take upon themselves the government of the country if the present Ministers were removed ? or was it that they approved of our measures, and were willing to retain us in office ? But if they did not approve of our measures—if they did not approve of the line of conduct we have been pursuing—why, let me ask, did they not make a motion of censure upon us, but that they distrusted, io fact, not us, but their power in the country? The noble and learned lord boasts that he and his friends are ready to appeal to the People. Then, in Heaven's name, why do they not do so? Why do they not take some steps towards an appeal of this kind, as by an address to the Crown for our removal? That would be a course of conduct which would very speedily operate as an appeal to the People's feelings such as the noble and learned lord seems so anxiously to desire ; the result Of which would be to convince him, that the country at large has no participation in the opinions professed by himself and his party. Indeed, all the noble lords on the opposite side of the House seem to have silently acknowledged this melancholy truth ; for although the speech of the noble and learned lord was of a nature calculated to create a very great and deep impression on the minds of those who heard him, I could not but observe, that the cheers with which he was greeted by those who surrounded him were faint aud feeble in the extreme. For noble lords knew full well, that if they pledged themselves to the truth of all that fell from the noble and learned lord, they would not be doing their duty if they suffered the administration of the affairs of the country to remain in the hands of his Majesty's present Government during the period which must in all pro- bability elapse between this and the next session of Parliament. It certainly appears to me very inconsistent in the noble and learned lord, to talk in the way he has done_, when he knows all the time that he and his friends have not the support of the country, and tat on that very account they dare not take means to place themselves in the offices of Government, even though they might feel otherwise disposed to do so."

The promises in the King's Speech had been gone through by Lord Lyndhurst, and their non-fulfilment commented on ; but it should be !remembered that promises he had the power of making, their perform- ance be could not command—their Lordships were the persons who had interfered to prevent him from carrying his promises into effect. But for the interference of their Lordships, in which they s,tood en- tirely alone—not even supported by their own party in the other house —many of the proposed measures would have been carried. They threw out the Voters Registration Bill, though it bad tivvn agreed to by their party in the House of Commons.

Lord Lvtuannasr—" No, no!"

Lord MELBOURNE--" I say it was agreed to by your party in the other House in its main features."

" Then there was the Post-office Bill, and the Roman Catholic Marrivat Bill, which were hardly opposed by anybody in the House of Commons. You bring yourselves then into this dilemma. One of these two things is undoubt- edly true—either that the gentlemen of your party in the House of Commons did not oppose these measures because they feared the unpopularity which would result to them fur so doing, and chose rather to leave the task to you in this

House,—most improper conduct, if it be so—which, however, I will not enter upon further ; or that those whom you consider your friends in the House of

Commnos differ with you in respect to your opposition to these measures,—in which ease you must admit yourselves to stand unsupported by your friends in and out of Parliament in the line of conduct which you have taken up in re-

jecting measuies which everybody but yonrselves consider in the highest de- gree important and advantageous to the country. And, thus! must candidly

say, is a position in which I would not wish to see you stand with regard to the country. I have been accused of entertaining a desire to hold up to contempt the House of Lords, and to break in upon its constitutional powers in the State ; this is riot the case. I know too well the assistance and the services which such a branch of the Constitution is capable of rendering to the State, and I know fall well that the State stands in need of all the honest service which it CAR command. It is not me, then, whom your Lordships have to accuse, but your own conduct only, if you find your power and influence with.the People on the decline. If it should ever happen that you should hold office again, and should find yourselves bringing forward those very measures which you are now re- jecting—as you have done before—it will be much less easy for you to explain that conduct to the satisfaction of the public I, and to your own consciences, than it is for me to stand up erect under the load which the noble and learned lord says I have pressing me down."

He vindicated the conduct of Government with respect to the se- veral bills introduced during the session, and denied that the character of the country abroad had suffered under his Administration-

" I must say, that I think the noble and learned lord would have better con- sulted the interests and the dignity of the country--which be expressed him- self so anxious to promote—if he had abstained from declaring, in the ab- rupt manner in which Ile did, his opinion that the character of the country was lowered throughout Europe, and her power and influence come to nought ; terms and assertions, it is true, which are but too often used in the heat of de- bate, and with very little signification or importance of meaning, but which ought not, I think, to be brought forward on an occasion like the present so lightly, and so totally unsupported by any thing like argument. The very fact of the insulation which was now going on through the medium of this country, between France and the American States, certainly goes a little way to show that there is no diniinution in power, no want of authority on the part of this country in regard to foreign nations, but that she is still held in the high light which she has so long deservedly occupied. I can only say, that if the noble and learned lord still adheres to the opinions which lie has expressed upon this subject, he will be deserting his duty to his country if he does not take some more decisive and efficient steps in this matter. In conclusion, I make no dis- claimer of ambition or of love of office ; and as to holding office, I have only to say, that I conscientiously believe that the wellbeing of the country requires that I should hold it—and hold it I will—till I am removed."

The Duke of WELLINGTON maintained, in opposition to Lord Mel- bourne, that Lord Lyndhurst's speech was very appropriate to the mo- tion with which it was concluded; the object of that motion being to show the course of legislation during the session. Ile also defended the general murse taken by the Opposition, and claimed for himself the credit of having always spoken with moderation, as he had always acted with a view to the benefit of the country. As to Lord Mel- bourne's taunt, that they had not moved an address to time King for the removal of Ministers, the circumstances under which the Ministry was formed and the events of the last twelvemonth were sufficient to prove that such a course could not be expected from him- " I would take the liberty to reconunend the noble viscount to consider him- self not as the Minister of a democratic body in another place, but as the Minister of the sovereign in a limited monarchy, in a country great in point of extent, great in its possessions, and in the various interests which it comprised; and that, considering these circumstances, he should in future concoct such measures as he has reason to think may pass with the approval and suit the general interests of all, meet the good-will of all, and not of one particular party, in one particular place only. If the noble viscount will but follow that course for some little time, he will find no difficulty in conducting the business of the Government in this House, but will find every facility afforded him la forwarding measures of the above description."

Lord COTTENHAAI remarked upon the contrast between the tone and temper of the speeches delivered by the Duke of Wellington and Lord Lyndhurst ; and inferred from the fact that the Duke did not wish for the removal of Ministers, that he did not concur in Lord Lyndhurst's opinion on the foreign and domestic policy of the country. LordCot- tenham then went on to defend his Chancery Bill : and with regard to the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill, it had been postponed because it was considered essential that the " Executors "amid "Wills" Bills should first be passed ; but neither of them had been passed.

Lord LYNDHURST said, that the two bills mentioned by Lord Cot- tenham had been passed.

The motion was then agreed to.

MISCELLANEOUS MATTERS.

ROYAL ASSENT. On Saturday, the Royal assent was given by Commission to the following among other bills,—thePaper-duties, the Stamp-duties, the English Tithe, the Lighthouses, the Dublin and Drogheda Railway, and the Hungerford and Lambeth Suspension Bridge Bill.

COMAION FIELDS ENCLOSURE BILL. Lord ELLENBOROUGH, on Monday, moved that the report of this bill be received. Lord HOL- LAND expressed his approbation of the measure.

He approved of that portion of the bill which excluded from its operation fields within the distance of ten miles round the Metropolis. He thought that abundant protection ; but he was also of opinion that a similar provision ought to have been made as regarded the country towns. In this country, the con- stitution of which was more popular titan that of most other countries, it was a curious fact that there was less of property than in any other country set aside for the amusement and recreation of the people. He should be much obliged to the noble lord if he would assist him in drawing a clause to effect his object : he much wished to secure his object, and he did not think the noble lord would object to draw the clause for him. What he wished was a clause something to this effect—" Provided always, that nothing in this Act shall empower or authorize the appropriation, division, allotment, or enclosure of any common, open field, meadow, or waste laud, within the distance of two milee from any city, boiough, town, village, or other place, the population of which is nut less than five thousand, if such common, open field, meadow, or waste land has been recently used for the purposes of recreation, games, or public amusement." Lord ELLENBOROUGH was willing to insert words which would have the effect Lord Holland desired. He viewed with abhorrence every attempt to deprive the humbler classes of innocent enjoyment, and wished the people to have recreation in the fields instead of being driven to find it in the ale.house.

The report was then received. On Tuesday, the bill was read a third time, and passed, with Lord Ellenborough's amendments. It was taken down to the Commons; where Mr. ANDERSON Pet- HAM moved that the amendments be printed, and be taken into con- sideration next day. Sir Joust BECKETT said, that the Lords by their alterations had made the bill doubly beneficial. Mr. WAKI.EY protested against the bill, and would oppose it by every means in his power. Mr. WARBURTON supported the bill.

Those who opposed it confounded two things essentially distinct—commons, and common fields. The enclosure and improved cultivation of common fields would be a great benefit to the whole country, and in no respect infringe the property or rights of the people.

Mr. ELAM= was also strongly in favour of the bill. Mr. POTTER opposed it ; and moved that the bill with the Lords' amendments should he printed entire. Mr. F. BARING said, the measure would be lost if Mr. Potter's motion were carried, for there would not be time to print the amend- ments.

Mr. LEADER would oppose the bill in every stage : he had been told by eminent lawyers, that it would trench very much on the rights of the poor man.

Mr. POTTER persisted in dividing the House; when only 27 Mem- bers being present, an adjournment immediately took place. On Wednesday, the House, by a vote of 60 to 5, agreed to proceed with the consideration of the Lords' amendments. But, upon Mr. HUME and other Members objecting that they could not understand the bill, it was agreed to postpone it till Friday, when the entire bill would be printed.

Last night, the Order of the Day for the consideration of Cie amend- ments having been read, Mr. POTTER moved a clause for the purpose of providing additional security against the enclosure of commons. Mr. LEADER supported the clause. A division took place, and it was rejected, by 51 to 6. Mr. LEADER then withdrew his opposition, seeing that he was desei ted by his best friends and allies, lie ought to have opposed the bill in its earlier stages, but he had been deceived by its title : the bill professed to be one for enclosing " open and arable fields," but it also applied to meadows and pasture-land. Ile hoped that he might be mistaken as to the operation of the bill, but he still protested against it most strongly.

The amendments of the Lords were then agreed to.

PRISONERS' COUNSEL. Mr. EWART, On Saturday, requested a con. ference with the Lords on the subject of the amendments in the Prisoners' Counsel Bill. On Monday, the conference took place; and the reasons of the Commons for dissenting from one of their Lordships' amendments were ordered to he considered the next day.

On Tuesday, Lord LYNDHURST moved that the Lords should insist en their amendments— The object of the bill was to effect such an amendment in the law, that the anomaly of a difference existing in the administration of the civil and criminal law might be got rid of. In all cases of civil actions, the party proceeding had to prove the affirmative ; then answer was made to him ; and, in the usual course of discussion, the laity, after hearing what could be urged agaimit Iris case, was allowed the opportunity of setting the matter right. That which was the course of all civil prnecedings should be adopted in criminal matters : but what was done by the COIllmons? They insisted there should be an ex • ception of all such cases, except in prosecutions for treason or misprisions of treason. There was, then, the anomaly, that in cases of misdemeanour and felony, counsel for the prisoner should have the last word ; but in those eases where the largest advantages should be conceded to the party accused, the Com- mons did not insist that the prisoner's counsel should have the last word. Lord Chancellor COTTENHAM very much regretted the course taken by Lord Lyndhurst ; as he feared it would occasion the loss of the bill elsewhere.

Lord WHARNCLIEFE disapproved of allowing the inisoner's counsel to speak at all, and should be glad if the bill were rejected. Lord Lyndhurst's motion was agreed to.

CIVIL OFFICES DECLARATION BILL. Lord DUNCANNON moved the second reading of this bill on Tuesday. The Duke of WELLING- TON said, that the bill had been scarcely noticed in the house of Com- mons, and came upon them in a sudden manner : be should therefore move that it be read a second time that day three months.

Lord HOLLAND and the Marquis of WESTMINSTER supported the bill. Lord ROSSLYN opposed it. Lord WYNEORD said, if this bill were passed, the House could scarcely object to another bill for re- moving the disabilities of another class of his Majesty's subjects : it therefore involved a principle of great importance, and he would not support it. He did not ee that any class of Dissenters could object to making a declaration " en the true faith of a Christian;" which was all that was required.

The Archbishop of CANTERBURY concurred entirely with Lord Wynford.

The Marquis of BUTE did not like to see bills involving important principles coming up so late in the session ; and so far from seeing reason in the objection that too many bills were rejected, he thought that the Lords would best serve their country by rejecting more bills than they .did. He would vote, however, for the second reading of this bill, though he objected to the preamble. The house divided; and refused to read the bill a second time, by 43 to 27.

STANNARIES COURTS BILL. This bill, whose object is to improve the constitution of the old Stannaries Courts, went through a Com. mittee ot the Peers on Monday ; several of the clauses being amended, on the motion of Lord LYNDHURST and Lord LANGDALE. It was passed on Thursday The COUNTY ELECTIONS POLLS BILL was re, d a third time on Tuesday, on the motion of Lord SairrEssuity, at d p a red.

GREEK LOAN BILL. On Tuesday, Lord MELBOURNE explained the circumstances which rendered this bill necessary, and maintained that it was expedient as well as just that England should perform her part of the treaty with Greece, although Russia had taken advantage of an informality to escape from her obligation. He moved that the House should go into Committee on this bill.

The Duke of WELLINGTON disapproved of the course taken by Government with respect to this loan. He considered that Russia had some right to complain that her concurrence had not been asked when former advances had been made to Greece by this country the three powers, France, Russia and England, being all parties to the same treaty, should have acted together. RusAa svould have an advantage over England by retaining in her own hands the means of making fur. titer advances to Greece, while our means were exhausted.

Lord MELBOURNE said, the circumstances justified the advances of the money without the concurrence of Russia; and he believed that France was ready to go along with Englund in the course she hate - adopted. The bill went through the Committee, and was reported. On Wed- nesday, it was read a third time, and passed.

IRISH CORPORATION PROPERTY. On Monday, LORD MELBOURNE moved the second reading of a bill to restrain tire Irish Corporations from illegally disposing of their property. The Duke of WELLINGTON protested against the language of the preamble : it charged the Irish Corporations with corruption ; which was unjust. Lord Isvrsnitensr objected to several of the clauses of the bill, as well as to the preamble. It had never been admitted by him, or noble lords on his side of the House, that the Irish Corporations were corrupt : he had never admit- ted the existence of abuses in their management ; and he advocated their extinction because they were partisan bodies. Ile would not oppose the second reading of the bill, if tiny would remodel it in Com- mittee so as to do away with his objections. Lord HOLLAND knew from dire experience what Lord Lyndhurst meant by remodelling clauses he did not like. The cruel tyrant who had imbrued his hands in so many bills would not spare this little one, but like another great tyrant, diverted himself with killing a fly.

The bill was read it second time. On Tuesday it was committed ; and Lord LYNDHURST proposed his amendments ; which were agreed to without a single remark. The report was received on Thursday; and the bill was read a third time, and passed, on Friday.

MeNzetem. REFORM. Sir Joust CAMPBELL obtained leave on Satur- day to bring in three bills, composed of detached clauses of the Muni- cipal Act Amendment Bill, which had been thrown out. Sir John said that

The principle embodied in these clauses had already received the sanction of both Houses of Parliament. The first related to the administration of justice in certain boroughs; the second temporarily defined the boundaries of boroughs, and was rendered necessary in consequence of a blunder committed by the House of Lords; and the third related to the administration of the funds in certain boroughs.

The bills were brought in, read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday.

On Monday, Sir ROBERT ROLFE (Solicitor-General) moved that they be read a second time. Lord LINCOLN complained of an irregularity in the conduct of the bills : they had been read a first time—that is, their titles had been read —when the hills themselves were not upon the table; the rolls of parchment pretending to be bills, being quite blank. Sir It. Rom: maintained, that as the records of the House showed that the bills had been read a first time, it was competent to him to move• their second reading.

The SPEAKER said, an irregularity had been committed, occasioned by the bills being in the bands of the printer.

The bills were read a second time • after a conversation, in which Mr. ROSS, Mr. CHARLTON, Lord J. RUSSELL, 111111 Sir FREDERICK TRENCH joined.

The bills went through the Committee on Tuesday; and were read a third time, and passed. They were then taken to the Lords, and lead a first time: on Wednesday, they were read a second time. On Thursday, the motion for the committal of one of the bills—the bill for regulating Municipal Eleetions—having been made, Lord LYNDHURST said the Lords could not consistently agree to it, and moved that it be committed that day three weeks. A brief discussion ensued. Lord HOLLAND said he was surprised at the conduct of Lord Lyndhurst.

" My lords, it appears to nie impossible for the House of Commons to have proceeded in a way more deserving of your Lordships' consideration than they have done in this instance. Your Lordships objected to a part of the former bib ; and upon that objection the bill was lost. The [louse of Commons then split the bill into four different parts. preserving only such portions as your Lordships did not object to. I would ask, could there be a proceeding more courteous, more conciliatory towards your Lordships, or more deliberate.,' Lord LYNDHURST said- " What I contend is, that this bill we ought to consider, in connexion with the other bills to form the same bah as that in which we made the amendments. I have no dijection to the bill if the amendments are added to it ; but for this House to pass it otherwise, would be to render its proceedings ridiculous. After the conferences and the free conferences that have been held, it would be absurd if the same measure were passed as would have been if, instead of agreeing to preserve our amendments, we had abandoned them."'

Lord RIELcounNE—" Those amendments have no connexion with this measure."

Lord LYNDHURST!' Wili you engraft the amendments on the bill?" Lord MELBOURNE—" Certainly not that about the Trustees." Lord LYNDHURST—" Then I repeat, that to pass this bill would be to make the proceedings of the House ridiculous : it would be precisely in the same situation as if it had resolved not to adhere to the amend- ments."

The bill was rejected, on a division, by 30 to 14. The other bills were reported with amendments.

JEWISH DISABILITIES. The bill for removing the Jewish Disabilitie& was read a third time on Monday, and passed, by a vote of 44 to 13 after considensble opposition from Mr. A tumult Titzioa, Mr. BORTH• .IC, Colonel SIBTHORPE, and Sir C. BROOKE VERE. It was taken to the House of Peers, and last night put off to next session.

COUNTY-RATIS BILL. The motion for the second reading of this bill stood for Monday ; but Mr. Heide, seeing no chance of carrying the measure this session, moved that it be read a second time that day three months.—Agreed to.

THE PENSIONS-DUTIES Was read R third time on Monday.

Oa the question that it do pass, Mr. WARBURTON moved the omission of the clause which exempted the Duke of Marlborough's pension from liability to taxation. Mr. SPRING RICE and Mr. CUILAR PERGUSSON opposed the motion. It Ives supported by Mr. Heine, Mr. ROBINSON, Dr. IAISHINGTON, and Sir GEORGE GREY; and carried, by 36 to 34. The bill then passed.

MILLION LOAN. The bill for suspending the repayment of the money advanced out of the Million Loan, in certain cases, went through the Committee on Saturday. It went through the remaining stages in both Houses.

THE POOR-RATE BILL was read a second time on Saturday. It went through the other stages, and was passed, on Thursday.

REGISTRATION OF BIRTHS BILI.. On Monday, the Peers agreed not to insist on the amendments to this measure from which the Com- mons dissented.

CANADA PETITIONS. On Tuesday, Mr. HUME called the attention of the House to a petition from the House of Assembly in Upper Canada, complaining that during the last twelve years, of 176 bills passed by the House, only 29 bad become law. 'I he petitioners also complained that the Executive Council selected by the Governor, Sir Francis Head, were not in accordance with the House of Assembly. Mr. Hume also stated, that Sir Francis Head had used the patronage of Government unfairly to influence the recent elections ; and had re- fused to take any steps to suppress Orange Lodges, though he was aware of the resolutions of the House of Commons, and the answer of the King respecting them. He concluded by moving a resolution, to the effect that it was expedient to appoint persons who agreed in political opinion with the majority of the House of Assembly to places in the Executive Council.

Sir GEORGE GREY defended the conduct of Sir Francis Head ; and stated, that the constitution of the Executive Council was under the

consideration of the Commissioners. Ile had no information enabling him to deny the charge that the Governor had unfairly influenced the elections ; but such proceedings were directly contrary to his instruc-

tions. Ile suggested, that Mr. Hume had better withdraw his motion, and wait to ascertain how far the new House of Assembly corresponded in opinion with the Governor, before taking any steps in Parliament with reference to the subject of the petition. He denied that it was possible Sir Francis Head could 4ave seen the Orange resolutions.

Mr. HUME insisted that he must have seen them.

Sir GEORGE GRF.Y, from a statement of dates, showed that it was improbable he could have known of thcm.

Mr. HUME admitted that he might have been ignorant of the pro- -ceedings in the House of Commons ; and withdrew his motion.

Last night, Mr. HUME presented another petition on Canadian affairs, from Mr. Charles Duncombe, of Burford, Oxford county, Upper Canada, and Member for that county in the House of Assem- bly. Mr. Hume said that the petitioner, who had been deputed by the Reformers of Upper Canada to lay their grievances before the House of Commons, had only arrived that morning ; and the petition had been in his hands but two hours. If the statements of the peti- tion were correct, Sir Francis Head ought not to remain one hour longer in Canada. It was alleged that Sir Francis had changed polling- places, at the late elections, from the towns in which they were usually held, to others where the Government, by the aid of the Orangemen, could overawe the Reformers by violence; that the Attorney-General and Solicitor-General, and generally all the public functionaries, . joined with the Orangemen in their efforts to intimidate the electors and influence them illegally; that the returning-officers were all ap- pointed by the Lieutenant-Governor, and endeavoured to obstruct the votes of the Reformers by requiring them to take unusual oaths, and by other vexatious means; that Sir Francis Head issued a large num- ber of grants of land to qualify voters in the Government interest, and that the votes of these persons were received in defiance of the law which enacts that nobody can vote in virtue of a freehold which he has not held for three months previously to the election ; that the number of these voters were so great, amounting to thousands, that many ad- ditional clerks were employed to make them out ; that the grants were openly distributed at the places of election, and offered even to persons who had not applied for them without payment, although the previous uniform practice had been never to issue the patent until the purchase-money and fees were paid ; that in some cases those grants were below the required value of 40/. a-year ; that the returning-officers refused to allow the Magistrates to disperse the Lands of Orangemen, armed with clubs and knives, who committed outrages on the electors; and that the Or.mgemen at Grenville, where the Reform candidates were at the head of the poll, pulled down the hustings and destroyed the poll-books. Mr. Hume strongly urged the necessity of immediate inquiry into the circumstances stated in the petition.

Sir GEORGE GREY remarked, that the petitioner was one of a de. feated party, and smarting under the recollection of his defeat ; and that the Canadian House of Assembly was the proper place to prefer his charges against the Governor and his officials, for in Canada the means of substantiating his charges might be within reach. The allega-

tions against Sir Francis Head were not specific. tie was incapable of such conduct. Sir George denied the truth of the general allegations; but they should be sent out to Sir Francis. To that extent ran inquiry should be made ; to that extent justice to Sir Francis Head required that it should take place.

Mr. G. YoUNG entirely concurred with Sir George Grey. Mr. ROBINSON thought that this ex park statement should not have teen presented at the very close of the session. If the complaining parties Were desirous of inquiry, they sbuidd hale sought for it in Canada.

M.r. IVA ileums; said, Mr. Hume had no choice but to present the petition. It was not a satisfactory answer to the charges it contained, to say that Sir Franeis Head was incapable of the conduct imputed to him : he did not know whether he was or was not. Ile did not say that the charges were true; but if they were, Sir Francis Head ought to be impeached.

The petition was laid on the table.

CHURCH-RATES. On Thursday, Mr. WILKS having presented a petition from Chatteris, in the Isle of Ely, for the abolition of Church- rates, Lord JOHN RUSSELL took the opportunity of stating, that what he bad said on a former occasion on the subject of Church-rates had been misunderstood— When the subject was discussed in that House, and an honourable Member stated to him that his vote would depend upon his answer respecting Church- rates, he thought that it would be urtfair to induce his honourable friend to give Iris vote when it might afterwards appeir that the measure which he would have to propose might not be such as his honourable 6 lend contemplated. This statement of his was supposed to imply that he felt quite certain that the measure he intended to introduce next session would be a measure that must be unsatisfactory to his honourable friend, and to others who had taken an interest in this subject. lie begged leave to say, that he did not at all mean to imply this : what he meant was, that he would not take advantage of a Mem- ber's vote when the measure he had to propose might not come up to that gentleman's expectations. But his hope was then, and was now, that the mea- sure which he should have to propose would be satisfactory to Mr. Wilks, and to the great mass of those who were interested in the subject.

Laq night, Mr. Ilartvev read some resolutions adopted at a meeting of Dissenters at Buttgay; and asked Lord John Russell to saFwhetber he intended to bring in a bill for the abolition of Church. rates ? He could state as a fact, that the Dissenters were not more anxious for the extinction of Church.rates than that a substitute should not be found for them out of the Consolidated Fund. Lord JoHN RUSSELL declined to state the nature of his projected measure at that time.

PARDON TO CONVICTS FROM HAMPSHIRE. On Wednesday, Lord Jon N RUSSELL stated, in reference to a motion on the paper respecting the labourers who were transported in 1831 for machine-breaking in Hampshire, that the 246 persons so punished, had received a free pardon for their offence, and were all liberated, except ten, who were undergoing punishment for offences committed in the colony.

THE BRIBERY AT ELECTIoNS BILL passed the Commons on Wed- nesdAy ; after strenuous opposition from Colonel SIBTIIoRPE and Mr. ARTHUR TREVOR; who divided the House four times against the bill, and were supported by minorities of 1, 2, 3, and 4.

JUVENILE OFFENDERS. Lord JOHN RUSSELL stated, on Wednes- day, in reply to a question from Mr. HU1nE, that Government had a measure in preparation, which he hoped would be matured next ses- sion, for the more speedy trial of juvenile offenders.

AFFAIRS OF SPAIN. Mr. GROVE PRICE, on Tuesday, delivered a long speech on the lamentable condition of Spain, and the defects of the Cadiz Constitution ; concluding with a motion for a copy of Mr. Villiers's despatch containing an account of the proclamation of the Constitution in various Spanish towns. Dr. BOwRING entered into the history of the Cortes of Spain, and proved that the Constitution of 1812 was in accordance with the ancient usages of the country. He also defended the character and conduct of Mina.

Captain BOLDERO took a very gloomy view of the prospects of the Liberal cause in Spain, and of the condition of the British Legion. Lord PALMERSTON expressed his strong hope that the Spanish people would acquire Liberal institutions, and said that he was far from expecting recent occurrences in that country to turn out favour- ably for Don Carlos ; though, no doubt, the wishes of gentlemen oppo- site gave rise to their predictions of the reestablishment of despotism in Spain. His wishes, he would repeat, were the very reverse; and be added- " I do think that the wishes expressed by honourable gentlemen opposite, however they may suit those other views which they may entertain, having a bearing upon domestic questions rather than upon foreign policy, are not very congenial to the spirit of the Members of the British Parliament ; and that it is not usual on the part of Englishmen that such an interest should be felt, and such a lively anxiety should he expressed, in Favour of a cause sullied by such atrocities and crimes as have been recorded, and the object of which cause is to extinguish the liberties of a great nation."

Sir JOHN ELLEY spoke a few words ; and the motion was negatived, without a division.

APPROPRIATION CLAUSE. On Saturday, the Consolidated Fund Bill, with the addition of the Appropriation-clause, went through a Committee of the Commons, and was reported. On Monday, the re- port was received; and on Tuesday the bill was passed. Last night, it passed the Lords.