But though for the moment it looks as if Venezuela
would agree to arbitrate, it must not be supposed that her agreeing to do so will necessarily settle the question. It would if we stood alone; but Germany must be consulted, and she can if she chooses not only refuse the proposals of Venezuela or of the United States for herself, but also for us. It is rumoured, indeed, that Germany will not agree unless the United States will guarantee that the award, what- ever it is, shall be carried out ; and also that Germany will demand an apology from Venezuela for insults offered to her Legation. Of course this rumour may be untrue; but at any rate Germany has the power, though she may not use it, to prevent a settlement by insisting on a mere punctilio. Possibly Germany may be induced to be reasonable; but, con- sidering her diplomatic traditions, we may expect her to demand some quid pro quo from us if she agrees to a rapid and generous settlement of the question. We have put ourselves into her power, and she realises it, and hence we have little hope of getting out of our entanglement without some sacrifice. It may be, however, that we are too pessimistic, and that before these pages are in our readers' hands news will have been received that the whole question is satisfactorily settled. If that should be the case, and if our gloomy forebodings turn out to be ill-founded in all particulars,
none will be better pleased than ourselves. Meantime, and what- ever the result, our protest against the folly and danger of entangling ourselves in any form of alliance with Germany stands, as also does our protest against the notion that the House of Commons is bound to accept and carry out any and every agreement made by the Government with foreign Powers. The King's Ministers are the agents of Parliament in the matter of treaty-making. A wise man of business very seldom thinks it right to cancel and nullify the acts of his agents, but if they are utterly improvident and unwise he may be obliged to do so.
