20 FEBRUARY 1915, Page 18

BOOKS.

ABBAS 11.4 THE honourable obligation of silence which Lord Cromer laid upon himself as to his relations with the Khedive Abbas II. has been removed by the recent deposition of Abbas, and we have in this small volume an intensely interesting account of the political events in which Lord Cromer "kept his end up" against the persistent intrigues of Tewfik's shifty successor. The manner in which Lord Cromer prevented the young Khedive from doing much harm is a perfect lesson in the art of dealing with the Oriental mind. Can we summarize the principles of this art ? At least we shall try in these terms: "Be polite. Be patient. Never nag. Never accept visible motives as the real ones. When you are convinced that a trial of strength is inevitable, still wait till you can accept battle on ground of your own choosing. Then strike with all your strength and—so to speak—a little more. When you have produced your effect—as you certainly will—revert to politeness and patience and again avoid nagging." Just imagine the situation to which the shiftiness of Abbas was only an added complexity. Egypt had to be governed as though she belonged to Turkey, and yet the wishes of the Sultan, whenever they were known, had to be treated with the equivalent of disrespect by being ignored; the Khedive had to be treated with marked respect as the symbol of Moslem rights and Turkish suzerainty, and yet the conception of their rights adopted by Egyptian notables had to be incessantly contradicted ; the British Consul-General had to be supreme, and yet he had no title of supremacy—behind him was a British Government reflecting the changes of political opinion at home; and all the time French and Russian agents in Egypt were behaving (as they felt in those days they had a right to do) on the theory that Egypt was a kind of internationalized Tom Tiddlees ground where the British were interlopers, and that their own countries were necessarily being served while the Khedive was being supported in any anti-British design. This nightmare, one would have thought, was enough to break the heart of any man. That order—and not merely order, but prosperity— could have been produced out of the chaos no one could have believed were not the fact before his eyes. How it was done is recorded in Lord Cromer's famous book, Modern Egypt. The present book is an appendix to that work, and it is, if possible, more interesting than what went before, for the simple reason, as we have said, that the character of Abbas added a new complexity to the situation.

The character of Tewfik in itself had not increased Lord Cromer's difficulties. Re was quiet, amenable, honest, and well- meaning, if not very industrious. While he was Khedive the essential condition of British administrative success was that there should be a fairly good understanding between him and a few of the higheat Egyptian officials on the one hand, and the British Consul-General and a few of the highest British officials on the other hand. But what wise to become of the precarious system when the corner-stone of honest Cpmplialee in theperson " Al'Dos II. By the Earl of Cromer.. London: Macmillan and Co. L2s. hi. not.]

of Tewfik was removed ? That was the question to which Abbas's succession exacted an answer. At first Lord Csomem was hopeful that Abbas might make a tolerable new corner, stone in spite of his extreme youth and inexperience. But he was soon undeceived. Abbas was very "Egyptian "—that is to say, he was anti-British, though be was not, except when it suited him, pro-Turkish. His ambitions, pressed to their wild extreme, would have meant a strong revival of Arabian. Here is Lord Cromer's delightful account of Abbas's specimen grievances, which showed the channel in which his mind had settled dawn to move after * few months on the Khedivial throne

"The Khedive, who appeared friendly in July [1892], had become hostile in November. It was not possible to assign any one special reason for the change which hod taken place in his disposition. It was true that he bad first heard through the newspapers of the appointment of Sir Colin Moncrieff to a post in London, whereas be ought to have been informed at an earlier date; that an English officer, who had his back turned and did not know that he was in the presence of the Khedive, had failed to salute him ; that another English officer in the Egyptian service had come to his reception in long boots, whereas he ought to have come in trousers; that an English dragoon, who but a few months previously had been hoeing potatoes in SOMeaetahire and who had possibly never heard that such a person as the Khedive existed, had not risen from his seat on the platform of a railway station as a train bearing the Khedive swept by ; that the Birder would not summarily dismiss certain native officers who had com- mitted no offence, but whom the Khedive wished to cashier withont any form of trial whatsoever ; that the English head of the police was equally recalcitrant, and defended the cause of a native officer who had been unfortunate enough to incur the Khedive's wrath for some trivial offence; and that these, and a host of other similar incidents, clearly showed in the eyes of a petulant boy and his sycophants the existence of a deliberate plao to humiliate and, degrade the rightful ruler of the country."

Events proved that a battle most be fought. The right of the Khedive to dismiss his Ministers without consulting the British Consul-General was the terrain chosen by Lord. Cromer. Lord Cromer telegraphed to London pointing out the importance of the issue and demanding support. It was a case of "now pr never." By this test it was to be proved whether the precarious though workable Tewfikian conditions could be preserved. It must be said at this point that Lord Cromer could hardly have won the day unless he had received, the wise and unswerving support of Lord Rosebery. We should think that Lord Rosebery must always, feel a thrill of pride and pleasure when he looks back on those times and remembers that, although many influential persons, with what- ever good intentions, tried to unnerve his arm, he did not once fail to back up the Man on the spot. He saw Lord Cromer safely through this crisis and through yet other tests of equal gravity. If the first trial of strength was not a complete victory for Lord Cromer, it was became he did not wish to humiliate the young Khedive. He waq content to take less than are could easily have grasped as the trophies of war. This also ig a point to notice in appreciating the gentle art of, dealing with the Oriental mind.

The next trial of strength between Lord Cromer and the- Khedive was brought about by the unrest in Egypt due to the growing belief that the Liberal Government at home would relax their hold upon Egypt. This, at least, was Lord Cromer's diagnosis of the disease. But the symptoms were numerous, multiform, and contradictory. Nothing strikes us more forcibly in reading these pages, than the simplicity with which a situation can be stated when all its various and confusing elements have been passed through the alembic of a statesmanlike mind. The first appear- ances of political disease are very different from their later appearances when the treatment proves to be efficacious and the disease is yielding to it. Then one may wonder that the doctor could over have been in serious doubt. The. chief puzzle in Egyptian affairs was always to distinguish the genuine voice of the people and the real material interests of the politicians from what might be called the theatrical voice of the people and the professed ambitions of the politicians. Let us quote a few lines as an illustration of the difficulty. Lord Cromer in writing of a petition from Egyptian notables to the Sultan says :— " This petition was, in fact, one of the most farcical episodes in the whole anti-English comedy. An aged sheikh, who was known to be Anglophile, was asked why he had signed the petition. He smiled, and answered ' It is all empty words. I often say to my camel or to my horse, if in some trifling way he tsies my patience, "Curses en yea! May Allah strike yea dead, oh son of a pig I" If I thought it would really happen I should be silent ; but I know that the beast will remain unharmed. So also I know that the English will stay here, whether I sign a petition or not. What does it matter then ? I please our lord the Khedive; the English remain all the same and look after my interests, and every one is happy all round.' " At the second trial of strength Lord Cromer decided that, as the disease, reduced to its elements, was really doubt as to British intentions, the cure most obviously be "more garrison." Once more Lord Rosebery behaved splendidly. " More garrison" was administered, and the effect was instantaneous. Yet another trial of strength was brought about by the con- duct of the Khedive when he insulted British officers on parade and caused the provisional resignation of Lord Kitchener, who was then in command. The battle-ground accepted by Lord Cromer suited him very well, because the issue would be comprehensible to the British people, and would, moreover, give no pretext to foreign Powers for intervening. Indeed, the French would actually have to support him, because they were politically concerned to exalt the efficiency of the native Army. If that Army were pro- nounced to he inefficient owing to the indifferent training given to it by its British officers, one of the main arguments on which the French relied to prove the absence of any need for a British garrison would fall to the ground. These facts are only a specimen of the heterogeneous considerations which Lord Cromer• had always to bear in mind when coming to a decision. It was never possible to isolate a single issue. There was not only a regular error of the compass, but a thousand errors ; as though a ship's captain should try to navigate with a thousand shifting points of attraction surrounding his binnacle. Once again Lord Rosebery was staunch in the emergenoy, and Lord Cromer, winning the battle, rendered the Khedive comparatively harmless for several years to come. When Lord Rosebery left the Foreign Office be wrote to Lord Cromer :— "My 1/841; Ceolimt—The sorrowful moment has coma when I must say good-bye to you. We have gone through stormy times together, and I have long come to the conclusion that you are a good maul to go tiger-hunting with. I shall now only join in the sport from a tree or distant howdah, but I may yet be of use. You know how well I wish you, and can guess how had it is to cat the immediate bond that unites us.—Yours sincerely,

RessezEr."

It would be a difficult matter to distribute the honours of tiger-hunting between these two masters of the sport. They went into a jungle where there were several wounded tigers, a great many rival shikaris urging on the animals, no climb- able trees, and not a howdah in sight. Although Lord Cromer was in continuous political danger, he never bore any grudge against the chief tiger. He says of Abbas

"In dealing with Abbas II. it was particularly easy to conform to all the conventional laws of politeness, for he was not only intelligent, but possessed a genuine sense of humour, which always elicited my warmest sympathies. I give an instance in point. At one time he was a good deal alarmed at the presence in Egypt of a large number of Italian artisans who had been imported to work on the ASSOTMB dam. Many of them were believed to be extreme, anarchists. A couple of so-called 'secret' police officers, whose identity was well known to every resident in Cairo, were brought from Italy, and were always in close attendance on the Khedive. In the course of conversation on one occasion I said to His High- ness that I did not think he need be much alarmed, for that if the anarchists murdered any one they were quite as likely to murder me as him. The idea was, ha evidently thought, novel and felicitous ; he at once appreciated the latent humour of the situa- tion. His face was wreathed with smiles as he joyously replied,

• Tiens, c'est emi ! ' "

We Lave not space to do more than refer to the epiaodes-- very curioua and fascinating stories they make—in, which Lord Cromer protected Young Turk* in Egypt at a time when the Sultan was trying to decoy or carry them off to Constantinople. Probably none but a British Administrator would have taken pains to outwit the Khedive and save these people from the fate intended for them. But the Turks learn nothing. They take up arms against the nation which has ever been ready to ensure them justice, and has resolutely refused to exploit them under the meek of diplomacy. Nor can we do much more than allude to the valuable introduction. We just note Lord Cromer's generous tribute to Sir Eldon Gorst, and his conclusion that, although Sir Eldon Gorst's reformafailed, it was inevitable that they should have been tried. Advanced democratic principles at home, and the establish- ment of Constitutions in Turkey and Persia, would have made resistance to " reform" on Sir Eldon Gorst's part extremely difficult, even if the Foreign Office had not actually prescribed, the scheme for him. After the failure Lord Kitclieuer'w wholesome and saving reaction was welcomed; but it is, characteristic of Lord .Cromer's temperate judgments that he recognizes that Lord Kitchener succeeded because his methods came just when they did. Three years earlier they would probably have failed, though for contrary reasons, as surely as Sir Eldon Gorst's programme itself. In looking to the future of the new. Egypt Lord Cromer insists upon the great importance of associating the foreign residents in Egypt with the Government. They must be regarded, net as aliens, but as "Egyptians." And the blessings of low taxation most be preserved. There is no visible bond of racial or religious sentiment, no linking emotion, between the Christian ruler and the Moslem ruled. The nearestequivalent is strong material interest—expressed in the entire absence of the grievance of oppressive taxation. The principle of low taxation caused much of Lord Cromer's triumphant success, and we sincerely hope that in the new Egypt there will he no attempt to depart from a rule that has served Egypt and Britain so well.