20 JANUARY 1838, Page 2

lachattd anti iprucceliinint in tlatliament.


Both Houses of Parliament resssembled on Tuesday.

In the House of Commons, exactly at five o'clock, Lord Jones RUSSEL!. rose to call the attention of the House to the affairs of Canada. It was with great reluctance that he approached the subject. In proportion to the satisfaction he had ever felt in proposing any addition to the franchises and privileges of his fellow subjects, was the pain he then experienced in having to treat of a part of the empire the constitutional liberties of which he was compelled to ask the House to suspend, though only for a time. He was convinced, however, that he should much more effectually promote the future peace and pros. perity of Canada by applying for sufficient powers to put down the in- surrection there, than by withdrawing the British troops, a step which would only give the signal for a civil war— With that feeling, it would be his duty to propose to the House, in the first place, that an address be presented to the Crown, stating the concern with which they had heard of the disturbances and revolt in a part of Lower Canada, anti pledging the House to assist her Majesty in her efforts to restore tranquil. lily : he should ask, in the next place, for leave to bring in a bill by which, foe a certain time, the calling of an Assembly, which was incumbent b law on the authorities of the province, should be suspended, and that by "f^ which he should state to the House, an authority might be crew meet the emergency and provide for the future government of the province. bringing this subject before the House, he felt he could not obtain their assent to those two measures unless he could refute two propositions which had been confidently put forth,—the One, that the case of this country as it respected Lower Canada was unjust ; the other, that whatever might be the justice of the case, it was expedient and politic at once to abandon our authority, and make an early separation between this country and her colony of Lower Canada.

In order to refute the first proposition, it would be necessary for him to perform the disagreeable duty of impugning the con• duct of the House of Assembly of Lower Canada, and enter at some length into a history of the province since it was first ceded to this country in 1763. Here Lord John described the conduct of England towards Canada from 1763 to 1791, as calculated in every way to secure the affections of the conquered people. Their religion was established, and their feudal laws were maintained. They were much better treated than the Irish Catholics. In 1791, a new constitution—not very wisely framed, he must say—was granted to the Canadians. Mr. Fox was of opinion that British subjects should hare been induced to settle in both Upper and Lower Canada, in order that British habits and feelings might be gradually introduced among the French population. But it was decided that the province shottldhe divided ; and a law was passed on the presumption that the English would entirely inhabit one province, and Frenchmen the other. At the same time, a Representative Assembly and a Legislative Council were established in each province ; the Legislative Council to consist partly of members with hereditary titles, partly of members named for life by the Governor. There were many defects in this arrangement ; but it had been made with a sincere desire to promote the welfare and bapp• ness of the colonists. In 1810, the seeds of difficulty contained in the constitution of the Canadas bore fruit. There were violent measures on the part of the Governor of Lower Canada, and violent resistance by the House of Assembly. In 1818, the dissensions broke car. again— It had been for some time the practice in Canada to vote certain sums for de maintenance of the Government, what was further required being supplied by the votes of the House of Commons. The Assembly of Canada had asked that all the supplies should be voted by themselves, that their Governor; might nut be left dependent on the votes of the House of Commons. A pep' tion was presented to that effect, which, though rejected at the time, was liar' wards acceded to; but when the Duke of Richmond was there, a new mode of voting the supplies by chapters was proposed ; and soon afterwards, under Lord Dalhousie, a permanent grant was required fur a considerable part of the supplies. This led to a resistance on the part of the Assembly ; and boil those propositions were given up. The Assembly gained its point ; the 10' plies were regularly proposed, item by item; and nothing more beyond :be annual vote was asked for. This decision, however, led to new debater; 114 after a certain time, Mr. Huskisson, who was then Colonial Secretary, thought

it fit to bring the questions under the consideration of Parliament, and to pro- roe a Committee of the House.

Lord John read an extract from a despatch of Sir George Murray, who succeeded Mr. Huskisson, to Sir James Kempt, to show that under every English Government, of whatever polities, there bad been a disposition to respect the constitutional rights of the Canadians. In reference to certain Crown revenues and duties, Sir George Murray raid- " The produce of the above-mentioned duties, and of the territoettErevenues of the Crown, appear to constitute the only fund which his Majesty's Govern. stoat can lawfully apply to defraying the expenses of the civil govc:nment, and these of the administration of justice in the province. It is therefore to be anderstood for the future, as a fixed and unalterable principle, tl at with the eseeption of the funds already mentioned, no part of the revenue of Lower Cando can be applied to the public service, or for any object whatever, unless seder the authority of an act of appropriation passed by the Cathie' Legisla- Were. I am by no means insensible to the rein& which must neer slarily pro- ceed from the recoguition of this principle, that so long as the Assembly is milled upon to regulate any part of the revenue, they virtually acqu're the con- trol of the whele; but whether such a result would be desirable and really con- ducive to the welfare of the province, or not, it is unnecessary for me to in- quire. It is sufficient to say, that under the present law, the Government of Lower Canada cannot be rescued from a state of virtual dependence on the Assembly by any constitutional measures, and measures of a different nature mast not be resorted to."

He next came to the Report of the Committee of 18:28; and read a passage from the address of the House of Assembly of Lower Canada, expressive of admiration and gratitude for the manner in which their grievances and complaints had been dealt with by the Com- mittee. Soon after, however, he regretted to say, the As-embly re- newed their complaints in a louder tone than ever. They demanded, among other changes, The independence of the Judges, and their removal from the pnlitical busi- ness of the province ; the responsibility and accountability of public officers ; a greater independence of support from the public revenues, and more intimate connexion with the interests of the colony, in the composition of the Legisla- tive Council ; the application of the late property of the Jesuits to the purposes of general education ; the removal of all obstructions to the settlement of the country; particularly by Crown and clergy reserves remaining unoccupied in the neighbourhood of roads and settlements, and exempt from the common bur- dens; and a diligent inquiry into a ready redress of all grievances and abuses which may be found to exist, or which may have been petitioned against by the subjects in this province, thereby assuring to all the invaluable benefit of an impartial, coneiliatory, and constitutional Government, and restoring a well- founded and reciprocal confidence between the governors and the governed.

He would state what had been done towards effecting these reforms. The independence of the Judges was conceded ; but the Assembly clogged the bill for making them independent with impracticable con. ditions, respecting the impeachment of the Judges, and the disposal of certain Crown revenues to which they pretended to have a claim. The Assembly threw out a bill, prepared by Lord Ripon, for securing the greater accountability of public officers. The Legislative Council had been reformed by the introduction of a majority of persons of French extraction, independent of the Government, and largely inte-

rested in the welfare of the province, though indeed those persons were not agreeable to the Assembly. The Jesuits' estates had been given tip ; and the only shadow of grievance that remained was, that the property had been leased to persons whom the Assembly did not wish to possess it. With regard to the Clergy revenues, Lord Ripon had declared his determination that in future laud should not be dis- posed of except at a fair price, without favour to any one. The Assembly claimed the control of certain duties levied under the 14th of George the Third. The Committee of 1828 granted this claim, on the condition that the Judges' salaries should be paid out of the duties. In 1831, Lord Ripon's bill was passed, relinquishing entirely the right of the supreme Legislature to control the appropriation of the funds of Lower Canada. This concession lie considered a wise one : otherwise this country would have been driven into a quarrel, on grounds difficult to maintain. The Assembly, however, notwithstand- ing this concession, would not vote the salaries of certain officers, without stipulating that they should cease to hold other offices. The bill, thus saddled, was rejected ; and Lord Stanley, then Colonial Minister, approved of the rejection. In 1834, the Assembly adopted another course. They passed ninety-two resolutions, some of thorn respecting grievances, others vituperating individuals and attacking the Government ; and separated without voting any supply at all. Then, many of the most able defenders of Canadian privileges withdrew from the dominant party in the Assembly. Since 1834, on no occa- sion had the necessary supplies been voted. Nevertheless, the British Government had not ceased to exert itself for the removal of Cana- dian grievances. When Sir Robert Peel was Premier, he appointed Lord Amherst not only Governor. General, but Commissioner for the investigation of grievances. Lord Melbourne sent Lord Gosford at the head of a commission with similar instructions ; and nobody could deny that Lord Gosford had been actuated by a sincere desire to allay animosities and remedy grievances. But the constant aim of the Assembly had been to embarrass the Government : only once during the years 18:33, 1836, and 1837, had there been a vote of supply ; and then only for six months, and clogged with inadmissible conditions.

He had stated on a former occasion in his place in Parliament, that the course taken by the House of Commons in appropriating part of the revenues of Lower Canada to the expense of the local government was not a measure of finance, but a measure of defence. He adhered still to that doctrine. In a comeitetional government, it was impossible, if the supplies were refused year after year, that the machinery of government could go on. If in this country you were to refuse the supplies for a single year, you would produce the most disastrous consequences. Refuse the supplies, and you disorganize the army.

Refuse the supplies, and you shake public credit to its centre. Refuse the sup- plies, and you dissolve the constitution. (Cheers from the C'onscrealive benches.) Whit then was to be done when the same refusal was made by a Provincial Parliament? There was only one of two courses which could be adopted,—you roust either accede to all the demands, just or unjust, of the

Local item, of Assembly; . or you must take measures to remedy the mischief

which such a refusal was certain to engender. It was impossible to let the courts of justice, and all the other means by which a colonial government was carried on, be brought continually to a stop ; and therefore one or other of two remedies must be applied. As to the former alternative, it was quite impossible that it could be admitted for an instant. The first of the demands ut the douse of Assembly of Lower Canada was an Elective Council. Without deciding ou the abstract question of the policy of an Elective Council for any colony, or of the policy of establishing it on the North American continent for the colony of Lower Canada, the Commissioners had declared that the effect of such saa appointment in Lower Canada would be to place the government in the hands of one or other of two extreme parties, and that the Government, in whichever party it was placed, would be resisted by the other, and that thus civil war would sooner or later be created. He believed in the correctness of this opi- nion of the Commissioners. He believed that an Elective Council, represent. ing the passion, representing the violence, representing the extreme desire. of the House of Assembly in Lower Canada, would be considered by the Bralek settlers as nothing else but a declaration that their interests were not to be pro• tected, and they would therefore be most desirous to bring about a change.

The demand for an alteration in the constitution of the Executira Council could not be yielded without danger to the stability of the government. If the Governor, through the responsibility of' his Council, were made responsible to the Colonial Assembly, there would be no security for the execution of the orders of the Government at home. British troops might be sent out of the colony, and an enemy's chips admitted into its harbours. The repeal of the Canada Land Company Act was demanded ; but this demand could not be acceded to without committing flagrant injustice. The alteration of the Canada Tenures Act would be conceded, provided that the titles it guaranteed were held sacred. Such being the state of the question between the Colony and the Mother Country, the former demanding changes which the latter could not allow, Lord John contended, that it was through the agency of the Canadians themselves that their constitution would be suspended. Though always professing to regard with deference the opinion of the Imperial Parliament, the House of Assembly received the Resolutions of last session with any thing but respect. It should be remembered, that a willingness had been expressed to take into consi- deration any proposal for satisfying the Canadians. Lord John had not even given any opposition to Mr. Roebuck's suggestion of abolishing the Legislative Assembly ; lie had merely asked if such a measure would satisfy the Canadians. The Assembly would propose nothing of itself ; but, hating got rid of the Legislative Council, would doubt- less again claim an Elective Council. That was manifestly the policy of the Assembly ; and it would become more feasible after many had been disgusted by the abolition of the Legislative Council. In August 1837, the Assembly met, agreed to try how the modifications of the Legislative Commit worked, and separated without voting a supply. Lord John described the proceedings which followed the breaking up of the session, to the period of the latest news from the seat of war. According to the latest accounts, Sir John Colborne bad been successful in his efforts to put down the insurgents, and restore tranquillity to the disturbed districts— lie thought so, and he rejoiced at it ; for, although be must lament that

civil war should arise in any portion of her Majesty's dominions, there would be few, he trusted—few individuals indeed—who would entertain any other feel- ing upon this subject than that of satisfaction that her Majesty's troops should have been surcessful. He did trust that they would hear no unwed those in- conceivable wishes—of those guilty hopes—that the arms of her Majesty's troops should encounter defeat, and the British crown be covered with die. honour. He tru.teill and believed, that if such a feeling existed, it was confined within a narrow portion, lie would not say of that House, but of the whole population of the empire. 'f his much, at least, was clear, that with respect to all that remaining portion of North America which was subject to the Crowa of England, Upper Canada—although a traitor of the name of Mackenzie had endeavoured to disturb that province—Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, the feeling, the general feeling of the population, had been one of loyalty to the British Crown—a feeling altogether worthy of the British origin of the inhabi-

tants of those colonies. Not only had the regular authorities connected with

the government of Lower Canada exerted their faculties to the utmost to suppress these unfortunate disturbances—not only had Sir John Colborne acted with

promptitude worthy of his character, but even in the disturbed province, as well as in others. meetings had been held, and volunteers had come forward to

exhibit the depth and sincerity of their feelings in favour of British connexion,

and pledge thomaelvea to afford efficient aid to suppress the rebellion —ft promise which they had not subsequently broken. While upon this subject, he would further observe, that he 113(1 been asked at the commencement of the session, whether he had not heard that an extraordinary degree of desertion had pre- vailed among her Majesty's troops in Lower Canada? He was not aware at

the time that such a system prevailed, and he answered accordingly. He had since heard that desertion, so far from having heroine more frequent than it had heretofore been, had been latterly less in Canada. He would not deny, nor was it to be wondered at, that British soldiers in that province should feel sen- sible of the temptations of independence, high wages, and plentiful living held out to them as the consequences of leaving their regiments. But those, be be- lieved, who left their regiments in Canada were not influenced by any desire to embarrass the Government, but reckoned upon their places being supplied by new recruit,.

Neither did he believe that the prospect of having to endure the hardships of a winter campaign would induce the British soldier to de- sert: on the contrary, he believed that it would confirm his allegiance, and render him more ready than ever to devote himself to the service of bis Queen and country. He would then apply himself to the clues. tion, whether it was for the advantage of this country to maintain the connexion with Canada— He replied at once, that those motives to which he had referred of attachment upon the part of a considerable portion of the population of Lower Canada to the British crown, and the situation to which they would be reduced if this country were to abandon them—these con- siderations alone formed a sufficient reason to induce him to answer " nut." If such a proposition were made, he would ask the House at once whether they were ready to desert these men, to leave them a prey to the angry passions of a hostile and excited people? To him it was obvious that such a desertion would leave them open to be plundered. Could they, consistently with the high character of England, thus abandon their fellow, subjects in circumstances of difficulty and danger ? These were considerations which, even if the insurrection were less partial than it actually was, must in- duce the House to pause. For his part, he could not conceive the existence of any grievance sufficient to justify them in forming a republic on the banks of the St. Lawrence—sufficient tojustify them in sustaining the loss of Canada to the British crown. Suppose that a republic were established at Quebec, a. well as at Montreal, did any man believe that the other provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick could be preserved without a contest ? Could the sur. render be made at all, without the question speedily arising whether or not they should leave North America altogether ? Ile for one was not prepared to make that surrender. He thought that this colonial connexion with the crows or England tended on the one band to the security of the colonies themselves, wbile. upon the other it was advantageous to the British empire. With these Manes our commercial marine was intimately identified ; our commercial marine formed the basis of our naval power; and on our naval power de- pended the strength and stability of the empire. He was not cow taking into consideration the abstract right of individuals to establish a republic in Canada ; but, is justice to their fellow subjects there, be contended that they could not abandon them.

He saw a noble lord opposite (Lord Chandoe) who had declared

that Ministers ought to be called to the bar to answer for allowing the insurrection to break out : let that noble lord move to bring Ministers to the bar of the House—they were ready to defend themselves. It wus said that they had not had a sufficient military force in Canada ; but he would ask whether that force had been found inadequate, or sebether either Lord Gosford or Sir John Colborne, or any other au- thority, civil or military, bad given them reason to apprehend that the force in Canada was too small ? But the question now to be consi- dered was whether there should not be a force at the opening of the St. Lawrence sufficient for the maintenance of her Majesty's power in the Colonies. He had no apprehension for the result, but an insur- rection having now broken out, many might be induced by the tempta- tion of plunder, held out in the address of the Sons of Liberty, to join the rebels.

Next as regarded the civil power- " I think," said Lord John, " that with respect to the principal questions on which the alleged grievances of the Canadiana are based, a satisfactory ad. justment may, in the course of time, be arrived at. At the present moment, I doubt very much whether we have before us all the elements upon which to decide the terms of such adjustment ; but I think, nevertheless, we have suffi- cient to justify our expressing an opinion that a consummation so nisch in every sense to be desired is not considered by us as either impracticable or even difficult. I shall propose therefore, that the Governor and his Council, with the view to this final adjustment, should have :.course to the opinions of the American authorities themselves, summoning for that purpose a kind of board, to consist of twenty-six persons, of whom ten should he representatives of the Assembly in Upper Canada, ten of the Assembly in Lower Canada, and the re- maining to be chosen io equal numbers from the Legislative Councils of Upper and Lower Canada. I do not, however, propose—I should not be justified in proposing—that the final settlement of this matter should be left to this body in conjunction with the Governor. The Imperial Parliament is neutrally the supreme legislative authority in the British empire ; and I do not think we should on this occasion—on this so important and solemn an occasion—de- part from the principle so invariably advocated by every great statesman and lawyer, of leaving to it the supreme control. I therefore propose, that the propositions which may emanate from this Assembly, after having been as- sented and agreed to by the Governor, should be transmitted to this country, and then proposed to Parliament, with a view of making such modifications in the Constitution of 1791 as may conduce to the interests of all, and eventually irrove the foundation of an harmonious, and, I would add, a free constitution for the people. I do not despond. I say that such a foundation may be laid; but at the same time, I think it is most important that the person to be sent from this country should be one whose conduct and character should be beyond exception,—a person conversant not solely with matters of administration, but with the most important affairs which are from time to time brought before the Parliament of this country. I think he should be conversant also with the affairs of the various states of Europe; and, moreover, that it should be implied by his nomination that be was not at all adverse to opinions the most liberal, and that be was favourable to popular feelings and popular rights. Having said this much, I know not why I should refrain from stating, that her Majesty has beeu pleased to intrust the conduct of this affair and these high powers to one whom her advisers think in every respect fitted for the charge,—namely, the Earl of Durham : and the Earl of Durham having accepted the office, will he duly nominated to it." (Loud cheers on the Treasury side, silence on the Opposition.) Lord John dwelt upon the many blessings conferred upon Canada by the British connexion, especially as regarded lightness of taxation and commercial privileges; and concluded by moving- " That an humble address be presented to her Majesty to thank her Majesty for her gracious communication of papers relating to the affairs of Canada. " To assure her Majesty that the anxious consideration of this (louse shall be given to the preparation of such measures as the present exigency may require. " To express to her Majesty our deep concern that a disaffected party in Canada should have had recourse to open violence and rebellion, with a view to throw off their allegiance to the Crown. "To declare to her Majesty our satisfaction that their designs have been opposed no less by her Majesty's loyal subjects in North America than by her Majesty's forces ; and to assure her Majesty, that while this House is ever ready to afford relief to real grievances, we are fully determined to support the efforts of her Majesty for the suppression of revolt and the restoration of tranquillity."

The address was read from the Chair ; and after a pause of a few minutes, during which there was a general rush of Members from the House, Mr. note rose. Ile considered that it would be premature to vote the address in the absence of information necessary to enable the House to come to a correct decision on the question ; and which information,

he understood, would be laid before them. He condemned the extra- ordinary arid unconstitutional course adopted by Lord John Russell. He maintained that the Legislative and Executive Councils of Lower Canada, not the House of Assembly, were to blame for the disastrous

rendition of Canadian affairs; and it behoved •Parliament to pause before it destroyed the House of Assembly. The Assembly were per-

fectly in the right to insist on redress of grievances before voting a

supply. But a supply had been voted, on the basis of 1833: the sum of 54,s,001. had been voted. Lord Gosford's despatches proved that ; fur the items were debated one by one ; and he was astonished bow, in the face of that statement, Lord John Russell could assert that the supplies had been refused. The supplies had been voted for the cur-

rent year, in order that Lord Gosford and the Commissioners might

have time to write home for fresh instructions. As to the complaint that the Assembly, in voting the Judges' salaries, had made it a comb- Zion that the Judges should hold no other offices, he would ask, whe- ther the British Parliament would allow Judges in England to be plu- ralists ? The Report of 1828 was referred to ; but had the recom- mendations of that Report been carried out ? It was only in 1834 that some of them were partially acted upon. In his opinion, if Lord Aberdeen had remained in office, there would have been no rebellion iu Lower Canada; for the spirit of his minute on Canadian affairs was excellent. Much had been said of concession to Canada ; but what concession was there in resolving to rob the exchequer ? What had been the immediate cause of the revolt, but the arbitrary conduct of Lord Gosford?

That noble lord found himself unable to put down the meetings of the people, and he issued a proclamation. It was like the proclamation of Lord Grey against the Political Unions, which was thrown to the winds and found to be useless. The Attorney-General was instructed to prosecute two gentlemen who disobeyed the proclamation ; and having failed, be then filed ex officio in. formations against the same men ; which made Lord Glenelg say he hoped that the proceeding was adopted on sufficient grounds. Lord Gosford had struck out of the commission of the peace the name of every Liberal Magistrate, and then filled it up with Orangemen and Tories. He put no man in on whom he thought lie could not depend. They were going to attack men, and they se- lected their own judges and packed their jury. Having thus struck out the name of every Liberal Magistrate, Lord Gosford said be was then prepared. Men were arrested, no one knew by what authority or for what reason. It was the attempt to arrest these men that led to the revolt. No man, looking to the evidence, could say that there was upon their part any cooperation in or arrange. went for the revolution.

Lord ELIOT and Sir J. R. CARNAC supported the address.

Mr. GROTE said that the House had not been courteously treated by Ministers. Intimation should have been given of the course which the Government meant to take. He was by no means prepared to pledge himself to assist Government in all the measures towards Canada which they might hereafter choose to bring forward. Lord John Rus- sell's speech abounded with inaccuracies and misstatements ; but if cor- rect, it made most conclusively against Lord John's own ease— Exemplary Colonial Governors and exemplary Colonial Secretaries had succeeded one after the other ; yet still the affairs of Canada got worse and worse, till at length the people bad broken out into open revolt. If Lord John Russell stated this to be the course which had been pursued with regard to Canada hitherto, on what ground did he entertain any hopes fur the future? He, as a friend to Canada, thought it was for the interests of Canada and of England, both one and the other, to remain united ; but he had not been brought to that conclusion by any thing that had fallen front the noble lord, for he thought that very many important improve- ments ought to be made. Lord John Russell had said that this country had met with nothing but ingratitude from the House of Assembly of Loner Canada ; but he hoped that gentlemen would remember that there was now no representative of the feelings and wishes of the people of Canada in that House, the honourable and learned gentlemen who could alone discharge that office with effect not being any longer in the House; yet if he had not that acquaintance with the state of the Canadas which would enable him to du this as Mr. Roebuck from his great knowledge of the subject could have done, he or any gentleman who had paid attention to the various reports un Canadian affairs which had been laid on the table of the House was fully competent to inquire as to how far those remarks of the noble lord were well founded. He fully agreed with the noble lord as to the encomiums be had passed on the correspondence of Sir George Murray ; and he thought that that correspondence contained the best-sonsidered and wisest views of Colonial policy which he bad met with in any despatches of any Colonial Secretary ; and he bad marked the very passage which bad been read by Lord John Russell, and in which Sir George Murray observed, that "so long as the Assembly is called upon to provide tor and to regulate any portion of the public expenditure, it will virtually acquire a con- trol over the whole." He could only say, that if all the Secretaries for the Colonies had acted on the principles set forth by Sir George Murray and carried into practice by Sir James Kempt, the present disastrous results would in a great degree have been avoided ; the ground of existing complaints would have been removed ; the question of the casual and territorial revenues would have been amicably settled ; and provision would have been made for the payment of the salaries of the Judges and other officers of the Government. How happened it that nothing of this sort took place whilst Lord Ripon was in office ? Why—. aod this the noble lord, in the eulogy he had passed on the noble earl's Govern. ment, had not thought fit to advert to—it was altogether owing to the wholly novel claim put forward by Lord Ripon upon the casual and territorial !eve. rues, and that not only to the same extent as under other Governments, but with a view of making over those funds for the support of the Established Church. That claim was perfectly novel, and that claim it was which had led to the present rupture.

He perceived in Lord John Russell's speech, marked as it was by the absence of any thing like conciliation, along course of difficulty and disaster. Lord John had undertaken to govern the majority of the people with the aid of the minority, a task the most difficult that a Go- vernment could assume even when separated at a less distance than some thousand miles from the subjects of the experiment— The present course of Ministers could be nothing less than intolerable to the people of the province; for, let the Colonial Office say what it would, when they came to the practical application of government in Canada—and he was sorry to say it was the same in others of the colonies—youfouud that all the power came into the hands of a little knot of men, who postponed the interests of the country to their own, and governed for themselves in your name ; and he would venture to say, that if they should send out the Earl of Durham, as proposed, the very men who would be ready to thwart him in every way in his endeavour to introduce improvement, would be the members of the Legis- lative Council, for the support of which they were, it seemed, ready almost to decimate the people of Canada. He did hope, that if Loud Durham were sent out, he would be able to do something at least towards mitigating and improv- ing the state of things and the condition of the country : but he could not go further than a hope ; fur, going out as Lord Durham would with a bill of pains and penalties in one hand, which was calculated to obstruct the good effects of all the propositions for conciliation which he might be charged to introduce, nothing more could be expected to result from his mission.

Sir ROBERT PEEL would support the address, as power to suppress the Canadian revolt must be given to the Government ; but he dis. approved of the course Ministers had taken. There ought not to have been so long an adjournment. The extreme importance of the case required the immediate attention of Parliament, and a recess of a few days was all that should have been allowed. On so solemn an occa- sion, a message from the Crown should have been brought down to the House by Ministers. This would have been in accordance with pre- cedent and propriety. When the American rebellion broke out in 1774, and the Irish in 1797, such had been the course of the Ministers of those days. With regard to the right of the Canadians to revolt, he entirely dissented from the doctrine, that because the majority of any portion of the empire were discontented, they had a right to demand a change in their institutions, or should be separated from the other portions— Supposing Canada was an island, without any relation to any foreign state which could act on it, would this country, after having possessed it fun seventy years, and having gained it by a brilliant conquest, finding that the people, or a portion of the people, were dissatisfied, at once be prepared to give

tip all its interest in it and power over it ? Why might not the same reasoning, if it were true as regarded the colony, be equally true as re- garded the integral parts of the British empire ; and might it not with equal force apply to all descriptions of persons ? Why might not one part of England declare its dissatisfaction with the Government ; and then the honourehle Member would say, " The domination is unsatisfactory to them—what is the use of governing dissatisfied people, and why not let them at once declare their independence ?" If the House should act on this principle,

in tell years might not the British empire be annihilated, and the great indu • trice which it had from extended colonial possessions, and founded on the great power derived from its commerce, be lust; and would not the empire, from the present high position which it occupied among states in the world, lie reduced to a subordinate rank,land placed fifth. rate in the list of nations? But could Canada be considered otherwise than as a portion of tile empire? Would it be possible to apply the principle to the Canadians, considering their relation with other parts of the British empire in North America? Great delight bad been expressed by gentlemen opposite at the ex- Clinical of the Conservatives from office ; yet, now Mr. Hume lauded the conduct of Lord Aberdeen, and Mr. Grote eulogized the Canadian policy of Sir George Murray. Such being their opinions of the policy of the Administration, was it not a factious act to drive them from office, and would it not be just to grant them another trial? He should vote for the tidires, but would carefully guard himself against being supposed thereby to approve of the conduct of Ministers. Sir Robert then referred to a Report of a Committee of the Legislature of Upper Canada on the state of the province, and read passages from it which reprobated in strong language the attempts of Mr. Hume to create dissatisfaction with the Government of the Mother Country, in a letter addressed to Mr. Mackenzie. Sir Robert said lie entirely agreed with Mr. Hume, that the original authors of the revolt deserved the strongest censure ; and Mr. Mackenzie might say, " Do not punish me, but Mr. Hume, a Member of your own Legislature, whom I ima- gined to ho a representative of British interests." Lord HOWICK defended the Government against Sir Robert Peel's charge of neglecting to take precautions to preserve peeve in Ca- nada. He 'maintained that a large military force would have had no effect in preventing public meetings, and would have adarined and irri- tated the Canadians. He declined at that time entering into a general defence of the conduct of Ministers.

Mr. CHARLES BULLER expressed his readiness to support the address. He was opposed to a separation of Canada from this country; and did not believe that such was the wish of the Canadians. 1k had little fault to find with the matter of Lord John Russell's speech, but his tone and manner were any thing but coneiliatory; and he could not have supported Ministers had not they given a pledge to do substantial justice to CUMIN.

M. Sir A. DALRYMPLE was convinced, that had a sufficient number of troops been sent to Canada, the insurrection would have been pre- vented.'

Load loos: RUSSELL, referring to a remark of Mr. Charles Buller, said, that he hoped there might be a satisfactory adjust ,clit of the question; but no settlement could be satisfactory, which did not pro- vide for the interests of the British equally with those of the French inhabitant s.

Mr. Ls:ant:it said, that Lord John Russell had made a most unjust

attack on the people of Canada. He had no doubt there would be more of coercion than conciliations in the measures of Government. Lord John Russell's speech contained many fallacies and much misre- presentation. There was not time then to reply fully to his state- ments ; and he should therefore move to adjourn the debate till the following day. The subject was of vital importance, and demanded mature consideration.

Mr. BAINES seconded the motion for adjournment. Mr. HUME supported it.

Lord JOHN Reastaa. refused to adjourn the debate. The gentlemen who now professed themselves anxious for more time to make up their minds on the question, were quite ready to speak upon it in very deci- sive language a fortnight ago at the Crown and Anchor.

Alt.. Wannuterore thought the House was (feeling too hastily with the matoer before it ; and would support the motion for adjournment. Mr. R. D. BROW!VE, Mr. DARBY, and Mr. SMITH O'lleuss: did not intend to vote alpinist the 'Address, but thought the request for adjourn- ment reasonable.

The I louse divided: for the adjournment, 28; against it, 188. The address was then agreed to.

Lord Joins: Russell. moved for leave to bring in his bill; but the motion being strongly. opposed by Mr. HUME and Mr. AVaanultrosr, Lord JOHN postponed it till the next day.

On Wednesday, Mr. (limos: presented a petition from Whithurne,

deprecating the war with Canada ; and Mr. WAKLEY one with a simi- lar prayer from Finsbury. Mr. LEADER presented similar petitions from the parish of St. Margaret and St. John, Westminster ; from at meeting of MAIO persons at Wewcastle-upon-Tyne; and from the persons assembled at the Crown and Anchor—

The lest petition, after stating the many grievances by which the people of i

Lower Canada had been driven into insurrection, expressed a hope that that House would not support the Government in coercive measures, lint that they would do all in their power to restore peace by conciliation. Ire had the honour of attending the meeting from which this petition had emanated ; and h would say, that lie was never present at a more intelligent, respectable, and we el1 -conducted public meeting. The large room at the Crown and Anchor was crowded to excess, and the meeting was 11/11111iM0119. He was aware that it had been stated that very little attention ought to be paid to public meetings, and he found several of the organs of the Whig party denouncing public meet- I. pigs as not expressing public opinion. There was a time when the Whig party held very different language. i Lord Joust RUSSELL appeared at the bar, and read the following 1 anis,wIerhof the Queen to the address— dints for the deousfor the suppression that my faithful Commons will support my Lower Canada. uTphpressifon of revolt and the restoration of tranquillity in The unfortunate events which have taken place in that pro- vices have given me deep concern, and 1 Phan :auk forward with auxiety to the period when the recstablieluneut of order may enable Mt to lay the hamster- tions of lasting peace and concord. The spirit which has been manffeeted by the loyal inhabitants of my Northern American provinces, and the exertions which they have made in suppurt of nay authority, demand my warmest us- knowledgments." Lord Jost RUSSELL then moved for leave to bring in a bill " to make temporary provision for the government of Lower Canada;" and briefly explained the chief object of the measure, and the instruc- tions to be given to the Governor-General- " The bill is to enable the Governor-General aid Counsil—that Council not to be limited in number, but of which dye mall be a sufficient number to constitute a Council—on the motion of the Govei oor-General, to pass any laws whisk may be considered necessary during the present suspension of the Legislature of that province. It may be necessary to pass laws and to !mike prey visions for temporary purposes, and fur the maintenance of the civil Autho- rity in that province. It may be necessary also to pass temporary measures ter other purposes. It is the intention of her Majesty's Government to confide these powers in the first instance to Sir John Colborne, who is at present. administering the government in the lower province of Canada; and in case it should be found necessary for him to resort to any extraordinary Bowen of legislation in order to reestablish the authority of the Crown to that province, the power will be given to him by this bill to do so. But immedi- ately after the newly-appointed Governor-General arrives in the province, this power will become vested in him, and he will exercise it according to there. visions of the bill which I now propose to iotroduse. With respect, therefor:. to the measures which are necessary in order to reestablish tranquillity, besides those powers which tender the means of ivauiediately putting an tool to the pre- sent insurrection, there will also he given a power to the GovernmetieueraL if he should think fit, to grant a general amnesty in that province. (Load cries of " Mar, hear!") With respect to the future government of the provoice, it is the intention of Government that the Governor-General should be in- vested with a power to convene a certain number of persons, namely, three from the Legislative Councils of the Upper and the Lower Province tespecteely, making six in all, and ten representatives nom each of the provinces, netking twenty representativee, to form a Council to concert with the Ga vernor- General as to the measures which may be deemed advisable for the adjust ;mot of the affairs of the two provinces. This is a power which rosy 'x given he the prerogative of the Crown." Mr. WARD regretted the rash and unjustifiable appeal to arms by the Canadians, by which they had lost the powerful aid of ..public opinion and sympathy in this country. Ile rejoiced that the Govern meetcontemplated measures of conciliation as well as of coercion Had the bill been simply one of coercion, be must have opposed it, as he had opposed Lord John Russell's Resolutions last year. Mr. Warm:taws commented on the manlier in which the war hen!been conducted be the British officers. It appeared that buildings had been bused down from which the Canadians had fired on the trins,pu, not during the contliet, as a mode of punisleneot or retaliation. Nosy he remembered that such practice s, at the commencement of the American war, produced excessive exasperation ; and lie lookedupor. them as quite 1min-tillable. When it was doubtful whether. the insue• rectioo would be extensive, he bad expressed ]Maisel( in favour of a peaceable separation ; and now that it appeared likely SQU17 14' be east- pressed, he held to the same opiiiiim,—not simply because the Caniudimie had revolted, but because lie had conic to this conclusion, on a large view of the interests of the Mother Country and the Colony, that seise, ration would be fur the interests of both.

Mr. CAYLEY approved of the Government measure. fle did mat think that the time for the separation of Canada bud arrived.

Mr. GILLON feared that Lord Durham, trammelled as he was with a bill for suspending the Canadian constitution, would have an un- snccessfulmissiou. He anticipated that the Canadians would regard j

bun with jealousy and suspiciou.

Air. Bowman:it said, that it was not the time to talk of conciliation. when a colony was in a state of "decided rebellion." He warned Ministers that there were traitors at home. In his opinion, if Colonel Thompson had used the language imputed to him, tat the Crown and Anchor meeting, the Law Officers of the Crown were guilty of aidine and abetting treason in not taking notice of it. He cared not whe't consequences might ensue to himself from what he said. In the pre- settee of his God, he declared that be believed they were so.

Mr. ROBERT DILLON BROWNE said, be did not mean to reply to Mt. Bo rthwiek's histrionic speech ; he rose lest it should be supposed, as Irish Alembers had taken little part in the debate, that there was uo sympathy in Ireland for the Canadian people. Similar, if not identical grievances, harassed and humbled both Irish and Cauarlialis-

He hoped the honourable Member for Dublin would denounce the conduct of Ministers as contrary to the great p inciple of civil and relioione liberty, which he had ever advocated ; and that the henourable Member fur Tipperary would prove upon this occasion that his estimate of justice was not ineeeureti by local prejudices and party antipathies, and that he did not wish that it should be limited to the boundaries of lielrua alone. The case of the two couutries are nearly identical : in both there was a " monopolizing miserable minority," and in both a powerful party in that House ready to pander to the{' wishes. Canada was in a worse position ; fir while Ireland had only to con- tend with honourable gentlemen opposite, Canada bad opposed to it thesuowee- ful force produced by the unnatural alliance of those Tories who were the avowed enemies and those Whigs who were the avowed champions of Reform. He always regarded an union between Whigs and Tories with much distrust; for then he apprehended some powerful resistance to the wishes of the reap's, if not sonic violent encroachment on public liberty. The Whigs were willing tie allow the People to remain as they were, but it was always provided that it did not prejudice die Aristocracy. They would even permit them to advance little, provided always they gave the Aristocracy an opportunity to overtake theta. But the moment the People endeavoured to maintain a position from which they conld not be dislodged, the moment they wished to raise betweet themselves and the Aristocracy a barrier which the latter could not overleap, that moment the Whigs became Tories, and the People were the common enemy.

Mr. BaorneaTosi wished justice to be done to Canada, but dept.- cated an appeal to arms.

Mr. LUCAS and Major MACNAMARA expressed their dissent from the opinions put forth by Mr. Dillon Brownie.

Mr. CLAY considered the conduct of the Canadian insurgents to Ix utterly without excuse, justification, or palliation.

Mr. JAMES trusted that Lord Durham's mission would be successfui-

The fact that New Brunswick, Nuva Scotia, and Upper Canada were averse to separation, decided him against releasing Lower Canada from its allegiance.

Sir HUSSEY VIVIAN said that there was no statement in the papers laid before Parliament that any houses had been burned by the British troops in Canada. With respect to the desertion of soldiers which bad been alluded to, it was certainly a fact that formerly there had been great desertion from the army in Canada, but of late years the troops Lad not deserted. He observed that Mr. Hume took great credit to himself for having foretold the revolt in Canada: in like manner, one Martin foretold that York Cathedral would be burned down—and a week afterwards, set fire to it himself.

Mr. HOME was glad that Sir Hussey Vivian bad stepped out of his way to attack him. It gave him the opportunity he desired of taking some notice of Sir Robert Peel's speech of the previous night. Mr. Hume accordingly entered into a long defence of his conduct with re- prd toCanada, and especially his correspondence with Mr. Mackenzie. He had not written to, or received, any letter from Mr. Pupineau; but he had sent private letters to Mr. Mackenzie, who had published them ; which showed how dangerous it was to address private letters to a printer. Mr. Hume expressed strong disapprobation of the cunduct of the British Government towards Canada ; and, being opposed to the principle of Lord John Russell's bill, would resist the motion for introducing it.

Sir GEOltGE GREY defended the proceedings of Lord Gosford and Sir Francis Head. Sir Francis, be said, had formed a much truer estimate of the feelings of the Upper Canadians than Mr. Hume's friend, Mr. Mackenzie.

Mr. BAINES advised Mr. Hume to allow the bill to be brought in, without dividing the House.

Mr. HOME persisted in his opposition.

Sir ROBERT PEEL approved of the suspension of the constitution of Lower Canada ; but would oppose the scheme of summoning a con- vention to settle the affairs of the two provinces. He saw no reason for suspending the constitution of Upper Canada, and thought that it was premature to take measures for constructing a new constitution. Lord JOHN RUSSF.M. explained, that the bill did not deal with that part of the future proceedings of Lotd Durham which Sir Robert Peel disapproved of. It was competent to the Crown to authorize Lord Durham to select the proposed number of persons, not ins a Conven- tion, but as a Council of Advice ; and the time of selection would also be left to Lord Durham.

Sir ROBERT PEEL said, he was sure there were not ten persons in the House who had not understood Lord John Russell in the same sense as Sir Robert himself. He objected, however, to the proposi- tion of Lord John, as now explained.

Mr. HOME said, that he had supposed all along that the bill was simply to suspend the constitution of Lower CBIBItlit.

Lord PALMERSTON stated, in reply to a question from Sr: ROBERT PEEL, that the papers relative to the boundary between Maine and New Brunswick would shortly be laid before the House.

A division took place for leave to bring in the bill, 198; against it, 7.

On the motion of Lord JOHN !lessens, it was then agreed that the House at its rising should adjourn to Monday.

Certain papers relative to the recent proceedings in the Canadas were ordered, on the motion of Mr. Hum:, altered and limited by Sir GEORGE GREY.

Mr. GROTE then presented a petition from Mr. Roebuck, praying to be heard at the bar of the House against the bill, as ag.alt for the House of Assembly of Lower Canada, duly authorized by resolutions of the Assembly, and recognized in that capacity by the Government In London. Mr. Grote produced precedents in support of the prayer of the petition.

After some conversation, it was agreed that Mr. Grote should move an Monday that Mr. Roebuck be heard at the bar ; Sir Romovr PEEL Nsserving, that "as the parties implicated were about to suffer so great a penalty, it was highly proper that they should be heard by counsel at the bar."

In the House of Lords, on Tuesday, Lord GLENELG laid some papers on the table ; and gave notice, that on Thursday he should stove an address to the Queen on the state of affairs in Canada. After a brief conversation, in which the Duke of WELLINGTON, Lord Ec.LnN- noaooaH, and Lord BROUGHAM joined, the Peers adjourned to Thurs- day.

Having reassembled on Thursday,

Lord ELLEnritottouGli complained, that owing to the want of dates, specifying at what time certain despatches of Lord Gosford had been received at the Colonial Office, the papers produced by Lord Glenelg would be of little use in tine ensuing discussion.

Lord GLENELG said, it was not usual to mention the dates of the reception of despatches ; but be had nevertheless given directions to Lave a paper containing them delivered to every Peer at the door.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH observed, that in a despatch, dated November 1886, Lord Glenelg had promised further instructions to Lord Goa- ford : why were not the despatches containing those instructions given ?

Lord GLENELG said, that two despatches had been sent, but they were of a private and confidential nature, and could not be produced. The notice of motion for an address to the Queen having been read, Lord GLENELG rose. He spoke at length on the state of affairs in Lower Canada at the time when the present Ministers took office ; describing the difficulties arising from the jealousy prevailing between the two races, French and British, inhabiting the province; the igno. ranee of the great body of the people, and the ambition of their leaders; the evil policy of the Government in siding with the British party, and thus inflaming instead of soothing the angry feelings of the dis. eordant population. He stated, that having obtained the redress of all real grievances, the leaders of the French party, with the view to sopa- rattier, from the Mother Country, took their stand upon the demand for au Elective Legislative Council ; which they knew would never be conceded, since the concession involved the surrender of the British

sovereignty, and very great injustice to the British settlers. Lord Glenelg then briefly recounted the measures taken by the Government for the adjustment of Canadian affairs, down to the period of the out- break of the rebellion. He referred to the despatches of Lord Gos.

ford for his justification inn not sending more troops to Canada ; deny.. ing, however, that there was any evidence of the inadequacy of the troops actually at the disposal of Lord Gosford. But the main point for the House to consider was, what form of Government should be established in Lower Canada : for in point of fact, there was no government in

existence there at present. It was proposed, in the first instance, is

suspend the Constitution of 1791,—doubtless a despotic measure, but necessary; secondly, to authorize the Governor to invite from the ewe

provinces persons who might be justly supposed to represent the feel- ings and wishes of the people of the two provinces, to consult them with regard to the framing of a new constitution for Lower Canada, and in reference to matters affecting both Lower and Upper Canada; the measures so recommended to be submitted to the Imperial Par- liament.

Lord RIPON.-=' When will the selection be made 2" Lord GLENEI.G—" Of course it will be left to the Governor-General to choose the time. The proposal is, that he should invite both Legis. latures to name a certain number of persons."

Lord ELLEeractouctt—" Suppose the House of Assembly in Lower Canada is suspended : how then ?"

Lord GLENELG■" In that case, the Governor-General will call on the electors of Lower Canada to elect proper persons. There are now five districts from which we propose to have persons elected under the present franchise."

Lord BROUGHAM—." By the whole of the present electors ?"

Lord GLENELG—" By the whole of the present electors."

Lord BROUGHAM—" Oh, that's absurd !" (Much laughter.) Lord GLENELG then moved an address to the Queen, to the same effect as that adopted by the Commons.

The address having been read from the Woolsack,

Lord BROUGHAM rose. He began his speech by remarking on the ordinary, commonplace manner in which Lord Glenelg had introduced a measure of such vast importance, and the absence in his speech of every thing like a connected and comprehensive detail of the circum- stances which had led to the rebellion of an important colony. He then commented with severity on Lord Glenelg's neglect to send out instructions to Lord Gosford, at the time when they were most needed. There were constantly recurring promises to send out in- structions, which were either not transmitted at all, or too lute to be of any use ; and thus Lord Gosford was left in the most difficult posi- tion, quite at a loss how to act— "Mark the situation of this Governor so situated, so unaided by the Councils at home, so unassisted by extraordinary forces to meet the extraordinary . gooey of the cri.is ; the only communication he has from his employers being a direction to wait for' it,'—to wait for instructions till an uncertain day arrives ; while, in the mean time, the party who sends him such a despatch either can. not or will not give him a glimpse, nn inkling, of what it is he is to direct his attention to. Mark, too, not only the situation of Lord Gosfurd, but the view'. thin of the Colonies themselves. If you will have plantations in every clime—if you will h eve subjects by millions in opposite sides of the globe—if you will undertake to manage the affairs of an empire extending over both hemispheres, over au empire on which the sun never sets—whether such a determination on your parts be prudent or impolitic, whether its effects be beneficial or detri. mental to our highest interests I will not now stop to inquire; but if you make up your minds to this, at all events it imposes onyou the absolute Reefs. city that you shall be alive, and awake, and vigilant—that you shall not sleep and slumber—that you shall sot. like ;he sluggard, let your hands sleep before you, as if you were administering the affairs of a parish, or even of a kingdom near at home, to which and from which the post goes and arrives every day is the week." (A good deal of laughing at the expressions understood as apply. big to Lord Glenelg 's reputed somnokney.) The Resolutions of the last Parliament denied what the Canadians by their representatives demanded—an Elective Upper Chamber. The colonists were told that there was not the slightest ground for expecting that concession from the Mother Country.....

" But, my Lords, was there, on the other hand, no tenderness exhibited, no kindness, no boon to counterbalance the offensive, the irritating, the vexatious effect of turning a deaf ear to the deeply-cherished and almost universally ex- pressed desire of the Lower Canadians? Yes, my Lords, something else was done. When you gave the House of Assembly, in 1831, a power over the public purse, you told them that they should stand towards the revenue of the colony as we, the Parliament of the Mother Country stand towards the revenues of the Mother Country ; that they should have the power, like us, of giving, ad- journing, lied withdrawing supplies ; that henceforth they should have no reason to cmnplain of having but an imperfect shadow of the British Constits. Lion ; that henceforth they should have the substance of that shadow, the power which controls and sets bounds to the power of the Crown, the absolute power of giving, withholding, and adjourning the supplies. Having this constitution, they were told they *night refuse the supplies if they deemed fit. They were told in despatches to the Governor, in messages from the Governor, in speeches from the Viceregal throne, in speeches of the Colonial Secretary of the day, that if they felt themselves aggrieved, the remedy was now in their own hands, the same remedy which the Constitution gave to the People of England by means of their Representatives in Parliament, that of refusing the supplies till their grievances were redressed. But what do you do in 1837? By way of sweet- ening the bitter pill, the nauseous potion which you compel them to swallow, when, by ualicard.of majorities, you declare that, as far as you are concerned, they shall never have the fulfilment of their wishes; by way of meeting this bitter draught, though you will not repeal the act of 1831, or especially. deprive theta of the power of withholding supplies, yet, because they have exercised the power which we gave them for the declared purpose of so exercising it,—because you find that they have taken us at our word, and have refused the sup- plies, you take the supplies away front them ; you seize their chest by an armed force, whether they will or no. This, may Lords, is what was done by the Resolutions of 1837; this, my Lords, is what you sent out as a sweetener for the bitter p.aion which you have administered to the Legislative Assembly. But, my Lords, was there ever a human being in the world moon-stricken to the excess of doubting for an instant of the effect which the arrival of those Resolutions in Canada must produce? Some persons there may be, who viewed those Resolutions wit b a more fa able eye than others; some who thought them necessary and justifiable, while othets held them to be tyraunical aad without 4 shadow of justification; some who expected a more immediate, more general, the termination of the differences in a frien Ily manner. My Lords, I have and effectual revolt as their consequence than others anticipated ; but was there fairly stated both sides of the mieetion ; and there is no point in the case which single man—and this is the test of the conduct of the Government—was there imposed upon me a greater difficulty in reply than this intricate question which a 'MO parson, either among the authors of the Resolutions, or those who we had to decide. We decided, my Lords, according to the beet of our judg- voted for them, or among the bystanders—the Liberal portion of whom were meat; and I do most sincerely trust that no permanent evil, that no irrepara. astonished and dismayed, and the Illiberal portion rejoiced at seeing the friends ble mischief, has arisen, or will hereafter arise, from the determination to which of Liberal principles placed in so complete a dilemma,-1 ask, was there a we have come." single man among all these, endued with sufficient sense to make his opinion The Duke of WELLINGTON reminded the House, that he had "pre- worth having,—teas there one of those who doubted that the arrival of those tested " against the ill advised measure of Lord Ripon, passed in 183L Resolutions in Canada would be, if not the signal for revolt, at least the cause forgiving up the Crown revenues to the House of Assembly, without of wideepreruling discontent and dissatisfaction?"

those resolutions— carrying on the government

a Government had long made up its mind to the consequences; and having resolved to injure and insult a whole nation, how great must be the imbecility,

bow marked the insufficiency of ideas, how unintelligible the policy, (if the same might be prostituted to such a use,) how unexampled in the history of human blundering, the proceeding of offering an aggravated injury and insult without taking means to obviate the necessary and inevitable results. (" Hear, kern In other words, you say to the people of Lower Canada, You shall be oppressed, goaded, driven to resistance ; but at the same time, no care shall be taken either to prevent that discontent and dissatisfaction which is likely to excite arevolt, or, if the revolt does peradventure break out, to prevent its being successful, or end in the shedding of blood.' There have been many rulers minded to play the tyrant, to oppress their unoffending sulriects, to en- croach on their rights for some foul purpose, and to exasperate the feelings ex- cited by injury and by still more intolerable insult ; but I will venture to say that this is the first time such a course was ever adopted without at least some little foresight, some slight precautions to enforce the policy which has been resolved on, and to preclude the possibility of successful resistance. Compared with such policy 63 that which I now advert to, all the most timid, vacillating, inefficient, and impotent rulers that ever disgraced or degraded that station, the Richard Cromwells and the King Johns, were consistency, vigour, and power itself."

It was but fair to remember that the House was proceediug against the people of Lower Canada on evidence furnished entirely by the Government ; there being no advocate for the Colonists--nobody to explain or extenuate their conduct. As to the plan of the Government, be really could no t understand it- " There is a proposition that a certain number of persons shall be elected from the various provinces to assist the Governor ; but how those representa- tives are to act, or what measures are to be adopted, I cannot discover. But

above all, how the representatives are to be appointed, is the question which is e the greatest interest, and which is involved in the greatest mystery. I could

easily imagine in my own mind a plan which could be sketched out ; but what will be the use of having people from the country to assist the Governor, unless be is instructed to conciliate the people? Well, but then supposing these representatives are to be chosen by the electors, is it that those 447,000 persons by whom formerly the rebellious Parliament was elected are now to choose the aen persons who are to be employed in the Government? Can any one do other- wise than see that the persons selected must be of the same class as those whose .conduct has been complained of—that they will be men who will follow upon the heels of Mr. Papineau, and who will immediately call out for the establish- ment of an Elective Council? Is the Governor to select the people who are to Le sent to his aesietance; and will those gentlemen only whose opinions suit his views be appointed? Or are writs to be sent to those districts only which are known to support the views of the Government, and are those whose opinions are known to be of a contrary nature to be excluded ? Why, these are ques- tions which must arise ; but it is better to leave the noble lord to his own resources, as lie has left Lord Gosford. For my own part, 1 cannot but see that the greatest pdssible difficulty will arise from the abolition—for if you sus- pend it you abolish it—of the Constitution; but I have already said that I shall not enter further into the plan at present."

The rebellion, he hoped, would speedily be put down, and the effu- sion of blood stopped : but then came the grand difficulty- " Then comes the moment when circumspect conciliation, when deliberation at the proper time should be supported by proper vigour ; and then it is that after mature deliberation you will be called on to say what coarse should be adopted ; and I cannot but doubt whether the authority of those who framed ahem Resolations, and who did not follow them up with any one vigorous act, are the men who are fitted to preside over the question at that crisis—the real crisis—which will be the time at which the talent, the firmness, and the wis. dom of the Ministers as statesmen will be tested. When that crisis shall come, I shall pause, I shall hesitate, I shall falter, painful u it must be to me to ac- knowledge it ; but I shall pause before I can declare it to he my opinion that itlig have proved themselves to be fit men to meet the difficulties which will arise in theexigencies of that time. lam not one of those who set a great value on a colonial possession such as Canada—I hold it to be worth absolutely nothing ; sad I think that it should be at once dissevered from this country, when it can be so without any infraction of those sacred principles of liberty, or any violation of the rules of paternal justise, and if it can be takeu from us without any sip orifice of our own national honour."

He did not anticipate success from Lord Durham's mission-

" Should not my noble friend receive other powers besides those given to bin by this bill, a bill as odious as the notorious Massachusetts Bill, I know that the mission on which he is sent will reflect neither honour nor credit on him, let him discharge his duties in any way he may. I once more, then, beseech your Lordships to make up your minds to do justice to the colony, and is reform unhesitatingly whatever the people of Canada have a right to call upon you to grant. I have no other desire than that right and justice should be done to Canada, and that the character of England should be maintained ; but I am sure that by granting those prayers which are addressed to this country from Canada, the character of the Sovereign, the honour of the nation, and the happiness of the people will be best secured."

(These are but scraps of Lord Brougham's speech : even the morn- ing papers, where it is reported at immense length, fail to convey a per- fect idea of it as a whole.]

Lord MELBOURNE maintained that there was no ground for the charge of neglect or inattention to the affairs of Canada brought by Lord Brougham against Lord Glenelg. With respect to the want of troops in Canada, lie confessed that appeared to him the most pressing

i point in the whole case- " If a considerable body of troops had been sent out, there would have been aa end to all chance of an amicable termination of the disputes - it would have been instantly said that we were filling Canada with troops, and that we were manifesting a fixed intention of bearing down the opinions of the Canadians by ruin force. Between these two difficulties, therefore, we had to decide ; if we did not send out troops we were running sonic risk of an outbreak—if we did send them out, we were giving up all hopes, we were destroying all chance of that which every Government hoped, perhaps too fondly hoped, to effect, securing a permanent civil list. It was a doctrine foreign to dm But no precautions were taken to counteract the consequences of British constitution that the people had a right to refuse supplies foe " I say, my Lords, that the British constitution, for the last hundred and fifty years at least, has made full provision for the administration of the civil government, and most particularly for the independence of the judges ; and I maintain, therefore, that the act of 1831 did not establish the British constitn.

tion in those colonies, but something quite distinct; for it gave to the people what was considered a popular right, but which was not in fact a right, being quite foreign to the genius of the coustitution of this country. It enabled a small party to raise the people against the Government, thinking to overthrow it by getting the inhabitants to stand by then ; and it has ended in a few in.

dividuals inducing the people openly to oppose her Majesty's troops—the same individuals running off to the neighbouring territories of the United States as salon as they found that their own persons were exposed to danger. Such turned out to he the real state of the case ; for the would-he leaders left the unfortunate people in a state of rebellion against her Itlijesty's Government, and ran off themselves, letting the unlucky inhabitants return to their houses as best they could, and forcing them to submit with the best grace to the mercy of her Majesty's Government. I warned the noble lord against endangering the es- tablishments of the country. by giving any thing like an authority to a popular assembly to withhold the funds necessary for carrying on the civil government ; for nothing is more necessary to a country than to uphold the civil power, and the independence, as well pecuniary as political, of the judges of the laud. And let noble lords learn from the events in Canaria and our other dominions in North America, what it is to hold forth what are called popular rights, but whirls are not popular rights either here or elsewhere, and what occasion is thereby given to the perpetuation of a system of agitation which ends in in. surrection and rebellion, and coming to blows with her Majesty's troops."

He did not blame Ministers for not having sent troops to Canada last summer ; for he knew that, in the opinion of Sir John Colborne and other experienced officers, there was no danger of an insurrection; but he did think it an error not to have sent troops to replace those ordered from Nova Scotia and New Brunswick to Lower Canada.

Lord RIPON admitted that he had erred in belie% ing that the Assembly of Lower Canada would have voted a civil list in return for

the relinquished Crown revenues. There was no actual compact, but a full understanding on his part that the civil list would have been voted.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE entered into a general defence of the Government respecting Canada ; and arraigned the conduct of the Lower Canadian Assembly- " Seeing that the House of Assembly had only exercised its privileges in such a way as to defeat the ends, of all government,—seeing that it had refused to die- charge all those duties which wen: incidental to all government.,—seeing, too, that it had been brought into constint and doily contact with the other Manches of the Legislature, as well as the Executive body,—he thought, treating the subject with all the deliberation wh,. Is lurlong.ed to so grave a question. but at the same time with the firm determination which best befitted the character of this country, and, as he conceived, would most tend to secure the future in- terests of the colony, that a sufficient case had been made out for teconsidering the whole of the constitution of the British North American Provinces, and of reconstructing it upon an improved, an enlarged, and more harmonious principle."

The Earl of DritlIAIS felt that the peculiar situation in which he stood required that he should take some part in the debate—

Ile wished, therefore, to address a very few sentences to their Lordships—a few words explanatory of the general principles which would influence his eon duct in the discharge of the grave duties imposed upon him, and of the reasons which had induced hits, to accent the trust. It is impossible fur words to express the reluctance with which I have consented to undertake this arduous task—to incur the awful responsibility which I know must attach to me in

endeavouring to accomplish the objects of my miss. ; and I can assure your Lordships, that nothing but the must devoted attachment, nothing but the most determined devotion to her Majesty's service and the set vice of my country, could have induced me to place myself in the situation, in which I very ruck fear I shall not answer the expectations either of my noble friends who place me there, or of the couetry generally. The noble duke has stated, in the course of the discussion of this evening, that he had very much regretted Is hear it said that one of the objects of the intended measures with respect to Canada was merely the support of a particular party in that province. It is not with that view that I by any means shall undertake the mission. I believe that my duty, in the first place, will be to assert the supremacy of her Ma- jesty's Government, to assert the dignity and bosour of the British crown, and to sae that the law 18 carried into execution—that it is not set aside in the remotest cabin or in the most distant settlement. I shall not conceive that I have done my duty as long as there ie the slightest pretence for considering that the dignity of the crown or the supremacy of the law continues to be violated. Having effected that necessary and essential preliminary object, I shall consider, without reference to party, casting aside all reflec- tions that may concern either the British party or the French party in that country,—indeed, I know no French party—I can regard all only as her Majesty's subjects,—having effected the necessary and essential preliminary ob. jects to which I have adverted, I shall consider that I ought to extend protection to all, to give justice to all—that I ought to endeavour to protect as much the local rights and privileges of those who are the possessors and proprietors of the soil, as the great commercial interests which more affect those who are called the British settlers. The noble and learned lord, at the end of his long and elo- quent speech, has been pleased to say that I shall execute but a thankless task in carrying out with me the measure fur the suspension of the Canadian consti. notion I do not agree with him. I do not think that this measure, or any of the acts of Parliament which are in contemplation, can be regarded in any such light. The constitution has already been de forto suspended, not by an act of the British Parliament, but by the rebellion of the Canadians themselves. I consider therefore that I go there, not for the purpose of suspending the coned. tution, but for the purpose of endeavouring to puvide as well as I can for the extraordinary state of circumstances which has been produced by the rebellious part of the Canadian community, and which has rendered it impossible for the constitution to continue in operation. These are the views with which I shall consent to undertake what I admit to be a great and awful responsibility: these aie the VieW5 with which I shall enter upon the exercise of powers grraf,r, I know, than are usually intrusted to the discretion of au individual. Great and dictatorial as these powers are, I shah be anxious to lay them down at the earliest possible time. Believe me, my Lords, I shall endeavour to execute as speedily as possible this highly bonourable but most difficult and dangerous minion. As far as concerns the principal province, it would be my wish—and I implore my noble friends to give me the means of accomplishing it—to effect such a kind of settlement as should produce contentment and harmony amongst all classes—enable me to establish not temporarily but lastingly the supremacy of the laws, aad finally, to leave behind me such a system of government as may tend to the general prosperity and happiness of one of the most important portions of her Majesty's domi- nions. If I can accomplish such an object as that, I shall deem no personal sacrifice of my own too great. I feel, however, that I can only accomplish it by the cordial and energetic support—a support which l am sure I shall obtain —of my noble friends the members of her Majesty's Cabinet, by the cooperation of the Imperial Parliament, and, permit me to say, by the generous forbearance of the noble lords opposite, to whom I have always been politically opposed. From the candour and generosity which have distinguished the noble duke's remarks this evening, as well as upon all other occasions, I trust that he and those who think with him will give me credit for the good intentions which I feel, and will only condemn me if they find my actions such as shall enable them, consistently with their own character, to find fault. I will not trouble your Lordship., further. I thought it right to state the feelings with which I enter upon this mission, and to explain to your Lordships, that I go not for the pur- pose of exercising that power—that species of discreditable power, as the noble and learned lord calls it—which is to be vested in me; but in the first place to restore, I trust, the supremacy of the law, and next, to be the humble instru- ment of conferring upon the British North American Provinces such a free and liberal constitution as shall place them on the same scale of independence as the rest of the possessions of Great Britain, and as shall tend to their own immediate honour, welfare, and prosperity." (Much cheering accompanied the delivery of this ,perch.)

Lord GLENEI.G, in rising to reply, expressed his regret that Lord Brougham had left the House-

" Abilt,evasit, erupit. Having vented his thunder with no sparing hand, and having also heaped upon me those treasure,' of wrath and indignation which seem to be inexhaustible in his mighty bosom, he has at length shown me, that having discharged his deadly bolts, he is capable., like the Thunderer, of veiling himself in clouds. (Laughter and cheers.) I should have been glad to have returned my thanks to him for this, the first testimony of his friendship with which he has favoured me. (Laughter.) I have been much in the habit of hearing the noble and learned lord launch out his invectives and point his sneers at persons infinitely above me in character and station, and much inure intimately connected with himself tkan I have the honour to be ; but I am and was surprised at the inexhaustible vocabulary of language with which he had charged himself against me tonight. I confess, however, that the violence of the noble and learned lord's invective has much legs se sight upon myself from the circumstance to which I have alluded ; because I have seen it applied;somewhat indiscriminately to others, not so much from opposition to auy noble lord whom he chooses to attack, but, once engaged in the career of assault, the noble and learned lord is carried away with that fervour of indignation which is the charaetetistic of his exalted mind. I an, sorry to make these observations in his absence ; lint it is not my fault that lie has removed himself from the House. He said it was with pain sod sorrow that be felt himself obliged to give utterance to the remarks which fell from him : if the noble and learned lord were lime, I should say to hint, • Do not .spare me your invective, but, fur God's sake, spare me your pain and sympathy.' I need nut, I nun sure, point out to the House the contrast between the speech of the noble and learned lord and that of the noble and Mutations duke who followed him. In the speech of the ruble (hike, 1 meenguized a mind—in his presence 1 cannot express half what I feel of the candour and magnanimity of a speech which n all Nil consistent with all his own political views, and at the same time tia genet unsly candid to his political opponents--yet, I must be allowed to say, that in the speech of the noble duke I recognized a mind strengthened by lung habit of application to the guest business of the count y— a mind careful of throwing bolts at mullein either upon this person or upon that, and, above all, not hinting vituperation whirl, it dared nut express—a mind

anxious only to do justice to the great cause of the cuuntry—anxious wily to do justice even to his political opponents, and anxious by the

some genius a hutch be had already exercised in rewning the county from danger in anodic' theatre, to rescue it again in a diffiirent sphere from the possible diminution of its colonial greatness."

Earl FITZWILLIAll was understood to say that the rebellion in Canticle was caused by evils of lung standing, mid could only be effectually repressed by removing those evils.

The address was voted nem. con.