BOOKS.

THE LA.TE BARON STOCKMAR.. [SECOND NOTICE.] BEFORE taking up the thread of Stockniar's further personas

experiences, we must draw attention to two remarkable historical contributions contained in this volume. The one is contained in a summary made by Stocktuar of French State papers concerning a contemplated scheme for active co-operation with Russia against Turkey in September, 1829, on the basis of the annexation of Belgium. Charles X. assented to the plan which (after a discussion in the council, when the Dauphin at first suggested that it might be more advisable to secure the Rhenish provinces), was embodied in instructions to the French Ambassador in St. Petersburg; and these were rendered abortive only by the sudden conclusion of the Adria- nople Treaty. Prince Polignac expressly rests this policy on the necessity of "breaking the maritime authority of England ;" yet from another interesting entry of Stockmar's we are assured that the Duke of Wellington had exerted his very considerable influ- ence on Charles X. to make Polignac Minister, from a confident belief that his foreign policy would be in entire accordance with his own. The other interesting contribution is a long confidential memorandum on the events of his reign written by William IV. for the use of Sir R. Peel on his coming into office in 1834. The paper goes into much detail as to the motives which ruled the King in dealing with the various incidents in his reign, down to the dismissal of the Melbourne Cabinet. Men and affairs are dis- cussed very fully and without reserve. We can here only glance at two statements. The King in the most distinct terms says that it was his insuperable objection to see Lord John Russell, on account of his views concerning the Church, entrusted with the leadership, which made him dismiss the Cabinet. The King also affirms that "Lord Lansdowne, at the time of the resignation of Mr. Stanley and his friends, distinctly declared to the King that he unequivocally shared their views, and that the earnest entreaties of Lord Grey, and his declaration that in the event of Lans- downe's leaving, he himself would also resign, had alone induced him to remain in the Ministry."

In May, 1837, Stockmar returned to England, after three

years' absence, charged by his Royal friend with the enormously delicate, difficult, and responsible duty of standing as unseen mentor by the side of a young girl of eighteen, about to mount the throne of a great empire. From infancy Leopold had watched over his niece with a father's anxious forethought, of which this volume contains abundant evidence, and now he sent Stockmar over to guide her inexperience with counsel at this momentous period of her life. Those times were very different from ours. 'The passions of the Reform struggle had not yet subsided, and Tory and Whig politicians stood over against each other with far grimmer feelings than now divide parties. Amidst the quicksands of this dan- gerous situation, Stockmar calmly and shrewdly navigated so as to win the respect of every leading statesman,—Melbourne and Wel- lington, Peel and Palmerston. This foreigner concentrated all his efforts on instilling into the youthful Queen the principles of absolute constitutional impartiality, the necessity that a Sovereign in this country should not become identified as the partisan of any particular political faction,—a golden maxim, which it was an especial merit to have pressed on the juvenile mind of a Princess naturally disposed to look on those by whom she had been always surrounded with that fond partiality which culminated in the bedchamber-women crisis. Stockmar Lound fault with Lord Melbourne for thoughtlessly encouraging this disposition in the

Queen on some occasions for mere party objects, and this was the only point on which these two men ever had serious differences. From the notices in the Queen's book we already knew that the

idea of her marriage with Prince Albert had been discussed as early as 1836 between Leopold and Stockmar, and this volume contains much on this subject. We see here with what systematic and conscientious method everything was planned and exe- cuted to train the Prince to fulfil worthily the position for for which he was destined. The most anxious considerations were devoted to the proper selection of a course of study, and Stockmar was again appointed to be the wise attendant who should guide and inspire. The Queen, though resolved on poet- poning any definite engagement, had in her mind entertained favourably her uncle's proposal. She spoke on the subject to Stockmar, "and charged him in writing to accompany the Prince on a tour" to Italy. The following extract from a letter written • Desheardigketten ate den-Papteren des Freilierren Christian Friedrich VON 867ektnar Braunschweig. 1872, during this journey is curious in many ways :—" The Prince's con- stitution cannot be called strong. After exertion he often appears pale and exhausted for a while. Full of the best will and the noblest purpose, he yet often fails in execution. On many things his judgment is in advance of his years, but until now, at least, he shows not the smallest interest in political occurrences. Even the most important events cannot induce him during their occurrence to read through a newspaper. As regards les belles mcinires, there is still a good deal to be wished for. He will always be more popular with men than women, for towards these he has too little eagerness,—is too indifferent and reserved." This was the man who grew into the most indefatigable of princes—the most assiduous and watchful observer of politics—one who never allowed himself an idle moment, and whose life was one incessant course of syste- matic and conscientious activity. High as the Prince's memory stands, one rises from the perusal of these pages with a heightened conception of his conscientious sense of duty and his unswerving consistency in labouring for definite and elevated ends. The difficul- ties of his position, at first, were immense, and the absurdest reports prevailed in relation to him. Lord Palmerston himself wrote a note marked immediate to Stockmar, asking, " Can you tell me whether Prince Albert belongs to any Protestant sect the articles of which could prevent his taking the Communion accord- ing to the forms in the Church of England ?" The Tories joined in cutting down the Prince's annuity, and swelled the chorus of unfriendly sentiment with which the German consort was received. It was again Stockmar's high merit to have striven successfully to make the Prince overlook these personal annoyances, and by his individual influence with the leaders of the Opposition—the Duke and Peel—to have promoted the quiet vesting of the Regency in the Prince Consort.

In 1841 the Peel Ministry came into office, the head of which Stockmar judged thus :—" I have great confidence in Peel's capacity as a statesman. His weak side is distrust in himself and in others. In quiet times he is, therefore, abler than in stormy ones. But he will be Premier in a higher degree than his predecessor, and relying on his honesty, I hope the Royal prerogative will be better protected by him than by Melbourne." This prerogative it was ever Stockmar's anxious desire to see carefully preserved from taint within those limits of constitutional influence which, however impalpable, are yet so sensible. Without any ostensible appoint- ment in the household, Stockmar continued to be an inmate of the palace. Lord Liverpool calls him "a second father to the Prince and Queen," coming and going away as the spirit moved him— dispensed even from the obligation of Court dress—and consulted on everything, from the arrangements of the nursery to the most secret affairs of State. in that period two Royal visits to this country occurred that created a sensation—the King of Prussia's and the Emperor of Russia's—in reference to which the volume contains interesting notices. The King of Prussia came to stand sponsor to the Prince of Wales, and this simple act had awakened political sus- picion. The King himself had consulted Metternich whether he should come, who had replied evasively; and the French Minister demanded that the King should at least visit France on his way. It would seem that Stockmar was not personally known to the King, who had, moreover, a dislike, in perfect keeping with the spirit of his government, for the intimate familiar of revolutionary Belgium.

He, however, sent for him, and there is a long account of a characteristic interview :— "The King began by explaining his duties towards Germany, speaking long thereon and oven eloquently. He was the natural champion of Ger- many's honour and weal, and so bound to watch the danger that might come over Germany from Belgium. His wish was that Belgium should find it possible to connect itself with Germany, and join the Confedera-

tion He seemed to appreciate justly the crisis likely to ensue from Louis Philippe's death and the character of the Duke of Orleans. Returning to Belgium, he repeated that what he most wished was some pledge of the King's sincere good intentions towards Germany, for that in the event of war the Belgian fortresses would directly fall into

French bands was what none of his Generals doubted had not once interrupted the King in his speech of about an hour. When his subject seemed exhausted, I confined myself to some compressed remarks which in substance comprised objections I reminded the King simply of the political state of Europe in 1830; how much Europe then owed to Leopold for his determination, how ambiguously the Northern Powers had borne themselves in a matter which had been undertaken for the common good, and how greatly by a faulty policy they had themselves contributed tocall forth the conditions in Belgium of which the King com- plained. At this apostrophe the good-humoured quiet expression of the King's countenance was changed into a drawn, uneasy, perplexed look ; I felt that the habit of an absolute military Court made my words appear naked. But I continued quietly to unfold my reasons for not holding the existence of Belgium to be so precarious as the King did closed my reply with the confession of opinion that it would be wholly impossible to carry out under the political conjunctions of the moment the King's wish, to associate Belgium with the German Confederation, Inasmuch as the policy of North-Eastern Europe had done everything since 1830 to drive Belgium away From Prussia and Germany an& towards France."

Whatever may have been Frederick William's first sensation at being so firmly contradicted, he was too clever a man not to appre- ciate Stockmar's conversation, and we shall find later some remark- able communications between the two, though Stockmar, with his clear insight, at once took the measure of the King, as "a man of sentiment of a good kind, very willing to promote what is good and right as far as he understands it, but prone to mysticism, and who had left on no one the impression of being a real states-

man."

The fact that Nicholas during his visit had discussed with Lord

Aberdeen and Sir H. Peel political combinations was already known, but here for the first time we have a detailed record of these preg- nant conversations. That the journey had been undertaken for the express purpose of conferring with English statesmen Stockmar never doubted. "I believe Nicholas is come to place in the scales betimes a counterweight to France. The Emperor seems convinced of the speedy demise of Turkey." The following extract will give. some notion of the strange language held by Nicholas :— " In the conversation with Aberdeen the Emperor said suddenly and. hastily, 'You wish to speak about Belgium. Let us do so at once. Sit down. I will forget that I am Emperor, do you forget that you are English Minister. Let us be, I Nicholas, you Aberdeen. Well, I hear. your Queen wishes I should be on a good footing with Leopold. I myself wish nothing more but this is impossible so long as the Polish officers remain in his service. Let us judge the matter not as Emperor and Minister, but as gentlemen. The Poles are and remain rebels. Can a gentleman take into his service rebels against his friend ?- What would you say if I took under protection O'Connell, if I made him minister ? Louis Philippe has done good service to Europe ; that I recognize. His friend I myself can never be. His family is said to be good and amiable. But as for himself, what has he done? To- fortify his position, he has sought to undermine and ruin mine as. Russian Emperor. That I never will forgive him Turkey is a dying man. However much we may try to keep it alive, we will not succeed ; it will, it must die. That will be a critical moment. I see I shall have to make my armies march. Then Austria must do the same. I fear no one but France. What will it want ? I am afraid much, in Africa, in the Mediterranean, even in the East. Do you remember the Ancona expedition ? Why should not France make the like to Crete, to Smyrna ? Must not England then be on the spot with its whole naval force? Therefore a Russian army, an Austrian, a big English fleet in those regions ! So many powder-kegs close by the fire ! Who will hinder the sparks from kindling ?' During the conversation with Sir R. Pool the windows were open. The Emperor spoke so loud, that the Premier begged the Emperor to withdraw himself into the room. Turkey,' he said; must crumble. Nesselrode denies it,' but L am con- vinced I do not want an inch of Turkey, but I will also not allow any one else to have an inch of it.' The Premier replied England was in the same condition. In one point English policy was somewhat modified in respect of Egypt. A too-powerful Government which could close the trade-road and stop the overland mails Eng- land could not allow. The Emperor continued, 'At present one cannot stipulate what should bo done with Turkey when dead. Such stipulations would only accelerate demise. Therefore, I shall do all in my power to conserve the status quo.' . . . . The Premier remarked 'that a capital object of his policy would be to see, on Louis Philippe's. death, the French throne go without convulsions to the next lawful heir of the Orleans dynasty.' The Emperor answered, 'I have nothing against this ; I wish the French every happiness, but this they cannot have with- out quiet Through you I hope that France can be kept within bounds. But I did not come here with political designs. I want to obtain your confidence, so that you might learn to believe I am sincere and honest. On this account I am discussing these topics. Despatches cannot produce what I want By personal intercourse I hope to remove prejudices. For I have a high esteem for England, but what the, French say of me I do not care a straw,—I spit upon it.'" Taken together with the events that resulted in the Crimean war,. these utterances are memorable, and in our opinion the fact of their having been spoken aggravates the culpable blindness Lord Aber- deen subsequently showed to the Emperor's design. Stockmar says that Nicholas perpetually used the phrase, "1 know I am con- sidered an actor, but I am not so ; I am sincere, say what I mean, and keep my word," adding that he was not likely to have pro- duced much effect by these words. It would, however, really look-

as if Lord Aberdeen had taken for good coin these very flash protestations.

On Stockmar, for one, the explosion of 1848 did not come by surprise. "I am more and more convinced," he wrote in April, 1849, "that we are in the beginning of a great political crisis.' The point of time referred to is that of the ill-starred Spanish marriages, now well-nigh forgotten, but which yet were an. event, for they broke up the peculiar alliance which had sub- sisted between France and England, and marked Louis Philippe's- start on the plane of his descent. This volume contains much on this matter, but we must content ourselves with say- ing that no demonstration can be possibly more conclu- sive than that furnished here of the deliberate trickery played on the Queen and Prince Albert by Louis Philippe in conversation at En, and in subsequent dealings. Stockmar

never rated the French King very high, but for Guizot he entertained a downright aversion, as having been the direct agent of the great European convulsion, by "his arrogance, courtiership, recklessness, and ignorance of the world and men." Stockmar happened to be in Germany when the crisis occurred, and for the first time he found himself in the midst of a political movement which instinctively affected him, not merely as a friend and a thoughtful politician, but as a patriot. Now a new side in his character was revealed ; his deep, warm, sensitive German nature was kindled by the fire of a sympathy which was not the less intense because cleared of the fumes of a con- fused enthusiasm. Stockmar had long arrived at the con- clusion that the dualism between Prussia and Austria was and must ever be fatal to Germany ; that Austria never could rule Germany in a German sense, from its large non-German elements, and that therefore if Germany was to be consolidated under an effective direction, that must needs be vested in Prussia, and repose on a considerable curtailment of the autonomy pos- sessed by the minor German Sovereigns. But to shut Austria forcibly out of the Union, and to make all the old German Princes sink into mere feudatories of the Prussian throne, seemed a violent and needless process to all, and they were in that day many, who dreamt the construction of an United Empire, within which, at least, every German-speaking being should be com- prised; as well as to others who from olden associations could not bring themselves to see that to work through so big a task as the vigorous reconstruction of dismembered Germany it would require a better machinery, than could be possibly set up by a co-opera- tion of discordant and feeble autonomies. Stockmar found himself at variance even with the enlightened and thoroughly patriotically-minded personages of his intimacy, who were loath to admit that Austria had to be lopped off as a superfluous, and hence, perforce, mischievous limb. Stock- mar, however, did not allow himself to be at all restrained by this consideration in his outspokenness. "As we differ in our political views since February," he wrote to one of his royal patrons, "I accept misrepresentations from your part as natural, even though you should take care not to speak yourself out quite openly to me. The truth is, we occupy at present two different stand-points in politics. I think I can precisely define yours ; it is purely dynastic, in which means are not to be found for a remedy of our political ills. Mine could hardly become clear to you without special explanations which can be given only by word of month and conversation." Ultimately this difference of opinion was removed. As events progressed, the truth of what Stockmar held about Austria was seen, and Prince Albert himself became converted to the belief that for Europe, as for Germany, the beat solution would be a union under Prussian suzerainty, with Austria as a distinct state outside its pale. But here we must stop for the present, reserving for a future occasion some notice of Stockmar's doings and speculations during the eventful period between the year 1848 and the close of the Crimean war.