TOPICS OF THE DAY.
WHIG TREMORS ON RETURN TO OFFICE.
Tun expectant Whig Ministers and their friends appear to be in a curious state of mind : they are eagerly anticipating the return to office, yet they behave as if they dreaded it ; they do their best to make. Sir Robert Peel's further occupancy impossible, yet dis- claim the notion that they are striving to oust him, and seem to be really afraid of their own success. Their leading organ in the press especially deprecates our presumption that the object is to unseat the. Premier, and avers that there is no such wish or intent. Why, then, that great meeting at Lord John Russell's house, to concert with Mr. O'Connell measures of opposition ? Why that ostentatious advertisement of Whig movement, as if to invite consentaneous Protectionist movement in the same direc- tion ? Says the Morning Chronicle, a totally new view of co- ercion in Ireland has sprung up since the Coercion Bill was so readily passed by the Lords : people have learned to see that the causes of Irish agrarian crime must be explored ; and no other course was possible to the Whig leaden but that which they have taken. It may be so : we will not dispute the possibility of sudden conversions,. though not brought about by any change of circumstances but simply by the internal working of the convert's mind ; we will not insist on the remarkable coincidence that Lord John Russell should first conceive this bright idea, not when he was himself considering the occasion and structure of a coercion bill, but when Sir Robert Peel is engaged upon it.
Say, then, that the Coercion Bill was a subject which could not be avoided : but what pressing necessity was there for taking up the Sugar dispute, before its time ? Could not the national tea- cup wait another year, that Lord John must interpose the Sugar- duties before Sir Robert Peel has done dealing with the loaf ?
Granting the possibility of that pressing necessity also, there is something in the demeanour of the Whigs that can scarcely be reconciled to the notion that they would willingly leave Sir Ro- bert Peel undisturbed. They industriously seize opportunities for attacking him and his Ministry on old scores—the long i past and the irretrievable. No matter what the occasion, what the subject in hand, no opportunity goes by without their raking up past misdoings. Lord John Russell, in particular, never makes a speech without insinuating or directly asserting dispa- ragement. In his speech on Monday, the subject being coercion, be had something to say about Sir Robert Peel's borrowing mea- sures, — a most gratuitous pertinacity of taunting, after Sir Robert's ample acknowledgments on that score ; and some old indiscretions of Sir James Graham on the subject of education were dragged out right gleefully. Those ancient Conservative offences may have been very lied; the Whigs may feel conscien- tiously bound to expose them ; but their- selecting the present time for it is-not quite reconcilable with the idea that they do not wish to promote the Premier's ejectment. Still less so is their encouragement of Protectionist attacks on their- great rival. They talk of political " consistency," while they applaud the bitter enemies of the policy which they profess to advocate, in assailing its ablest and heartiest promoter. It is not in the countenance of the Tory party that the sporting Lord George has found his chief support; it is not the shout of the rustic Country-party that has supplied the stimulus for the ma- lignant oratory of the literary Disraeli ; but the approving smiles and unsuppressed chuckle of Whig statesmen and Liberal Edin- burgh Reviewers, and the exulting halloo of the whole Opposi- tion herd.
Yet we believe the more intelligent Whigs, when they say that accession to office just now, quite apart from the Corn question, is not for the interest of their party. Men often desire to eat their cake and have it : the Whigs wish Sir Robert Peel out, and they wish him in ; they long for their own readmission to power, and they fear it ; and there are reasons both for the wish and the fear. Hint the possible event, that after all, " Peel may not go out," and watch their looks of dismay ! " Oh I" they cry, " he must go out." Very true. " But you cannot say that we did it." Then why not leave him alone ? " Oh! we must be in." Well, go in, then, and do your best. "Ah I it is easy to say do your best ; but it is not our interest to be in." Why, that is true again ; so stay out. " Oh, shocking ! you are growing factious." Natural that they should wish to be in, of course it is ; natural also that they should fear it. They know that their success is doubtful. Their friends know it better. They have put forth no sign of enlarged purpose or renovated vigour. What have they 'done in opposition ? Nothing to entitle them to office. They are about to enter, not by their own force, but because place is vacant and usage invites them to walk in. Sir Robert Peel goes out, because he cannot work with the means at his command : he is no more turned out by the Whigs than he is by the Tories. They do their utmost, indeed, to spoil his tenancy, on the prin- ciple that every little helps ; but, truly, we cannot reproach them for having done it. They are not " big with glorious great in- tent"—some mighty policy which it is their vocation to carry out, and on the strength of which they are borne to power. Their antagonist retreats, but they do not drive him. They have the march of victory without the exploits :.those awkward tests of triumph are to come afterwards—they gain the citadel, and then they will have to fight for it : is it surprising that with the victory their profounder anxieties begin? What are their resources, to sustain the angry siege which is to fellow their triumph'? What measures have they in store ? Who knows ? They have ventured on few boasts, and those not large ones • old measures all, and not first-rate. . The Morning Chronicle eries to show that it is against the interest of the Whigs to come in on an Irish question : why so ? is not Ireland their favourite ground ? are they not sure even there? It aeemp that Lord John has some Irish measures in view, such as they are : he will have no Coercion Bill—for that is not " constitutional," as it is called, not "ameliorating "—but he prefers military occu- pation of disturbed districts : the state of Ireland should be altered by something better than the Landlord and Tenant Bills ; he will not however, have a real Poor-law—he is afraid of that;, bat he will have "that great measure the reclamation of waste lands " ! Moreover, he will conciliate. What are his English measures, to reconcile this country to Whig government ? Modified Sugar-duties are advertised : no- thing else, that we remember. . . Setting aside special measures, what is to be the Whig Adieu, in Ireland or England? In Ireland, it may be inferred that they will soothe by words and niggle at minor remedies ; in England, their policy is to be to supply omissions in Sir Robert Peel's tariff —" no further harm."
What is to be their foreign policy t Irritation! after the Old fashion? reciprocity, their, old haggling? or imitation of Sr Robert Peel—setting the example in commercial freedom; and trusting to that example for its beneficial and peaceful results? What man is to lead them ? Let us know that, because even from his character we may guess whether they will strike out a new poli- cy, vindicate their unearned position, and make their government worthy of the country. Will it be Lord Grey, prepared to act on large principles ? Lord Clarendon, preferring national to party in- terests ? Lord Morpeth, able to act on a sentiment and a faith? Lord Palmerston even, an active and efficient professional statesman? No; it seems that Lord John Russell is to keep his old post. Is he a man to outrun expectation ? Will he forget his self-ieferen- ces—his fear of being morally answerable for contingenciei-bis punctilious dread of doing anything beneath "the Muse of Bedford" by vulgar heartiness of Liberalism—his growing alarm lest he should be convicted in any way of "playing second fiddle," to Sir Robert ? We have no hostility to Lord John ; we shall be pleased if he surpass expectations founded on experienCe of the past : but as it is, we augur little advancement, for the Liberal party, because he is not Liberal enough to lead that party,; we anticipate little success for a Ministry that must depend an progressive reform,. because he cannot unsay those thing.a ,wllich betrayed his doctrine of "finality." With all respect for 1831, we have no wish to restore that year fifteen stages after its legitimate position in the calendar. The Whigs claim credit for supporting Sir Robert Peel, and the Chronicle quotes a testimonial from the Preniier,to that effect. No doubt, they are investing as much sopport as they can) ,jeini- sistently with their party views, in the expectatien that it
repaid in kind : will their measures deserve 'support On ntlier grounds ; will they compel it by the greatnesi and boldness of their demeanour? That is what some of their best friend's doubt, wishing that they were not put to trial just yet ; and the timor- ous doubt evidently infects the Whig leaders.
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