NEWS OF THE WEEK.
THE House of Commons had the Budget before them on Monday; and on Tuesday, Thursday, and Friday were engaged with the ques- tion of Public Distress. In the House of Lords the Distress was dis- cussed on Thursday ; the subject of Poor Laws for Ireland was talked over on Tuesday Lord ELLEN130R0UGH'S Divorce Bill was read a third time on Wednesday ; and the Solicitor-General's Chan- cery Bills a second time on Friday. The great feature of the week has been the Budget. The repeal of taxes proposed—amounting practically to four or five millions—has gone well nigh to satisfy Mr. HUME ; while the principles on which these reductions have been made, must gratify all who are anxious that the industry of the country should have fair play. In consequence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer's communications, the question of the universal distress has been felt to be a bore by both Houks ; and the currency-mad members have been liberal of their tropes in vain. They mean, however, to bestow another dose of their tediousness on the House of Commons on Tuesday ; and then non- sense should be at a discount for some time. Mr. HUSHISSOM has, during the week's war inlisted himself on the side of Ministers. He indeed has been the giant in the battle, and they but his pigmy allies. The Duke had better offer him a high bounty ; his honea servic were cheaply bought at any price.
1. THE BUDGET. In a Committee of Ways and Means, the CHAN- CELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated the views and intentions of Government with respect to the financial concerns of the country. Defalcations in the last year's revenue had been anticipated, but the event had exceeded the anticipation. A falling off to the extent of 400,000/. more than had been calculated on, had taken place in the produce of the taxes on Beer and Malt. On Tea the defalcation was 130,0001., though consumption had increased; but that was accounted for by the use of lower-priced teas. There had been a falling off on other articles of Excise ; while the returns from the Customs had in- creased to the extent of 200,000/., through the large importations of foreign corn. Notwithstanding the falling off in different branches of the revenue, there had been this year a real surplus of 2,490,000/. practically applied to the reduction of debt ; besides which, the sys- tem of terminable annuities, which the House had sanctioned, would in the course of thirty years relieve the country to the extent of 2,700,000/.
Ministers, in preparing their measures for the present year, had thought most anxiously on the best mode of relieving the public dis- tress. The object of Government was`to lighten the pressure on the labouring classes ; and it had been matter of deliberation, whether this object might be best attained by shifting the load to the wealthier ranks by means of a property-tax, or by making the relief absolute by repealing a portion of the taxes. The latter plan had seemed the more eligible; and therefore he proposed to repeal the Beer-duty, the Cider-duty, and the duty on Leather. It had been deemed more ad- visable to repeal the beer-duty than the duty on malt, because it pressed more severely on the labouring classes, and because the malt trade would be stimulated by the increased sale of beer. The duty on beer amounted to 3,000,000!.; but there were other taxes to which beer was subjected; and though Government relinquished but 3,000,000/., the country may calculate on relief to the extent of four millions and a half. I5y reducing the whole of the beer-duties, instead of part of the beer and part of the malt-duties, Government was enabled to reduce th9 establishments. Along with the remission of the duties, however, it would be absolutely necessary to make the trade in beer free. The repeal of the tax must be delayed till October, because the licences are renewed then, and because duty had been paid till then upon stocks by the persons engaged in that trade. To repay such duties would be a very expensive process,—for without meaning to insinuate anything against the dealers in beer, he Must observe, that Government had always been called on, in such cases, to repay more than they had received. The duty on leather amounted to 400,000/. It was an extremely vexatious tax, and pressed severely on the poor: To reduce it partially, would give no relief, and the same establishment must be maintained for collect- ing the half as for collecting the whole. He had therefore determined to repeal it altogether, from the 21st of July.. The duty on cider, while it amounted to but 25,000/. or 30,000/. had given rise to many frauds : its total abolition had been deemed expedient. From all these reductions, Government anticipated a diminution of revenue to the amount of 960,000/. The estimate for the present year is 50,480,000/, The total amount of the public charges for the present year will be 47,812,000/. leaving a clear surplus of 2,667,000/. From a projected consolidation of the Stamp Laws, an increase of revenue is expected to the amount of 110,000/. It is intended at the same time to increase the duty upon spirits, in Ireland and Scotland to the extent of 2d. per gallon, in England to the extent of 18. From this measure the increase of revenue is expected to be 330,000!.; which will leave the surplus upwards of 3,000,000/. Little doubt, moreover, could be entertained of the possibility of reducing the interest of a part of the National Debt ; and Govern- ment was resolved in future to look for a part of their resources in a diminution of the rate on 4 per Cent. Stock. It was proposed farther to institute inquiries into every branch of the public service ; and it was the intention of Government to empower a commission to deal with the whole of the Colonial expenditure. (Mr. Goulburn was loudly cheered during his speech and at its conclusion.)
Mr. A. BARING deprecated the policy which should lead any Go- vernment to dispense with the sinking fund, by the agency of which alone could we ever hope to get rid of the debt.
If any gentleman indulged himself with the vision of any future prosperity ever enabling them to pt rid of that debt, all he could say was, that he would be lamentably disappointed. He maintained that, as far as figures went, there was not any surplus, hilt a deficiency unprovided for; and he must say it was singularly unfortunate that measures of finance, avowedly brought forward for the Improvement of public credit, should have the contrary effect, by showing that the means which were devised to support it had failed, and that the Government, so far from possessing a surplus of revenue for the payment of the public creditor, were actually unable to meet the whole of the deficiency. He did not mean to say that this was calculated to excite the slightest feelings of apprehension in the breast of the public creditor; but .he would maintain, that the means of providing flttbe exigencies of war by borrowing from the capitalists were at an end—thit the funding system was at an end—and that it would be impossible to find the means of providing for future exigencies in that way, unless by the commission of an act of the most profligate dishonesty towards the present public creditor.
Lord ALTHORP differed widely from Mr. Baring on the propriety of reducing the 4 per Cents.. Of the reduction of the taxes he ap- proved highly, as far as the reductions went ; but he regretted that more general and extensive views had not suggested to his Majesty's Ministers the expediency of proposing a more general measure of re- duction.
Mr. ROBINSON promised still to bring forward his motion on Friday for greater reductions, and for supplying the deficiency in the revenue by a property-tax. Mr. Hiram scouted the plan of Mr. Pitt's sinking-fund, and approved of the measures of the Chancellor of the Exchequer,—though the reductions were not sufficient. He hoped that 2,000,000/. more would be reduced during the session. Mr. CHARLES BARCLAY, in the name of the brewers, had no ob- jection to the reduction of the beer-duty. Mr. MABERLY thought the establishments might be reduced con- siderably.
Mr. BERNAL observed, that no interest suffered more than the West Indian, yet no measure for their relief' had been suggested. He thought that rum should be placed on the smile footing as Scotch and Irish spirits imported.
If the rum and sugar duties were not reduced, a great Amber of estates would be thrown out of cultivation : in the older colonieeparticularly, it
would be impossible to carry on cultivation much longer. Suproat an estate :n one of the West India islands produced 150 hogsheads of sugar and 60 puncheons of rum, he found, by a calculation in his possession, that the amount of duties to Government would be 5,400/., while the clear profits to the planter did not exceed 183/.
Mr. ALDERMAN THOMPSON thought it expedient to reduce first
those taxes that pressed on the labouring classes. _ Mr. Husxissopr approved of the financial statements of the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer. Sir T. ' ACLAND was thankful for the repeal of the cider-duty ; but he would have repealed the malt-tax rather than the beer-duty. In this preference Lord MILTON concurred.
Mr. STEWART and Lord Howicx thought that smuggling would
be encouraged • . +he duty on spirits.
MT. HARVE sat 10,000,000/. of taxes should have been
repealed. and X imposed.
TheCiaiii ions were then carried.
2. RUBLIC Disr _ . In the-House of Commons, on Tuesday, Mr. E. DAYENPOR: :fed,
"That the petition mplaining of distress in various classes of the com- munity be referred tr Committee of the whole House, with a view to in- quire into and report ,on the causes of that distressand the remedy thereof."
The distress of ti a country, according to Mr. Davenport, was uni-
versal, and he seemed disposed to ascribe it to the state of the cur- rency. . . •
The petitions, it was singular to say, were not addressed to the House of
Commons, to the House of Lords, or even to the King; for the Father of
his People in these times wee po more heard of than if he Alms not a member of the family. (Laughter.) • The petitions were addressed to the-Most Noble Arthur, Duke of Wellington, who was generally supposed to be a kind of fourth estate in the country, and to unite in his person the other three put together. (Laughter.) The people seemed to think, with some reason, that it was better to address the person from whom all power emanated, and they hoped that he would show more solicitiple for his countrymen, -who had showered on him such boundless favours, than they had received from those representatives to whom they had intrusted their interests. The question had suffered from the indisposition of the landowners of England to speak out. He was sorry to say that their servility, their love of titles and distinc- tion, and still more, their disposition to provide for their families in various professions, prevented them from speaking out, and denying the statements of his Majesty's Ministers. The commercial interest did not speak their minds freely on the question' from apprehension of personal results. It was far better that a merchant should have his honour suspected than his -wealth. With the merchant, respectability and wealth were convertible terms. When the matter was put to them, " Oh dear," they answered, " there are some sufferers, certainly, but persons of credit and capital are doing vastly well :" and at the very moment they themselves were probably on the verge of bankruptcy. Out of a hundred great foreign merchants in Birmingham five-and-twenty years ago, only five now remained ; and of the internal merchants in the same place three-fourths had disappeared. There had been 1677 bankruptcies within the year, a greater nuiuber than in any preceding year except one.
Colonel SIDTHORP seconded the motion.
Mr. IRVING opposed it. The country was not in so depressed a state as had been represented.
The importation of raw cotton had doubled since lale, and the produce of manufactures had doubled also; while the price of the raw and the manufac- tured article had decreased one half. It might be alleged that all these trans- actions were going on without yielding a profit. He doubted that proposition, becaused persons engaged in any branch of industry would not pursue it to disadvantage tor a course of years. Of all-branches of industry, none had suffered more than the shipowners. He believed that he spoke within corn- pass when he said that one half of the value of shipping had been lost. Yet when he looked at the present value of shipping, which was to be col- lected from the price at which new ships could be built, he did not think the shipowner's was a losing trade. Be believed that the distressed state of the country resulted from a variety of causes ' - none of which was more promi- nent than unfavourable seasons, which had occasioned, if not a deficiency, bad or iuferior crops, which were gathered at an unusually expensive rate. But surely Mr. Davenport would not say that at the present moment—now that the natural season for labour had arrived—that the agricultural class generally was unemployed. The contrary was the case; agricultural labourers were at present generally well employed. Mr. Irving had lately had occasion to make seine. inquiry relative to the trade of the city of London during. the last two months and a half. The result of that inquiry was, that for two months and a half, ending with the 13th of March, there, had been an increase in the deliveries of cotton, as compared with the same period last year, of 20 per wit. ii, indigo, an article much employed in manu- factures, particularly the woollea, there had been an increase of 15 per cent.;. in coffee of 27 per cent.a and in sugar of 20 per cent. Such facts as those miglia, not suit the taste of some gentlemen, whose preconceived opinions they would controvert; but he believed that the House generally would hear them with great pleasure. It was well known to the House that almost every country of Europe, America, and even the new states of South America, were encouraging their own manufactures. Russia, with a serf population, with a winter of eight months, and with interest of money at 10 per cent.— still Russia endeavoured to force forward manufactures. The same might be aid of Prussia, of Austria, and of the Netherlands. But it was true that the commodities of this nation, in spite of all opposition' found their way to those countries. In spite of the will of sovereigns and of governments, they Were exported to those different parts in no inconsiderable quantities. In the United States of America, many articles of British manufacture were charged with a duty of 15, 25, and some as high even as 55 per cent. ; still, in the teeth of all these impediments, we found our exports to the United States in the last year exceeding those of any former year. Now he would confidently ask, was this a state of things that authorized the Members of that House to assert that the country was on the verge of ruin? He confidently asserted, that there was nothing in our situation to exclude hope, or to create despair. (Cheers.)
Mr. WARD did not believe the distress to be so general as the land- lords represented it. The situation of the landholder, and of the manufacturer, was not so dissi- milar as some persons might imagine. The former derived his subsistence from the land, the latter from the use of his capital. He believed that the prosperity of both must rise or fall with the rise or fall of the profits derivable from the produce of the land, or derivable from the sale of manufactures. Where the profits on agricultural produce were high, of course the land- holder was proportionably benefited ; and where the profits upon manufac- tures were great, the person whose capital created those manufactures was, in the same ratio, remunerated. Now, it must be observed, that the com- mercial diseounts were not one half what they were during the war. The rate of exchange had been lowered very much, but the rate of rent had not fallen in proportion. He was quite certain that commercial capital had been deprived of the means of employment to a much greater degree than landed capital ; and, knowing that if the former capitalists came to that House with their complaints, they would receive no relief, he could not allow the other party to stand forward, and, by legal enactments, to secure for themselves more than they ought to have.
Mr. SADLER made a long speech, embracing most of his usual topics. If he contrasted the situation of the people of England a few years ago with what it was at present, that contrast was anything but favourable. The capabilities of this country were great, and it was the duty of the legislature to husband them. They had capital almost adequate to drive the whole trade of the world. But they had more than capital : they had industry, unrivalled ak compared with any other country in the universe. These they had pos- sessed during a long and profound peace: and he called on the Legislature to adopt such measures as would enable the country to develop its mighty re- sources, and to give encouragement to the industry of its extensive popula- tion. He had no hesitation in asserting that still further protection osght to be extended to agriculture. He had heard, in the course of the evening, from some of the gentlemen who preceded him, that foreign countries were laying prohibitory duties on our manufactures. Now he liked the principle of free- trade if it were placed on a fair foundation ; but if this country had to deal . ‘Iiihot who were taking every advantage of her and granting nothing in return, then, he would say, it became them ao frame proper measures for na- tional ,protectiop. As we were at present situated, with respect to other countries, he had no hesitation in saying, that free trade was a mere delusion, —a mean, a contemptible delusion. How was the debt contracted ? We bore rowed 20,000,000 bushel); of wheat, and we paid in our altered currency 80,000,000 bushels.- Yet we talked of keeping faith with the public creditor. He had heard with pleasure theairopositions of the Chancellor of the Exche- quer, but he doubted whether the reductions he had proposed would be satis- factory : they would be hardly, if at all, felt by the suffering classes through- out the country. The House ought to insist upon a larger reduction of taxa- tion, a further diminution of the expenditure, and some measure for the relief of the circulation.
Lord Howicx opposed the motion.
Mr. HERRIE s replied at great length to the arguments of the mover.
Sir C. BURRELL should propose as an amendment, that a " select committee be'appointed to inquire into the cause of the present dis- tress and into the remedies for it.-
Alderman WAITHMAN seconded the amendment.
Mr. FERGUSON moved an adjournment till Thursday, which was carried.
The 'debate having been resumed on Thursday, Mr. FERoussorr, Mr. ESTCOURT, junior, and Mr. LIDDELL supported Mr. Davenport's motion: Sir GEORGE PHILIPS, Sir HUSSEY VIVIAN, and Mr. WHIT- MORE opposed. it. Mr. COURTENAY made considerable sport of Mr. Sadler.
If the member for Newark did not come forward with some specific mea- sure, upon which ilia character and reputation might stand pledged, Mr. Courtenay would denounce him as a wordy man, without meaning or sub- stance. (Cheers and Lau-ghter.)
Mr. Courtenay came to his present place as free from prejudice and pre- conceived opinion as man could possibly be—exactly in the situation so justly described by that unfortunate expression of which he feared he should never hear the last. (A laugh.) He must declare, as an honest and candid man, that the result of the free trade experiment had been most beneficial.
As to the member for Newark, if the Committee should be granted, mid that honourable member would go before the Committee to give evidence on
the subject, he would turn him over to the member for Dover, who was a practical man, and who would cross-examine him on the subject; and if the member for Newark would agree to put his answers in six lines each, without either epigram or metaphor, and would undertake to show that we could get the products of foreign countries without paying for them in goods or in money, and if in money, that we could procure the money without goods, he would give up the question at once. Sir R. VYVYAN retaliated on Mr. Courtenay.
His mind of blank paper had now the broad principles of free trade fairly written upon it ; and amongst these principles, that first axiom of the sup- porters of that system—that we should find our market where we could find it cheapest. If that axiom was only followed up as it ought, the Corn Laws should at once be attacked.
He could not express confidence in his Majesty's Government. He disapproved of the whole 'funding system ; which, he agreed with .David Hume, would destroy the nation, if the nation did not destroy it. Li Mr. BULLER remarked that the distress was ascribed to everything but its obvious causes. The 'opponents of Ministers clung with the constancy of a romantic lover to their dear bank-notes and their be- loved monopoly.
Mr. Husxissorr observed, that the change of the currency was undoubtedly one of the causes of the distress ; but he hoped the question was now at rest for ever. There is one other topic on which I wish to touch before I proceed to the general question. It is that of the one-pound notes; and, Sir, I will frankly admit, that there is one case in which one-pound notes might cir- culate without danger. (Cheers from the Opposition Benches.) Yes, Sir, I admit this ; but 1 at the same time remember the wretched circumstances in which the country was placed in the years from 1822 to 1826,—eircum- stances, from the effect of which we have not yet recovered. I think, Sir, that one-pound notes might circulate safely, while there was a little excite- ment in the commerce of the country; but whenever there was any induce- ment to speculation, the facility afforded by this circulating medium would be followed by these results—that all prices rising in the markets at home, the sovereigns, either in circulation, or in the coffers of the Bank of England, would be in demand to send out of the country, because a corresponding rise would not have taken place in other countries. And when this rise had taken place in your own markets, you would bejust as you were in 1825. You would think everything was in a state the most prosperous, and you would dream of nothing but felicity and fortune, till not a sovereign was left in the coun- try. Then, on a sudden would come a panic, when it was discovered that the gold had been all disposed of to pay an endue price in foreign mar- kets, in consequence of the fictitious price that was kept up at home. I say, therefore, you must submit to the inconvenience of having notes of a higher denomination of value than the metallic currency, else will you be perpe- tually subject to a ruinous vacillation of prices. Consequently, Sir, I shall now, and on all other occasions, resist to the utmost of my power any new circulation of one-pound notes by the Country Bankers. (Cheers.) He was not disposed to under-rate the distress.
I know its intensity, and l deplore its extent; and I must acknowledge its extreme pressure upon the lower classes during the late severe winter. Still, Sir, I cannot consent to take a gloomy and deeponding view of the situ. ation of the country, as some people are disposed to do. I -believe that how- ever England may be crippled at this moment, by circumstances of domestic
calamity, it is impossible to suppose we are in a state of helpless weakness and irretrievable decay. (Loud Cheers.) I entertain a juster confidence in the resources of the country. I consider the springs and sources of the national prosperity to be unimpaired. Our agriculture has not yet suffered —our manufactures are not in decay—our commerce is net diminished—our accumulated capital remains—the energy of the people remains—and snore than all, the industry of the people, which is unparalleled in the history of nations, ancrvvhich is the main stay and safeguard of the empire, remains. (Loud Cheers.) Besides, Sir, I heve farther and better grounds for confidence, in a sound and enlightened public opinion exercising, as I say it does, year after year in a higher degree its salutary influence, as well on the councils of Ministers as on the proceedings of Parliament. (Loud Cheers.) No one weo
reads the signs of the times—no one who has observed the events of last ses- sion—no one who has observed the events of last week, can deny the para- mount influence of popular opinion. (Cheers.) This power, Sir, n ay not be directly wealth or productive industry, but it is the shield of heth—it is tbe safeguard of the nation against empiricism—it is the fingerpost to guide us in all circumstauces of dilAculty and danger to the road of safety.. But, Sir, have now to consider what are the causes of the distress. My opinion is not one formed pending the discussion and the period of excitement on this sub- ject. It is one which I have exoressed long sin.ce, and that is well known. My Opinion is, that the present difficulties arise from a too great pressure upon the springs and sources of productive indostry. (Loud and continued cheer- ing.) Let it be remarked, however, that this ia not the pressure of a moment ;
it is from its beingtoo great in ordinary tithes that it is so severely felt in those fits of exacerbation which are the result of bad seasons, or an alteration in
our foreign relations, or any temporary panic. These, however, are acci- dents and casualties to which a commercial country like ours must be per- petually liable ; but if we were habitually in a robust and vigorous state, this would not have the power to produce such calamitous effects. The wages of labour were too low, and the profits of capital to small, o.nd the causes of this unsatisfactory state of things were various. Some of these causes—foreign competition, for example—were beyond the con trol of Parliament. Si-nue were the result of the great struggle in which we had been engaged ; some • proceeded from the wise determination of the country to put an end to an inconvertible paper currency. Not one single gentleman had told him what it was in free trade that he disapproved, or what it was that the Government-had done which he wished to have un- done. No man brought forward anything of his own, though they deluded a suffering people with their misrepresentations. (Cheers.) No part of this new . system • was other then a necessary modification, or total repeal of old laws, and he should like to know what was the system called free trade. It consisted in the simplifying and modifying the laws of customs.and navi- gation, and the laws of protection, prohibition, restriction, and interference, with all the policy and interests connected with the commerce of the country. The policy of what was called free trade was not to force exports. He wished to force nothing, but to leave it to individuals to follow their own views and interests in a manner most conducive to public prosperity. Did any gentleman wish to restore the six or seven hundred statutes regulating commerce, and did they by restoring them wish to render navigation as diffi- cult as it had been ? Did they wish again to introduce prohibitions, and to revive monopolies? If they did, in God's name let them make the attempt. His -whole answer to the cry about exports was, If you export at all, you Must sell at the prices which foreign markets will allow you to procure ; and you must cope with free capital and free industry, which can beat you in the market unless your trade be free.
As to the home trade, he could prove by returns, that the trades in cot- ton wool, in yarn, in sheep's wool, in palm oil, in tallow, in raw and thrown silk, in hemp, in hides, and in timber, had increased greatly of late years. He denied that the shipping interest was in a state of decay—though un- doubtedly the profits were small. He thanked Government for their late reductions, and hoped they would continue their efforts to alleviate the dis- tress. Since the war, the taxes had been reduced from between 70 and 80 millions to between 40 and 50; and this bore a proportion to the most ex- aggerated views of the agriculturists as to the depreciation of the currency. Ministers had reduced much, but he hoped they would reduce more : he hoped to see considerable reductions in the charges of collecting the revenue —in the Colonial expenditure—in the diplomatic and consular missions—and, above all, in the department of Woods and Forests. He thought that ere long, too, there might be some reduction in the military establishments. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had not exaggerated in estimating the vir- tual relief of the late reductions at sbmewhere about five millions.
With all these reductions, however, he believed that a property-tax would be fouud indispensable..
Wealth had increased amazingly within the last thirty years : large capitals were lying ihactive, and the temptations to hazardous foreign speculations were hourly increasing,. The poorer classes were gradually sinking, and the articles that were to them necessaries of life, should be relieved as far as pos- sible from taxation. He thought that measures should be taken to induce the Bank of England to conduct their transactions on the sound principles of banking, instead of locking up their capital as they did at present. All its proceedings, too, should be marked by publicity.
Lord ALTHORP expressed his entire concurrence in what had far:....n from Mr. Huskisson ; and then the House, at the suggestion of Mr.
WODEHOUSE, adjourned.
The discussion was resumed last night.
ColonelSommuteE agreed with the honourable mover, that unless they gave the country relief, the sooner they were all thrown into the Thames the better.
Colonel DAVIS and Mr. HunsoN GURNEY argued in favour of the Motion.
Mr. LESLIE FOSTER could not agree to it. England wanted new markets, not an alteration in the currency. Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN defended his political philosophy at great length. Mr. Huskisson no doubt was, in the language of the ring," a troublesome customer "7—he shifted his ground so rapidly that there was no planting a blow. Yet after all, that gentleman's theories were of no greater value than Mr. Shandy's discovery that the world had before his time been labouring under an egregious error in bringing children into the world with the wrong end foremost. (Laughter.) In allusion to sundry attempts to cough him down, the worthy Alderman observed, "that it refiectedlittle honour on sprigs of nobility and young gentlemen who had received an University edu- cation, to attempt to put down a plain man, who was doing what he conceived to be his duty. It was true he knew little—what he did know was acquired during hours which were devoted by others to cards and the bottle." (Laughter.) Mr. Irvi,Eir. and MY. LOCKHART approved of the motion. Mr. BRAMSTON and Mr. W. HORTON thought it useless. Mr. ATTWOOD contended stoutly for inquiry and paper money. Mr. PEEL entered upon the question at very great length. He alluded to a property-tax, which had been recommended by Mr. Hus- kisson. Ministers had considered the subject, but they would give no pledge upon it. He acknowledged the obligation of Government to Country Bankers, and hoped some measures might be introduced ca- pable of reconciling their interests with the advantage of the country. Mr. Peel then defended his own Bill, and was loudly cheered at the conclusion of his speech. • Sir CHARLES WETHERELL, in allusion to Mr. Sadler, termed him "the able, the enlightened, and the accomplished,—able as a writer, enlightened as a reasoner, striking in his eloquence, and accomplished in learning, ancient and modern;" and each epithet was welcomed with roars of laughter.. • Mr. O'CoN:vism. rose and loud cries for the " question." After some little discussion, the debate was 'adjourned till Tuesday.
In the House of Lords on Thursday, the Duke of RICHMOND moved for a Select Committee to inquire into the internal state of • the country, the condition of the working classes, and the effect of taxation upon productive industry. From 1826, when the depression was supposed to have reached low-water mark, the poorer classes had . experienced a rapid tendency downwards.
He had got 91 Returns, which were on their Lordships' table, and which contained a comparative view of the state of the poorer classes, and the num- ber of paupers in the several parishes at the present time, compared with their condition in 1826. The whole of the returns deserved the best consider- ation of their Lordships; but he particularly requested their attention to those from Andover, Congleton, Coventry, Manchester, Macclesfield, an Leeds, as these might be considered as the capitals of their several districts. Coventry was one of those places which was considered as the least dis- tressed ; and yet their Lordships would find, by the returns, that even the state of Coventry, as well as that of the other places, had been regularly de- lining, from 1826 down to the present time.
Wages were in many places no longer paid in money ; poor-rates had been frightfully increased ; savings-banks were declining ; for the people could no longer contribute te then' ; taxation was grinding - the poor ; andtthough the county owed Ministers gratitude for the reductions which they had announced, still little relief would be experienced without reductions to a much greater extent. The worst feature of alrvvas, that the poor were losing their habits of self-respect; they felt themselves degraded, and the national spirit was rapidly de- clining. These things called loudly for inquiry. Earl BATHURST objected to the motion, as too comprehensive. Were the Committee agreed to, it would be under the necessity of preparing itself to discuss every question connected in any way with interests nterests of the country. No possible good could be anticipated from such a measure.
The Earl of MANSFIELD cordially supported the motion. The Parliament owed such an inquiry to the nation, for the nation looked to Parliament alone for assistance and advice.
The Earl of ELDON advocated inquiry. Ministers had on a pre- . vious occasion objected to a Committee of the whole House ; they could have no objection, surely, to a select Committee. Ministers • had found out, on a fine spring morning, that three millions and a half of taxes might be reduced—as the weather improved, they might hope for farther reductions. To deny the inquiry which had been proposed, would be on the part of Parliament an abandonment of it duties. None but Englishmen could support the present distress ; and nothing but a love of that Constitution, which they knew would sooner or later make them happier than any other people in the ' world, Could enable Englishmen to bear it. He thought that an alter- ation in the currency might afford_ relief. Scotland, where there was a small-note circulation, VICO in a nourishing state ; and her notes were current in the adjoining English counties. The Scotch one-pound notes, like everything Scotch, were - fond of travelling southward. (A laugh.) He was told, with reference to a county for which he entertained a great affection, that when the Scotch one-pound notes found , their way there, they never returned; when the Scotch notes once got * footing in Northumberland, they were as unwilling to go back as any other importation from Scotland. (A laugh.) Lord Eldon then went into a state- ; ment with reference to the Restriction Act in 1797; and expressed it as his opinion that it was not fair or just to call upon those who had entered into contracts in a paper currency to liquidate them in a metallic currency.
The Earl of ROSEBERRY supported the motion. The Marquis of CAMDEN opposed it. He thought the distress , greatly exaggerated. In 1822, the complaints of distress amongst the farmers were much more , general than at present, and many landlords, himself amongst the number, were obliged to forgive their tenants a year's rent. In the present year he had not received a single notice to quit from any of his tenants. The distress of the country was spoken of in a manner which induced him to suppose that those who dwelt upon it so much, considered it no bad sport to distress . tIke Administration. (A laugh.) With respect to the meetings that were held out of doors, they seemed to be formed for the purpose of backing opinions which were delivered in Parliament, and in most instances the pe- titions which proceeded from them did not express the real feelings of the t persons assembled. The Earl of WINCHILSE.4 spoke of the distress in Kent, which, he said, exceeded anything of the kind within the memory of man. He had heard from a gentleman connected with that once flourishing county, that numbers of farms were occupied at no rent at all. He had also heard from an acting magistrate of the county, that his land was occupied by tenants who had paid him no rent for the last seven years. A few days 7 ago one of that gentleman's tenants came to him and told him that he was Indebted to him for seven years' rent. The landlord supposed that he had ; come to pay him ; but be placed some money on the table and said—" If you take that, I have not a farthing left to purchase seed with, and I will give up possession of the farm as soon as you please." He could, if he pleased, men- l• tion numberless instances of this description. The class of freeholders who 34 composed the link which connected the peasantry with the higher classes of society had, in that part of the county where he resided, been reduced one- i half in the bit six years, and at the present moment half the property of those remaining was on sale. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM objected to the motion, as too compre- hensive. The same story of national ruin had been common in men's mouths for a hundred and fifty years past. George, Earl of Middle- ton, in his day, declared the amount of debt to be insupportable; and Sir John Sinclair had shown, that between 1688 and 1783, the country • -. had been, according to many confident prognostications, ruined and .• bankrUpt two-and-twenty times. • As to the existence of distress to a very tonsidemble extent, it was too • clear to be contested ; but he could not admit that the taxes were the cause of the distress. If they were, then in those
distress would not prevail. But look at Switzerland, America, and France,
places where the taxes were low r where the amount of taxation was low, and it would appear that the distress Prevailed in those countries as well as in England. Then .we were told that the Ilatitand DetttlfP.s thg fa.n5e QI tIeII 0101 *9 OW g441.14
where there was no debt, Or a debt comparatively low in amount, the distress would not exist. But look at the state of Switzerland, Germany, America, and France—the distress was the same, although in Switzerland there was no debt, and in the other places it was comparatively low. The truth was, that the distress prevailed generally over the world.
The motion was brought forward under extraordinary circum- stances.
What was the state of parties ? There was, on the one hand, those whom he would call moderate Whigs, and they called out for free trade and metallic currency. On the other hand, there were the Ultra Tories, and they ex- claimed No free trade I no metallic currency I Do not talk of these things, for they are grievances !" And yet, differing as they did so much from each other, both called for inquiry.
The,Marquis of SALISBURY felt bound to support the motion. The Earl of Wicinow would oppose it.
The distress, he believed, arose from peculiar circumstances, which were of a temporary nature, and he had no doubt but that the distress was also of a temporary nature, and that better times for the labouring classes would soon recur. As to the extent of the distress, a great deal oe.severe remark had been made on the word partial, which was found in his Majesty's Speech. It was highly creditable to Ministers that nothing better could be found to say against them than this minute criticism about a word.
The Earl of RADNOR thought that the state of parties, alluded to by the Duke of. Buckingham, proved strongly the necessity of in- quiry. Men of all parties, in fact, called aloud for it. The distress in many parts of the country exceeded belief. In every quarter there had been a call for Reform, and if their Lordships would stifle that cry, they should grant the present inquiry.
For himself, he was a Reformer—a Radical Reformer. (ilfurn2urs.) If there were any reproach attaching to that title he was open to it, for he had long been a Radical Reformer (Hear I) ; and he had become so from the con- viction that the voice of the people was not attended to in the House of Commons.
The Earl of ROSSLYN observed, that the motion embraced every possible interest, and required the solution of the most difficult ques- tion in political economy,—namely, what was the true effect and amount of indirect taxation, and the wages and situation of the labourer, whether agricultural or manufacturing? This was a ques- tion of so broad an extent, that it was impossible for one committee to embrace the whole of its details. He had not approved of the sup- pression of the one-pound notes, but he believed that to restore them would do more mischief than their suppression had done. The pre- sent distress he believed to be caused in a great measure by a want of confidence, caused by the uncertainty of public proceedings. While there was a probability of change, every man was uncertain what to do. At present there was more capital in the country than could find em- ployment; yet land in the market could find no purchasers, and was even below the value of the funds. The difficulty was solved by knowing that some capitalists held their capital, expecting a change which would enable them to employ it more advantageously, while others feared a change for the worse. As long as the Corn Laws and Free Trade were subjects of agitation, the people, fearing change, kept their stocks as low as possible. It was be- cause the appointment of a Committee would open a wide door to the expec- tation of change, that he was inclined to oppose it.
The Earl of CARNARVON defended an opinion which he had on a former occasion expressed, that silver was preferable as a standard to gold. He should vote for the Committee. Earl GOWER could not agree to support it. Lord HOLLAND thought an inquiry necessary. He was not a Radical Reformer; and indeed, Ministers, by their expressed opinions as to the uselessness of Committees, seemed to him more staunch advocates for Reform than, any other persons. He liked a something to be done by the Parliament of England, and he considered the ad- dresses to the Duke of Wellington as the signs of bad times. Lord ELLENBOROUGH agreed with Lord Holland, that inquiries were generally best conducted by Parliament, but some inquiries were better conducted by Government.
His objection to the Committee was, however, that every man who en- tered it would have a proposition for some change in the political condition of the country. He had taken the trouble to make a summary of some of the subjects upon which Committees had been sought forduring the last nine months, and every one of which he was confident would be brought before this Committee if the motion was agreed to. He found among them, Agricul- tural and, Manufacturing Distress, Poor Laws, Vagrants, Game Laws, County Rates, Exportation of Machinery, Combination Laws, Parish Rates, Emigration, Parochial Settlements, Friendly Societies, and Irish Va- grants. These were but a portion of the subjects which the range of the political economist would bring before the Committee, and the inquiries into which would, if carried into effect, last longer than the life of the oldest in- dividual among them. It had been proposed, too, that every member of a Committee should bring a friend along with him, to aid his enquiries; and who would venture to assign limits to the duration of an investigation con- ducted on such principles?
The Marquis of LarisnowivE protested against this language with respect to Committees. They were told that change and the apprehen- sion of change were to be deprecated—that the stability of their Insti- tutions should be cared for. Did Ministers mean to recommend that there should be no change in the present wretched condition of the poor ? The distress in many parts of the country was heart-rending, and compelled him to vote for an inquiry into its causes. The Duke of WELLINGTON objected to the motion, as not suffi- ciently specific ; and thought that his noble friend's remarks on Com- mittees had been much misunderstood. The distress, he contended, had never been universal, and it was now subsiding. He was happy that the proposed reduction in the taxes had been approved of by !their Lordships.
Ministers had done no more than their duty in making those reductions; and if it had been requisite to maintain taxation, instead of to diminish it, the Government would have endeavoured to prevail on Parliament to maintain it with just the same feelings had they called upon Parliament to assist in reliev- ing it, He believed that the objects of the reduction had been happily chosen, and that they had selected those articles which would take the smallest sum out of the Treasury, and give the greatest relief to the people.
Earl STANHOPIC thought the inquiry proposed, one of paramount importance, and declared that the Minister must reduce the taxes still further.
The Duke of RICHMOND, in reply, declared himself unable to ex- press the feelings which the President of the Board of Control's speech had excited in his breast.
If he had heard that speech any where else but in that House, he should have declared it to be the grossest libel that ever was pronounced upon their Lordships. That was his opinion when he heard the speech of the Noble Lord; but he had since imagined that he might have been mistaken, and that, instead of describing the proceedings of a Committee of their Lordships, the Noble Lord had been opening the door of the Cabinet, and letting their Lord- ships see how matters were discussed and settled there. (Cheers.)
How had his proposition for inquiry been met ?—By imputing to him factious motives. Such a course might be Parliamentary, but it would be disdained in civilized society-. He had no motive but a wish to serve his country. The rejection of the measure which he proposed would only afford a fresh proof that there was no sympathy between the Parliament and the people. For the motion, 61; against it, 141.
