NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE pause continues. The Powers have decreed the blockade of Crete, and on Thursday an Austrian man- of-war sunk a Greek merchantman which was carrying supplies to the island; but the Greek Government have not, at the moment we write, declared war. They have, however, accumulated their entire forces on the frontier of Thessaly, their outposts are not five miles from those of Edhem Pasha, and all correspondents report that the mind of the nation is made up. Incessant correspondence is going on among the diplomatists, and probably among the Royal houses, which are greatly excited over the crisis ; but the Concert is a lumbering affair, and King George probably thinks that every hour gained tells in his favour. He cannot, however, afford to keep his troops inactive, and the probability is that before our next issue appears a considerable battle will have been fought. The Daily Telegraph, it should be noted, publishes a statement that the Greek fleet intends to attack the Turkish, and that if this occurs, the Russian Black Sea Squadron, which is lying with steam up, will enter the Bosphorus to defend the Turks, thus con- firming the rumour that the Sultan has written pledges of protection from St. Petersburg.

The French Ministerial statement, for which all the Powers waited, was made on Monday by M. Hanotaux and M. Meline. M. Hanotaux dilated principally upon the necessity of the Concert to the preservation of peace, but M. Meline was more frank. He said that if the integrity of the Ottoman Empire were violated—it is violated in the seizure of Crete by the Powers — the question of distributing the heritage would come up, and would produce a general war. This feeling has made the Concert a reality, and France, "though not towed by Russia," has adhered to her most strictly. The time for action had arrived, Greece would be invited to obey, and if she refused, the blockade of Crete would be declared and the contingents of international troops stationed there increased. The " last word of any other policy would be the isolation of France." France would be alone in its attitude of observation, and alone, too, in its future hour of danger. It is clear from M. Meline's speech that he does not like the policy resolved on, but that his Government will not give up the Russian alliance, and therefore adheres to a Concert which accepts the Russian and German policy. It is most significant that on Tuesday night, when Lord Kimberley asked for information, Lord Salis- bury referred him to the "admirable speeches " of M. Meline and M. Hanotaux, with which he " heartily concurred." That reply should be remembered, because it is a step towards that re- grouping of the Powers in which the present confusion may conceivably end. England and France sympathise, and so do the three Emperors, who are acting together for the pro- tection of Turkey.

The situation in Crete would appear to be this. Colonel Vassos is intrenching himself and his Greek troops at Sphakia, where even the Seaforth Highlanders cannot get at him. The insurgents are driving the Massulmans of the in- terior into the coast towns, displaying in incessant skirmishes great courage and, we fear, almost a Mussulman cruelty. The four coast towns are in Mnssulman hands, regular and irregular, and the Christian houses are being systematically plundered, the Admirals who watch them having no sufficient force to land, and being apparently unwilling to shell Turks, though they are happy to shell Christians. Order is expected to arise from the landing of small reinforcements, which are to be carefully kept apart according to nationality. We, for instance, are to garrison Candia, which of course in a few weeks will be safe, comfortably provisioned, and the banking. house of the entire island. Whether equally good results will follow in Canes., which is to be occupied by Austrians, and Retimo, which is assigned to the French, we shall soon see. Colonel Vassos and his men have enough to eat, and there appears to be no reason why he and the internationals should come into collision; but there may be skirmishes between them and the insurgents, who are naturally rather irritated at their sacrifices being rendered vain, or partly vain, by three crowned gentlemen who are thinking only of themselves.

Mr. Gladstone has issued a powerful pamphlet on the Cretan question, in the form of a letter to the Dake of Westminster. He declares the Concert of Europe to be good or bad, according as it is used, and thinks it is now being used badly. He does not say abandon it, but longs to remind the world that Britain "has an existence, a character, and a duty of her own." He con- siders the coercion of Greece a shameful policy, and as regards Crete, would assign her to King George without terminating the suzerainty of the Sultan, as Bosnia was assigned to Austria and Cyprus to ourselves. The latter island he would, when convenient, transfer to Greece. Finally, he bids the English remember that freedom is the very breath of their nostrils. The pamphlet is a most statesman- like one, it is entirely free from gush, and it will probably exercise a profound influence upon opinion in England, France, and Italy.

Lord Kimberley and Sir William Harcourt made speeches at the meeting of the Liberal Confederation at Norwich on Wednesday. The former condemned, and justly condemned, the adherence of England to the Concert of Europe in reference to the article which reserves the (nominal) integrity of the Ottoman Empire, but judging from all that he and Lord Rosebery did when in power and have said since, we question much whether he would not have made the very same blunder if he had found that he could not secure the Concert of Europe on any better terms. Sir William Harcourt made a very clever speech of the usual blustering kind which he thinks appropriate to the platform. He gloated over the decay of the Unionist majority in the constituencies, over the rise of Unionists " who are profane enough and daring enough" to criticise Mr. Chamberlain for having "a prejudice against filibustering," " I do not know whether truly or not." He sympathised with Sir Michael Hicks- Beach, and praised him for curbing the monetary paradoxes of the Government, especially Mr. Balfour's bimetallism, but expressed his grave doubts whether he would be able to use

his next surplus in remitting taxation, which, indeed, when war may break out any day, we should think very unlikely. He described the Education Bill as a measure enabling "necessitous ecclesiasties" to " ra file " for £:600,000,—a sneer at the Education Department's control, though the Glad- stonians last year praised it up to the skies,—and be directed a furious attack upon Lord Salisbury for referring Englishmen to the speech of a French Minister on foreign policy as describing perfectly the policy of this country, though he must have known that France has been our heartiest friend in refer- ence to the question of Greece and Crete. Finally, he said for Greece what was true enough, but what he would never have said had he himself been in power, that it is her action which has secured autonomy for Crete. If Sir William Harcourt by any chance returns to power, as he seems to half expect, we shall find the consequences in a misunderstanding with France.

On Tuesday the Committee on the Education Bill sat till 3 o'clock in the blaming. The debate began on Mr. Dillon's amendment providing that the aid-grant should be computed according to the number of children in every Association and according to the needs of the Associations themselves. Mr. Dillon did not receive any great support, and after less than an hour's discussion his amendment was negatived by a majority of 307 (350 to 43). Then came a rather long discussion on the clause permitting the Education Department to fix different rates for town and country, which lasted two hours, on an amendment depriving the Education Department of any such power, after which the Closure was carried by a majority of 125 (190 to 65), and the amendment was rejected by a majority of only 111 (183 to 72). Then came an amendment offering more consideration to voluntary schools in a district in which School Board rates are levied than to those in which there are no such rates. This amendment was debated for an hour, and then rejected by a majority of 149 (230 to Si). Then Mr. Evans moved to leave out a sub.section, his object being to leave a surplus in Mr. Bryce made a very moderate speech in the Queen's Hall on Tuesday on the principles of Liberalism, condemning the Education Bill for not forcing local government on the voluntary schools, and for not discouraging denominational teaching in those schools. Evidently Mr. Bryce holds that to let the parents judge entirely for themselves what religious teaching their children should receive is not Liberalism. You should at least show them the bias of the Government in favour of undenominationalism,—and give their minds a push in that direction. On the question of Greece and Crete Mr. Bryce's views are our own, but if he had been in power with his old colleagues, we doubt whether he would have done as much as Lord Salisbury to carry out his own principles. Oppositions are outspoken when Governments are very timid. Mr. Haldane, who was in the chair, characterised the situation in the East of Europe as profoundly unsatisfactory, and so we fear it will remain, even though the British Government were to change hands.

On Monday night the Committee on the Education Bill was entirely engaged in discussing a long succession of amendments, of which the main object was to compel the Government to admit other representative elements into the governing bodies of the Associations besides mere representa- tives of the school managers. First the effort was made to get the parents of the children represented,—an almost im- possible attempt, as the parents of the children in one school would have no natural connection with the parents of the children in another school perhaps many miles off,—and this amendment was rejected by 250 to 109 (majority, 141). Then the attempt was made to get representatives of the school teachers into the governing bodies of the Associations, an amendment the discussion of which was closured by a majority of 138 (223 to 85), while the amendment itself was defeated by the same majority, 138 (225 to 87). Then Mr. Asquith pro- posed to insist that the governing bodies of the Associations should be constituted under schemes prepared by the Education Department and laid for forty days before Parliament for approval. This amendment was closured by a majority of 148 (249 to 101), and then rejected by a majority of 153 (256 to 103), and soon after that the discussion ended for the night. the bands of the Education Department for distribution to the voluntary schools not included in the Association, but left out in the cold. After some three-quarters of an hour's discussion the Closure was carried by 168 (268 to 100), and the amendment rejected by 171 (273 to 102). Then Mr. Balfour got a step further by moving the Closure down to a given word, and carrying it by 167 (263 to 96), and carrying the motion itself by 169 (263 to 94). It was now after 12 o'clock, and Mr. Morley moved to have progress reported, though the Standing Order had been suspended. This was debated for three-quarters of an hour, when the Closure was carried by 149 (232 to 83), and the motion rejected by 152 (233 to 81). An amendment refusing the Education Department power to exclude any school from the aid-grant for declining unreasonably to belong to any Association was moved and defeated by 129 (188 to 59), after which Mr. Balfour gained another step in his Bill, the Closure being carried by 136 (188 to 52), and the motion by 135 (186 to 51), when progress was reported.

On Wednesday the Committee sat from a quarter past twelve till half past five when the first (and most important) clause was at last finished. The first amendment, relating to the auditing of the accounts of the grant-in-aid, and proposing to substitute for the plan in the Bill an audit by the district auditor, was discussed for an hour and three-quarters, till the Closure was moved and carried by 120 (217 to 97), and the amendment rejected by 130 (230 to 100). Then another amendment to direct the disallowing of unauthorised expenses, was moved and debated for more than an hour, and then withdrawn. Then Mr. Courtney, on behalf of Mr. H. Hobhouse, moved an amendment authorising the Education Department to appoint an officer to attend the meetings of any governing body of any Association under the Bill, a suggestion debated more than an hour, when the Closure was carried by 155 (266 to 111), and the amendment rejected by 144 (263 to 119), and then at last Mr. Balfour moved that Clause 1 should stand part of the Bill, the Closure being carried by 147 (259 to 112) and the motion by 172 (279 to 107),—after a long series of most pertinacious and loquacious, and for the most part obstructive, debates. On Thursday the Committee came to an end, with only one- division, when an unimportant amendment was rejected by a majority of 141 (237 to 96), and the Bill was ordered to be reported without amendment, so that the Report stage will not be debated. Next Thursday, if not required for a vote of censure, will be allotted for the third reading, and it will pass before the end of the financial year. This is a great triumph for Mr. Balfour.

No serious change is reported from India as regards either Famine or Plague. The Government appears a little more hopeful as to the former, the prospect of a winter crop being better, but prices do not decline, and the number on the relief works exceeds three millions. There are still two months, May and June, of extreme probable suffering to be passed through, but after that the pressure should rapidly decrease. The statement that the arrangements made have prevented all deaths from hunger is, of course, on the face of it untrue ; but we notice that every eye-witness testifies to the remark- able skill and kindliness with which relief works have been organised. We can ourselves bear separate and trustworthy testimony to the fact that Government has allowed no con- sideration of expense to stand in the way of effective action, especially in the North-West. As regards the Plague, it spreads in Poona and Kurrachee and the sea-coast divisions of Bombay, but it has not crossed the continent to Bengal, and it is at last being fought with energy in the West, the native municipalities being superseded by special European Commissions. We cannot agree that Lord Ripon was "mad" in trusting the former bodies, for if we never trust them they will never learn, but in emergencies stronger, and, to speak plainly, more despotic, agencies are required. Nothing but fire is of any real use, and you cannot expect men to barn up the property of neighbours among whom they and their children have to live.

We cannot yet give trustworthy figures as to the result of the new elections in the Cisleithan half of the Austrian Empire. It appears, however, to be admitted that under various names the Clericals have won a complete victory, only checked by a certain increase in the Social Democratic party. The reduction in the suffrage has been followed, in fact, by an increase in the power of the priesthood, just as it was in Belgium, and would be in Italy if the Papacy modified its unintelligible refusal to let its followers vote. The fact is worth serious attention, first as proof that religion is not losing its influence in Southern Europe so rapidly as was supposed, and secondly, as marking a movement, perceptible in all countries, to unite the defence of religion with the cry for greater comfort for the mass of the population. The twofold impulse will yet produce great results. Christianity has many elements in it, and whenever one comes to the front its influence is apt to prove quite irresistible. Just:at present the facet of the diamond which is most visible has written on it, "Pity for the poor." Once the inscription was "Flee from the world," and produced monachism, and yet again, "Believe Christ rather than his priests," which developed the Reformation.

On Friday, March 12th, the examination of Sir Graham Bower was continued before the South African Committee. The witness, who was somewhat severely handled, stuck to the declaration that he understood when Mr. Rhodes bound him to secrecy that when the time for moving the troops came Mr. Rhodes would himself communi- cate with the High Commissioner. A very important piece of evidence bearing on the good faith of Mr. Rhodes was given towards the end of the sitting. Sir Graham Bower stated that about December 18th he having become uneasy owing to an interview he had had with Mr. Newton, questioned Mr. Rhodes on the subject. Mr. Rhodes, however, assured him that there was nothing serious in it,—i.e., both in regard to Dr. Jameson and in regard to Johannesburg. Yet we know from the telegrams that several days after December 18th Mr. Rhodes and his agents were instructing Dr. Jameson not to start on the Saturday till after 8 p.m. Sir Graham Bower was evidently most anxious not to say anything which could prejudice Mr. Rhodes, but his admissions were occasionally not a little damaging.

On Tuesday Mr. Schreiner, who was the Cape Attorney- General at the time of the Raid, gave evidence of great weight, and clearly impressed the Committee strongly by his moderation and statesmanship. After pointing out how Mr. Rhodes let the whole day slip (i.e., the Monday) without doing anything to recall Dr. Jameson, he added that " Mr. Rhodes's mind was in such a condition at that time that he did not think he recollected clearly what took place." Mr. Hofmeyr, he con- sidered, saved South Africa from civil war by urging the issue of the proclamation. He, Mr. Hofmeyr, had been a Minister of the Crown, and is now a Member of the Executive, " which corresponds to the dignity of a Privy Councillor," and his interference could not be regarded as that of an outsider. The effect of the Raid had been (1) to destroy men's trust in each other ; (2) to injure the Cape commercially by making them lose control of the railway through the Free State; (3) to revive race antagonism which was nearly at an end; (4) to create in men's minds an impression—an unfounded one, no doubt—that the Imperial Government tolerated or supported the policy which led to the Raid ; (5) to lower the prestige, dignity, and honour of England in South Africa. The Dutch people of Cape Colony were thoroughly loyal. " There was no grosser falsehood perpetrated than the constant attempts that were made to make them out disloyal." Mr. Schreiner added, " Perhaps they were patriotic as well,"—meaning, of course, that, like the Canadians and Australians, they have also a very strong local patriotism.

Mr. Schreiner insisted that the demonstrations held in Mr. Rhodes's favour by no means represented a unanimous feeling. "Every quiet, reasonable Englishman " who was not a strong partisan of Mr. Rhodes stood quite aloof. Such Dutch demonstrations as took place he seemed to think might be accounted for by a kind of dread of Mr. Rhodes's power. "This feeling seemed to have weighed with a certain section of the people, who feared that if they took up an honest, straightforward opposition to Mr. Rhodes, he could make it a very bad business for them in some way or other." The Dutch at the Cape would not be on the side of the Transvaal if it failed to observe its treaty obligations. A racial war was his deepest dread; the idea of the European garrison of eight hundred thousand whites cutting each other's throats

in the midst of a population of about six million blacks was a thing too awful to contemplate. Mr. Schreiner did not want to see the Chartered Company turned into a Crown Colony,!but to make the Administrator an independent Imperial officer.

It has been believed that the American Senate, influenced by the installation of a new President favourable to the arrangement, would, after all, accept the Arbitration Treaty. The influence of the silver men, who regard Great Britain as their one enemy, would seem to be still too strong. The Com- mittee on Foreign Relations has, indeed, accepted the Treaty, but with amendments which reduce it to a nullity, and which, as the Senators know, will not be accepted in London. One of these provides, according to the New York corre- spondent of the Times, that no question shall be a subject of arbitration unless the Senate has first signified its approval ! As we can deal diplomatically only with the American Government, the internal rules of that Government being no concern of ours, the amendment is fatal ; but it will probably be accepted by the Senate, the Senators having from the first objected that arbitration limited their powers. They want all the makeweights they can get in their contests with the President about patronage, and they are not disposed to surrender their share of the power of making war or peace. And then good people believe that but for Kings and Emperors the world would speedily be lapped in universal peace. The world likes prosperity, but thinks peace monotonous.

The Roumanian Deputies have passed a Bill the in- tention of which is to enable peasants to buy out nobles. Of the six million hectares of arable land in the country, two million belong to the nobles ; but in future a peasant may borrow from the State sufficient to pur- chase twenty-four hectares. It is believed that the peasants will avail themselves of this privilege, that they can in various ways compel the nobles to sell, and that they will within a few years own the entire soil of the country. The measure is denounced as Socialistic, but the creation of peasant-pro- prietors is in no way a Socialistic measure. The proposed loans may involve a most imprudent use of the State's credit, but nobody is coerced by the State or robbed by the State any more than under the Purchase Acts in Ireland. The "boyars," as they are called, of Roumania have not hitherto done much for their country, and they will still retain most of the forests and of the wild lands. The same process was carried out in France, and whatever its other demerits, the class it fixed on the soil has hitherto been most conservative.

The Americans have been greatly excited over a prize-fight between an Englishman named Fitzsimmons, born in Corn- wall, and an American named Corbett. The Legislature of Nevada, in order to let these men hit each other, actually passed a law legalising prize-fights. The men met on Wed- nesday, March 17th, near Carson, the capital of the State, and the fight, which lasted fifty-four minutes, was witnessed by a crowd of five thousand spectators, gathered from all parts of the Union, and including several women. A bright day was essential, because every incident of the contest, every blow, and indeed every movement was recorded by the kinetoscope, and the sale of the pictures is expected to pro- duce an important sum. The betting was in Corbett's favour, but the fight was a most brutal one; the fury of Fitzsimmons, who had refused to shake hands with his opponent, told for him instead of against him, and at last in the fourteenth round he delivered a blow which, hitting his adversary above the region of the heart, doubled him up in such agony that he was unable to recover in time. When he did he was temporarily blind, and rushed round the ring striking all he met in the vain search for his enemy. There was not a trace of the good temper often attributed to boxers, though the fighting seems to have been fair. It says something for the improvement of tone in England that the scene, which sixty years ago might have happened here, would now excite in the general public no feeling but one of disgust and horror. Nevada is clearly a century behind in civilisation.

Bank Rate, 3 per cent.

New Consols (21) were on Friday, 112.