NEWS OF THE WEEK.

FRANCE.

THE proceedings of the Chambers in France are at this moment a subject of so great and so rational curiosity, that, even in that point of view, they would deserve a large share of our attention. We look on them, however, as involving matter of much higher moment than mere amusement. The fact is, that the interests of England as well as of France depend in no slight degree on the movements of the Parliament of the latter. The great questions of peace or war are involved in the measures which it shall adopt. We have no fears, but it is impossible to be altogether without anxiety, about the results of so wonderful a change as that which we have witnessed. Hitherto all has gone on well—admirably. The future, we trust, will be a copy of the past. The new laws introduced appear to be singularly wise and judicious—good as to general principle, and well adapted to existing circumstances. There remain in the country elements of disorder, some of which we noticed; these laws will go far to remove the more serious, and time will settle the rest.

In our second edition last week, we mentioned the regular nomi- nation of Count de MOLE, General GERARD, Baron Louis, the Duke de BROGLIE, M. de GUIZOT, General SEBASTIANI, and M. DUPONT de l'Eure, to the offices of Secretary of Foreign Affairs, of War, of Finance, of Public Instruction and President of the Council, of the Interior_ of tiro Ms,-;nu; and of Justice, re- spectively. In addition to these, the Moniteur ofthe 12th contains an ordinance, appointing MM. J. LAFITTE, CASIAIIR PERRIER, DUPIN senior, and Baron BIGRUM, all four members of the Chamber of Deputies, to be members, in addition to the seven Ministers above named, of the Ministerial Council, or Cabinet as we would call it. The same Moniteur contains several ordinances, restoring to their rank a number of functionaries who had-been illegally deprived by the late Ministers.

On Wednesday the 11th, the Chamber of Peers voted an ad- dress to the new Sovereign. It was carried by 80 to 1. The address, which we subjoin, was carried up to the palace on the 12th, at eight o'clock in the evening.

"Sire—Your faithful subjects, the Peers of France, still penetrated by the great events which have just passed, appear before your Majesty to thank you for your attachment to France. An unanimous voice has pro- claimed that your accession to the throne could alone secure the public happiness. It is only under your reign that we can enjoy in peace those liberties which have been so heroically defended. To be indispensable to a great people, who acknowledged freely and calmly this necessity, what title was ever more noble and more true ? Had Providence ever a lan- guage more manifest ?

" The contract which you have entered into with France, the oath pronounced by reason and by honour, are engagements worthy at the same time of the Prince who enters into them, and the nation that receives them.

" Our oaths, too, have not been dictated by an improvident enthusiasm or a blind sentiment. We swear fidelity to you with the profound con- viction that we are performing a sacred duty to our country. " Now that this solemn act is accomplished, France is going to return to the regular course of legal existence. It was to defend its laws that it took up arms ; it is, that it may no more have recourse to force to main- tain them, that it has established new guarantees. Peace at home and abroad—public order—the free development of talent and industry— such has been the object of its efforts—such ought to be the reward of its victory.

" The Chamber of Peers will be eager to concur in the labours which are to improve our legislation, and insure our prosperity. Its efforts, which have more than once been successful in contributing to the public good, have been too often confined to checking or to alleviating evil. At present, a noble career is opened before it. Your Majesty has no other thought than the happiness of France. This will be the principle of an unalterable union between the King and the Chambers!'

To this address, which was read by Baron PASQUIER the Pre- sident of the Peers, the King replied- " My Lords—I am happy to bear you declare that the fidelity which you have sworn to me is founded on • the profound conviction that you are performing a sacred duty to pint.' country. It is this same conviction which has been the rtile of iriy conduct; and I also felt that I was obeying this sacred duty in tearing myself from the peaceful habits which were the charm of my life, to devote myself entirely to what the country required of me. I have yielded to the national will with the firm resolution to fulfil all my obligations—to consolidate peace at home and abroad, and to secure the reign of the laws. I depend upon your loyal and sincere co- operation to facilitate the task which is imposed upon me ; and I receive with lively satisfaction the expression of your sentiments towards me."

At the meeting ofthe Chamber of Deputies on the 12th, M. G. de ROCHEFOUCAULD made a motion on the subject of commercial discounts, which for some time tended to disturb the regularity of the Chamber. The standing orders, however, for referring it to the bureaux, notwithstanding the plea of urgency by which a de- parture from the established mode was attempted to be justified, were unanimously supported. On the resumption of the ordinary sittings, M. de ROCHEFOUCAULD withdrew his motion. The sub- ject of it will be best seen from the observations of M. J. LA- FITTE, which possess the highest value, not only from the charac- ter but from the practical knowledge of the speaker :- " Whilst I do justice," said he, " to the measure proposed to the Cham- ber by M. de la Rochefoucauld, I must say that it is at this moment su- perfluous. I acknowledge, as he does, that a series of glorious events have suspended all commercial operations, and that a temporary panic may have existed amongst the manufacturers of this capital. However, these houses are not deprived of their usual bills ; and, if the Bank do not accept them at sight, it is because they are deficient in the necessary forms. But what the Bank cannot do, the bankers will. To-morrow there will be a meeting of the principal capitalists ; they will take measures to facilitate the prompt negotiation of matters in suspense. I entreat the Chamber not to occupy itself any longer with the subject. I declare that commerce is in perfect security. I have a conviction that to-morrow every thing will be in order, and that commerce will effect all that is required for itself."

The determination of the Chamber to adhere to its forms, which are essential to security and to business equally, is extremely sa- tisfactory ; and the distinct statement of so eminent a commer- cialist, of the perfect security of the trade of France, will be heard with pleasure, both in France and in every country with which France has anyonnexion. At the meeting of the Deputies on Friday, M. EUSEBE SAL- YERTE brought forward hie motion for the impeachment of such V: the late Ministers as had signed the renort. to the King, and the drdinances of the 25th that were grc,unded on it. The speech of 41.-SALvERris -appcaro, a..31 thn _brief report of it, to have been a very temperate one. There was no aggravation of the criminality of the Ministers, nor any address to the passions of his audience. It consisted merely of a cool and impartial history of the events i that had led to the impeachment. One circumstance only is no- ticed,-the inference from which may be supposed to be drawn from the feelings of the speaker, but he does not dwell upon it. On the contrary, he expressly states it to be a matter which requires to be investigated:— "Something would have been wanting in the plan of the Ministry if they had not kept up to the last moment the hope of the public safety. This they did ; all the letters were despatched to the members of the two Chambers, called together for the 3rd of August ; and from all points of France the Deputies were preparing for their departure, anxious to pre- sent themselves at an assembly which, in the opinion of the Ministry, had already ceased to exist. It has been thought, and not without reason, that this illusory convocation was not made undesignedly—that the Ministry desired to assemble and place under their power those Deputies whose loyal vote had offended them ; that tables of proscription were ready, and that exile, transportation, and death, were recompenses in store for the voters of the address. An inquiry will clear up this fact."

M. SALVERTE'S motion, "that the Chamber accuses of high treason the Ministers who signed the address to the King, and the ordinances of 25th July 1830," was carried almost unanimously, only three members of the extreme Right voting against it It appears that a number of Deputies who belong to this sec- tion of the Chamber hold aloof, and pretend not to mingle in the labours of the Legislature ; which, they, would insinuate, are im- perfect, because the Chamber is not favoured with their support ; and as by their continued absence there is some danger that pub- lic business may be interrupted for want of a legal quorum, imme- diate measures are to be taken for compelling the recusants either to' take their places and the oaths, or to resign. In France, as we formerly hinted, a Deputy may resign without being obliged to solicit a minister and to pay a fee for an appointment to a nominal office under the Crown. The decision ofthe French Ministry will probably produce not a few resignations, and as in almost every case the late Ministerial elections were only secured by the ex- ercise of the most scandalous interference, the consequence will be a very large accession of strength to the popular party. The Messager des Chambres of Saturday contains a number of regulations respecting the Royal titles, and other matters of form. From these we learn that the title of the King is " Louis Phil- lippe, Roi des Francais."

The ancient Seals of State are suppressed.

For the future the Seals of State are to represent the arms of Orleans;' surmounted by a closed crown, with the sceptre and the hand of Justicet":: •

at the top, and tri-coloured flags behind the escutcheon, and for motto,. " Louis Phillippe I., Roi des Francais." The Princes and Princesses, as well as the sister of the King, are to con. tinue the name and arms of Orleans. The Duke de Chartres will take the title of the Duke of Orleans. • The other children will preserve the, titles they have hitherto borne. The female branches will bear no other title than that of Princesses of Orleans, distinguishing themselves by their Christian names.

The decoration of the Legion of Honour will continue to bear the effigy of Henry IV., with his name on the exergue ; and, on the other side, in the middle of the medal, the motto, " Honneur et Patrie."

The title of Monseigneur is no longer to be given to the members of the Council of Ministers. They will be styled Monsieur le Ministre.

We may remark, that the French show much good taste and good sense in the use of theirvernacular language on all their coins and medals. Nothing can be more absurd than the English practice of continuing to employ a language for that purpose which is unintelligible to nine-tenths of the community, and which never was the language of any class of Englishmen at any period of their history.

The same journal notices the institution of three several degrees of Admirals—Rear, Vice, and Admiral properly so called—in the same way as in the British Navy. The Admirals are to rank with Field-Marshals ; the first promotion under the ordinance is that of DUPERRE, to the rank of Admiral. In addition to several po- pular Government and law appointments, we notice in these ordi- nances the elevation of the Duke of DALMATIA and of Admiral DUPERRE to the dignity of the peerage. This removes all doubt about the reduction of the ninety-three peerages created by CHARLES the Tenth, which were denounced by the Chamber of Deputies as illegal. The question, it will be recollected, was left to the Lieutenant-General ; and the King has answered it. Thirty-five of those who are thus excluded have signed what is called a protest—an illegal one evidently, at least in this country it would be so denominated and so visited. Against their extrusion they might in the bosom of the Chamber very properly enter their protest in as strong language as they liked ; but no man is justified on any pretence in denying the legality of a legislative assembly, because, in his opinion, it has been guilty of an illegal act.

" Peers of France, appointed and instituted, sitting legislatively, and making part of one of the legislative powers, whose rights are permanent and hereditary, they can never cease to form part of the Chamber of Peers, and consider themselves as submitting solely to force, which prevents their meeting in deliberation. They therefore appeal to justice against force—to respect for the laws against arbitrary will—to reason and public honour against ostracism. Finally, they protest against all the decisions of a Chamber incomplete and mutilated by force, and against all the deliberations to which they have not been called."

On the 14th, the Minister of the Interior brought down a mes- sage from the King, recommending a law for extending the period usually set apart for verifying the Jury and election lists, which had been interrupted by the late disturbances ; and another, of a more important character, to provide for the filling up of the vacancies in the Chamber. The members are recommended ad interim to be chosen by the colleges of arrondissemens, the Chamber selecting by lot the Colleges which should perform that duty. It is probable, that as soon as laws for the final regulation of the franchise and the mode of election are passed, the Cham- ber will be dissolved, and a new one chosen. Several of the pre- sent Deputies have been chosen according to forms which the new Charter abolishes as injurious to the constitution. It was not to be expected that the family of CHARLES was to be driven from the throne, and in the expulsion the whole trade and commerce of a great empire to be reduced to a stand-still for eight or ten days, without great confusion and a good deal of suffering. The workmen who were for some time after the battle of the Three Days paid as soldiers by the Government, have found some difficulty in settling. down once more to their regulated labour ; and besides labour is not easy in every case to be had. A pe- tition was made by some of them to banish all the foreign arti- sans from Paris, out of which, however, they were speedily per- suaded, by being told that the consequence of such a step would be the banishment of French artisans from other countries ; so that instead of the competition which they deprecated being lessened, it would be greatly increased. Bands of a less respectable and more violent character, something akin to our framebreakers, have been formed, with a view to destroy machinery. Some of these wiseheads displayed their energy very conspicuously during the Three Days, when about twenty printing machines were destroyed. It is said that these reunions of the workmen have been stimulated by the friends of the last and the enemies of the present Govern- ment ; but it seems quite as likely that they have been brought about by idleness or want operating on ignorance, as by any system of political plotting. The King has issued a proclamation which it is to be hoped will in some King repress these assemblages, though we may expect to hear of them for some time to come. The wave does not fall the moment that the storm goes down, but it cannot rise nor can it continue without it. The French people, since they have conquered their liberty, ought to recollect, that the lifference between their present state and that from which they have been delivered is, that now they are subject to fixed and im- partial laws, and then they were subject to changeable and partial ordinances. Because they are free they must support the legiti- mate exercise of authority. The King's proclamation, dated the 15th, runs thus:- "Frenchmen—You have preserved your liberties ; you have called me to govern you according to the laws. Your task has been gloriously sic- complisbed; mine is before me; for me it is to insure respect to the go- vernment of law which you have achieved by conquest. I may not allow another to reject an authority to which I must submit myself. It is necessary that the administration of the law resume its ancient course in all respects. Many changes indeed have been effected, and others are in preparation ; but meanwhile it is necessary that the authority of the state remain in the hands of men firmly attached to the national cause.

"A movement so sudden and so vast'could not be effected without some momentary confusion. That confusion has reached its termination; and I require of all good citizens that they gather round the magistrates to aid them in maintaining, for the common benefit, order and liberty.

" Some reforms are necessary in the public service. The receipt of certain'imposts charges the country with a heavy burden. Laws shall be proposed to remedy this evil. In the examination of this matter, no complaint shall be smothered—no interest forgotten—no fact lost sight of. But until the new laws shall be enacted, those now in force must be obeyed : reason inculcates this, and the public safety enjoins it.

Let every man exert himself to convince his fellow-citizens of the necessity of the crisis. For myself, I shall not fail of performing my pro- mises hereafter, nor of discharging my duties at present. " Frenchmen, Europe beholds our glorious revolution with admiration, not unmixed with astonishment. She asks, can it be possible that such events can take place by the mere force of civilization and energy, and without throwing society into confusion ? Let us dissipate all doubts upon the subject. Let a government, as orderly as it is popular, instantly succeed to the overthrow of absolute power. Liberty and public order' —this is the devite borne on the colours of the National Guard of Paris; be it also, in effect, the spectacle which France shall display to Europe. In a few days we have insured for ages the happiness and glory of our country."

On the 17th, certain amendments in the existing law respecting the oath of allegiance were proposed by M. MARSCHAL. The principal of these was, that the oath—" I swear fidelity to the King of the French, obedience to the Constitutional Charter, and to the laws of the Kingdom "—should be taken by all functionaries, administrative, judicial, and military, within fifteen days of the promulgation of the new law, and that the refusal to take the oath should be held equivalent to resignation. M. de PiNsoNNixan moved an additional clause, that all those Deputies who did not take the oath or give in their adherence within the same period, should in like manner be held to have resigned. This amendment called up M. de MARTIGNAC, the predecessor of Prince POLIGNAC. The speech of M. de MARTIGNAC is the most important that has been pronounced since the late change, for it announces the adhe- rence of the large and influential class to which lie belongs, and which alone formed the sheet anchor of the exiled family. The Ultras, on whom it latterly depended, were always too few in num- ber, and too insignificant to give consequence or power to any party. The separation of the Moderate Tories, as we may term them, from the elder branch of the Bourbons, severs for ever all connexion between that branch and its emancipated subjects. The speech of M. de MARTIGNAC is temperate and well-reasoned, and at the same time displays much independence and much sound feeling. Nothing, indeed, more clearly proves the real liberty en- joyed by France at the present moment, than the firmness and freedom with Which men of all parties speak their sentiments.

" I can easily conceive," said M. de Martignac, " the motives which have dictated the proposition you haye just heard; but I am in hopes that it will be useless to have recourse to this unusual measure, and I beg to submit to the Chamber a few observations why I think so. It is no doubt of importance in the serious circumstances in which we are placed, that all interests should be represented in the chamber; that every part of the country should have an interpreter of its wishes, its wants, its com- plaints. The importance of the subject is such as not to allow me to doubt that it is duly felt, and this is precisely what makes me look upon the mea- surewhich has been proposed to you as useless. One obstacle only keeps at home a number of members of the chamber, and that obstacle is the ne- cessity of a new oath. There is in the obligation of forsaking those whom we have defended, and of transferring the oath of fidelity from one dynasty to another, something which alarms the conscience and oppresses the heart. This moral resistance can only yield to the voice of a still more imperious duty, and duty requires examination to be understood. Does it exist for the deputies of France ? This is what we ought to well examine. I do not hesi- tate to declare the result of this investigation, convinced as I am that there is not a true feeling, or a conscientious opinion, that may not be ex- pressed here with frankness and moderation. My political friends and myself, attached to the royal house which has just fallen, have done every thing that our conscience and reason commanded us, to preserve it from the new misfortune which has befallen it. We have long known the wishes, the wants, the resources of France, and we have no reproaches to make to ourselves of having dissembled them. In a memoir which was transmitted to the King in 1828, and which it is not improper to quote here, we said—' No other means, no measure of a different nature present themselves to our minds ; for our institutions do not admit of any other, and we shall never look for any beyond them. The wisdom of two Kings has made great concessions to France ; France has adopted them; to think of withdrawing them, would be to suspend royalty itself. No one in France would have the fatal courage to give such counsel to the King.' Others, (pursued M. de Martignac,) had this fatal courage, and in two days they subverted the throne. We have not witnessed without pro- found sorrow this dreadful fall ; we could have wished that, in this im mense wreck, it had been possible to cling to one preserving pm- ciple—that of legitimacy. This has not been the case; the urgency of circumstances, the power of events, have not permitted it. * * * As Deputies we hold our trust not from the throne, but from our country. This trust has been confided to us under other cir- cumstances, but are we to give it up because circumstances have become weom more menacing? Whilst the soil of our country is still vibrating,

the op to desert those who endeavour to consolidate it ? For me,

doubt no longer exists ; my duty appears to me as clear as thealaly. ose are in a time of effervescence ; well ! I shall ask delay ; I sh what appears dangerous; I shall prefer experience to theories; I lhall ow claim the execution of the laws. When I see our streets full ofsp public decency, and say—it is shameful to insult old age in distress, and f power. This is our duty, as I conceive it. Do we court he favours of ...a new power? We neither expect success nor triumph : our sphere will be obscure, being condemned beforehand bgetnhose who are in office. Such is our lot; but the lot is more useful idleness, however ha-

nourable the motives for it may be. This is what has induced us to take the oath—this is what induces us not to oppose the proposition being taken into consideration."

The speech of M. de MARTIGNAC was heard with deep atten- tion ; and, except when he alluded, perhaps unnecessarily, to the caricatures on CHARLES—of which, by the way, we now for the first time learn the existence—with approbation. The law will of' course pass ; but, as M. de MARrIGNAC justly observed, it will be found to be useless, It is but fair to state, while praising his i prudence and that of his party, that it has been called into opera- tion by the uncompromising courage of the Liberal Deputies. They have said, " Those who are not with us must be content to be against us," and by thus puttin,g down a neutrality disgraceful to those who maintained it, they have gained, we doubt not, a large accession of useful supporters. The nation has by the same process gained an opposition, desirable, perhaps, at all times, but most desirable at such a period as the present, when if a portion of the bad passions that are at work were not let off in that way, they might prove equally dangerous both to those without and those within.

On the same day that this important declaration was made, a law was brought down to the Chambers by the Minister of War, for insuring to military men the possession of their rank, except in cases of judicial condemnation, and for fixing their half-pay and pensions by laws instead of regulations. The project of law contains also various proposals for augmenting the existing pen- sions, as well as giving permanence to them. Another law was submitted by the Minister of the Interior, providing that, on the acceptance, by a Deputy, of any post with a salary annexed, he should vacate his seat. The law contains a clause which we would do well to introduce into ours. The Deputy will continue to sit in the Chamber, and to vote as usual, until the vacancy be regularly filled up. It frequently happens in our House of Com- mons, that business is suspended in the very heat of the session, because a member of the Cabinet has merely walked from one desk to another.

The Committee appointed to report on a motion of M. DELES- sERT's, touching a national reward to those who were wounded, and to the relations of those who fell in the fight of the Three Days, stated their approval through their Chairman. The motion includes, in addition to the provision to the wounded and surviving relations, the striking of a medal to perpetuate their exploits, and appoints a Committee of the Chamber to investigate claims. Another, and at this moment a most important motion, was submitted to the Chamber at this sittings—to put an end to the punishment of death for all offences. It was supported by LA- FAYETTE.

" It is no new idea," said the General, " that is now laid before you— the abolition of this penalty has been called for at every period; it was demanded by some highly respect-am,. the Constituent Assembly,—by Adrian-Duport ; it was demanded by the father of our honourable friend the author of the Commentary on Montesquieu. How deeply have we all to regret that it had not been abolished ages back. It is in the present day loudly called for in the United States of America. From this, gentlemen, you will perceive that many have formed a decided opinion upon the subject. For my own part, I shall demand the abolition of the penalty of death, until I am convinced that human judgment is infallible. What fri5-htful use of this penalty was made during our former revolutions ! The reflection fills my soul with horror. No man, I believe, ever made use of it during these disastrous times, without afterwards wishing it were possible he could redeem with his own blood the condem- nations in which he had joined. But our present revolution has a cha- racter of generosity as well as of patriotism, and it would adorn its com- mencement were we to consummate this great act of humanity. I there- fore vote for its being taken consideration."

"Such a law as that proposed," says the Standard of last night, "enacted at such a time, would add on more glory to the Revolution of 1830, and, as we firmly believe, invest the great change with a moral .dignity, in the eyes of Europe, better calculated to preserve the existing establishment from foreign assault than a million of mercenary soldiers." We may add to the remark of our able con- temporary, one other, equally obvious. How magnificently, to speak more Galileo on a French subject, does the eminent huma- nity of LAFAYETTE, who has been bred a warrior from his youth, contrast with the cold-blooded arguments of those civilians in our Parliament, who are so attached to the axe and the halter that they would persuade us the frame of society must tumble together were but one foul spot of our sanguinary code to be made clean. It requires an elevation of mind even to appreciate the lofty phi- lo. sophy of such a proposal as that we have just described, at a time when the fate of such criminals as PoniGNAC and PYRON- N i ET are in suspense ; when life is not called for on account of the theft of a few paltry pounds by the forgery of a name, but for thousands of lives illegally and wantonly destroyed. We must add, that the Liberal press of France is entitled to its full share of the praise due to this motion. The Constitutionnel, the first to resist the ordinances of the 25th of July, contained on the 13th of August a proposal to abolish the punishment of death in poli- tical offences!

" The warmest partisans of a contemporaneous drama," says that able journal, "surely would not select for their heroes the statesmen who have

cannonaded the French, after having vainly attempted to impose on them ignoble gnoble yoke. It is sufficient that we are the strongest party, in order

to feel that the law of retaliation is objectionable. It is when, the law which has unjustly reached our friends is justly turned against our ene- mies, that it is fitting to subject it to the modifications which we called for on the former occasion. A useful reform of the code may, at the same time, be favourable to humanity. Our prevaricating and sanguinary Ministers sacrificed every thing to the ambition of power and the eclat of fortune. Deprived of tyrannical power by the energy of the right of resistance, let them also be despoiled of the fruits of their extortions by the expenses of trial and by just indemnities; let them afterwards bear into exile their indigence and remorse." This is " an apple of gold in a picture of silver" —a sterling truth exquisitely expressed. There was one other law laid before the Chamber on the 17th, which indicates great good sense and sound policy in the Ministers. It proposes to set apart five millions of francs for public works, to be immediately commenced. This, and another plan which it does not require a law to carry through—the formation of a couple of regiments from among the young men who were engaged on the Three Days—will go far to furnish employment to those whose idleness, voluntarily or compelled, if long continued, could hardly fail to be injurious. The decent portion of the workmen seem well disposed to second the endeavours of the King and the Chambers. They have placarded throughout the city an address to their companions, which does them much credit. It refers, it will be seen, to the destruction of machinery, which has been ac- complished in some instances, and generally threatened in others.

" We the undersigned work-people of Paris, of various trades and manufactures, well knowing that the destruction of machinery will in- fallibly be the ruin of commerce, which is the national glory, and that those who attempt it are only traitors to their country—publicly declare against all such actions, which have for their object to destroy all kind of property. We still wish to have the glory of conquering our enemies by our good advice, as well as to fulfil our duty to our country, as we have done in the immortal days in July ; and we swear not to make use of any arms except for the defence of the nation, and at the call of the Govern- ment of Louis Philippe I."

The arrivals of to-day contain nothing later than Tuesday's de- bates, a summary of which we have given. The whole of the several projets de loix, or bills as we term them, have in the first instance to be referred to the bureaux or standing committees of the House ; and these must report on them before what may be termed the first reading can take place. The following notice appears in the Times of this morning :— " It is understood that General Baudrand is the bearer of a letter from Louis Philip, the King of the French, announcing his accession : he will speedily be followed by a regular Ambassador. There cannot, of course, be a moment's hesitation on the part of our Government to recognize the constitutional Sovereign of France." This settles satisfactorily the question of the interference of Britain.