PUBLIC EXPRESSION ON THE FRENCH CHANCES.—Mr. Cobbett had a dinner

on Monday, at which, as we anticipated, he spoke a Register on the subject of Reform in Parliament, with a short appendix on the French Revolution. He also moved an address from one of the largest and most diversified bodies in England—the Reformers—to the people of France, which Sir Thomas Beevor agreed to carry over to Paris. Sir Thomas and Mr. Cobbett's son left town on Tuesday for that purpose.

A dinner of more importance took place on Wednesday, in the Free- mason's Tavern, with a Chairman who has rather more of the confidence of his friends, and more of the respect of his enemies, Sir Francis Bur- dett. The number who sat down was calculated at about three hundred ; among whom were Count do Morney and M. Vincent, (the latter an officer of Layfayette's regiment), Mr. Hobhouse, Mr. F. Palmer, Mr. Warburton, Colonel Jones, and other respectable gentlemen. There were ladies in the gallery, and a military band played French airs during the banquet. Two of these, as Ca Ira and the Marseillois Hymn, seem to have given offence to some of our contemporaries ; and Mr. Bucking- ham, who acted as honorary secretary to the committee under whose auspices the dinner was held, has published an explanatory letter, in which he states that the band was left to play what tunes it liked. Why the Marseillois Hymn, whose author was presented the other day by King Louis Philip with a gratuity for the goodness and soundness of his verses, should be deemed inappropriate on such an occasion, we can- not well say; and for the Ca ira, after we had stolen it to make a march, and Rossini to ornament an overture, we think it might pass without much question. The real Revolutionary chant—La Carmagn,ole —which the French officers and sailors used in Robespierre's time to join in, hand-in-hand, round the quarter-deck, every morning and even- ing—was not played or sung. Some English verses were sung, for the hasty concoction of which an apology was made. They were written on Monday, the music engraved on Tuesday, and the copies printed on Wednesday, The words were Mr. Buckingham's; the music was old. Aron omnia possumus wines. Mr. Buckingham shows more vigour and

skill in attacking Leadenhall than Parnassus. The following are among the verses which have struck us most.

" Children of France I Sons of the Brave I Insulted Freedom sounds the alarm I Our tyrants shouted' Be ye slaves , But we responded Soldiers ! Arm I' Soon Paris heard th' ennobling cry, And, bent on Death or Victory, Every voice triecr*FortVard I On t 'March I the battle must be won I' And through the thickest ranks of traiterou9 War They pluck'd the Victor's crown."

War, in a subsequent stanza, figures as murderous. Instead of "They pluck'd the Victor's crown," we would have preferred " They crack'd old Charles' crown." There is nothing like a little ambiguity of phrase; it tells wonderfully in extemporaneous effusion, either in prose or verse.

A specimen or two more :—

" Some craven hearts withheld their breath, Nor dared to breathe one cheering tone,

Till, scald by many a patriot's death, The fight was fought—the victory won.

Honour, then, doubly to the Brave !

Who spurn'd the first decree, Resolved their charter'd rights to save,

To perish, or be free I"

The first decree was the ordinance against the press ; this is a sore subject with Mr. Buckingham very naturally. The following is an im- provement of Thomson

" Our Monarch, William, justly dear, Shall spread thy name to realms afar ;

While peaceful Commerce—ranging free as ob.—

Shall soon repair the waste of murderous War.

Rule, Britannia I thus subdue the waves; Be great, be free—and loose the bonds of Slaves "

Murderous war, it strikes us, comes in for too large a share of these joyous odes. One more stanza :-

" Britons a arise, rejoice ;

Harp, lute, reed, trump, and voice,

Aid the sweet string.

Freedom's bright haltered flame

Enwreaths our Monarch's name: Hail ! then, with hearts' acclaim,

The People's King.

Still the loud strain prolong, And bid the willing song

Breathe this warm prayer I William, of England's race

Philip of France embrace : Thus shall the Tyrant-race

Perish with fear f

Why ? let us see-

" For o'er the night profound, Which long the nation bound.

The day-star springs ; While France and England's line,

Scorning the Right Divine' Their Royal Arms entwine, As Patriot Kings Long may they live to see

Thar subjects truly free,

And then be blest With that sublime repose,

Which Virtue only knows, When Death their cares snail close In endless rest I " The Chronicle says " This last verse was listened to iu deep silence." It is indeed very affecting.

To return to the more substantial business of the meeting. After the King had been drunk with the usual enthusiasm, the Chairman rose to propose the health of the King of France. In the course of his speech, he introduced an eulogium on Lafayette, that great and good man, who realized the saying of the old philosopher, " Love thyself last." " He had just read an anecdote that occurred during the American war. La.. Fayette was in that war pursuing a part of the force opposed to him, and in one of the conflicts an English soldier was left wounded on the field, and exposed to the fire of the retreating of the soldiers. While he was lying there, a young gentleman came forward on a white horse, in the midst of the fire, who took up the wounded soldier and carried him away—that man was the Marquis de Lafayette. He united the greatest tenderness with the greatest firmness, the greatest wisdom with the greatest moderation, forming altogether one of the most perfect charac-

ters ever recorded in the page of history." The health of Louis Philip was drunk with great cheering. The

health of Lafayette was afterwards given by Mr. Hobhouse. Mr. War- burton gave " The Union of all Free Nations against despotic power." "They talk of a revolution," said Mr. Warburton; "in my opinion, and according to my acceptation of the words, there has been no revolution ; or, to speak more accurately, those whose triumph we are this day met to celebrate, are not revolutionists—they are the maintainers of the regular law and established institutions in France. Who, then, were the a-evo- lutionists—the real revolutionists ? Why, the late King. He was the great violator of the law. Those who opposed him fought and bled and died in the great and holy cause of liberty, law, and social order." These are not the words of a political enthusiast—of an empty haranguer; they are those of one of the most moderate and business-attending men in the present Parliament ! The" Progress of Education," and " Purity of Election," towards which we have of late made something like an ap- proach, were afterwards given ; and Colonel Jones interposed to drink the old established toast The people, the only true and legitimate source of all power." The party broke up at an early hour, after a day of much unanimity and enjoyment. There were some placards on the walls, decrying a standing army and a military police, and calling for the reduction of the one and for the remodelling of the other. The Standard says this was the only sensible thing about the dinner. We think there were a few more sensible things, but we have not room to argue about them. In noticing those that were present it is not proper to omit notice of

those that circumstances prevented from being present. Letters were read at the meeting from Lord John Russell pleading ill health and the

fatigue which he had suffered in his canvass at Bedford as an excuse for not attending; and from Lord Nugent, who was engaged to attend a similar meeting in the country. The following from Lord Milton and

from Mr. Brougham we consider worthy of preservation. Lord Milton, who addresses Mr. Hobhouse says :—

" Wentworth, August 15,.18:10.

" Sir—As you seem to have been one of the first—if nut lbe first;;--tet Mark your satisfaction at the late e cots in France, by sending..a Subscripticorto the en. fortunate sufferers in Paris, you must bear with me for troubling you with this IfitreTiwhich is toheg that if any pliblinetheeting is held on-this subject London, you will have thekhidness to make it known how muchl applaud the conduct of the Yrench, and how entirely I sympathize with those who are desirous of assisting them. This, you may say, is a piece of useless parade; but I confess it strikes use as desirable that the greatest possible number of persons in the higher ranks should be known as approvers of the last Revolution ; and I am the more desirous of it with respect to myself, as we have always been considered, (and truly so) as great disapprovers of the former one. The French have, however, redeemed themselves nobly, and may challenge any nation on earth to compare with them. It is with this feeling that I have sent my mite, which in comparison with yours is nothing; but I do not much regret my inability to give more, as I conceive that in this case the amount of the money subscribed signifies very little—the real object is to show the French people that we have a fellow feeling with them; and this is marked as well by a small as by a large sum. " MILTON. " To John Cam Hobhouse, Esq."

We fully concur with Lord Milton, that it is desirable that as many as possible of the higher ranks should be known.as approvers of what is good and just and honourable, for their own sakes. We can go on quite well without Alderman Waithman and the rest of the great people ; but there is no reason why we should leave such men as Lord Milton behind, if they incline to our company. The Standard remarks on Lord 31ilton's inconsistency in giving a subscription to support the press in France, and giving a seat in Parliament to support its worst enemy in England. But there are contradictions in the conduct of the wisest men, and why not in Lord Million's ? Perhaps he thinks that without Sir James Scarlett he could not keep our contemporary and ourselves in due subordination. After all, Sir James is rather the watch-dog of the " order," as Lord Grey calls it, than the enemy of the people. Mr. Brougham's letter contains nothing about the " order," but it contains more of the marrow of the matter :— "Carlisle, August 16, 1530. " Gentlemen—I have just had the honour of receiving your summons to attend the meeting upon Wednesday next, anti I deeply regret that the state of the busi- ness here makes it quite impossible for me to be present. But I beg of you to be- lieve, and to represent, on my part, that no man in this country entertains a more lively sense of the debt of gratitude, never to be repaid, which all the lovers of free- dom, in all lands, owe to the authors of the glorious event you are met to celebrate. They have done far more in three days to make despotism impossible, either in France or in England, than its vile abettors can now accomplish in as many ages. I trust I shall be excused for taking this occasion to express the anxiety which I feel until I can see the reformed constitution of that noble country placed upon a solid basis. From the inroads of royal prerogative there is now little to fear ; especially if the representation of the people shall he established upon a more ex- tended foundation—the best security both for the liberty of the subject and for the stability of the throne. My anxious hope is, that no error may be committed in the other extreme ; that the wisdom and temperance which have hitherto shone so il- lustriously through all the proceedings of the distinguished leaders, may preside over what remains of their great work, and enable them to see the hazard of a too l'eeble executive power, at a moment when they may be more apt to think of the dangers they have just escaped from arbitrary domination. It well becomes their sagacity and foresight to avoid sowing the seeds of dissension, and struggle, and change, and convulsion, while they are planting the tree of limited monarchy, under whose shade the rights of all classes may best respose in peace and safety. Above all, let us hope that everything will be shunned which can perpetuate the authority of an armed force ; that the functions of deliberation will for ever be separated from those of action ; that having chosen a monarch 5n whom they can confide, provided salutary checks. to his power, and founded his throne, as we in England elect our sovereigns, upon the sacred principle of re- sistance to lawless tyranny, they will intrust him with the prerogatives of wielding' the national force, and representing the country abroad—prerogatives ever safely to be shared with any other branch of the Government, however necessary it may be strictly to control them, and jealously to watch their exercise. The happy choice which the Illustrious Prince who now sways that constitutional sceptre has made of his Ministers, fills me with the confident expectation that the hopes of the good and the wise will be realized. I have long had the happiness of knowing the.Ir chief; and there lives not a man in either country more anxious for whatever ma v best preserve peace between the two nations, and more sincerely devoted to the general improvement of mankind. That a reign so auspiciously begun, and spring- ing from such glorious deeds of civil virtue, may long bless the people committed to its care, and secure the peace and happiness of Europe is the devout prayer of " Your faithful servant, " To the Stewards of the Dinner." /‘ B. B.

This is as it should be—sound argument, comprehensive views, ar- dent and honest enthusiasm.

CITY MEETING .—A meeting of a more sober and business character than those we have just noticed, was held on Tuesday, in the London Tavern. It was called by a very numerous body of individuals. Applica- tion, as we noticed last week, had been made to the Mayor for his official sanction, or failing his official sanction, for his presence as an individual : but his Lordship would give neither. We do not blame the Lord Mayor, nor Aldermen Thompson and Waithman, nor Mr. Ward, for refusing to honour the meeting with their presence. Had they publicly declared their approbation of the French people, it might have raised the vanity of the latter above due measure. The Lord Mayor did, however, give the requisitionists something—he would not give them his countenance, but he gave them his counsel ; he would not call the meeting, but he advised the requisitionists to call it. The hour mentioned was twelve o'clock ; and in City matters, we believe invariably, twelve means one ; but the persons who met on Tuesday lost sight of this distinction, and expressed some impatience at the delay. At one o'clock, when Mr. Warburton took the chair, the room was full, but not crowded. It did not contain very many of that class in society which we generally call respectable, for want of a more distinctive epithet. There were very few of those who are called the leading men of the City, (on the same principle, as according to the grammarians, locus derives its meaning,) because they never lead, except where the ground has been Macadam- ized for their safe walking. Whether they were influenced by the. Mayor and the Members to stay away, we pretend not to guess.

Mr. Warburton opened the business of the meeting with much temper and tact. He traced very clearly the history of the events which had called them together, as well as of those which had taken place, from the restoration downward. " Were he asked," he said, " to describe the pro- ceedings of the Three Days, he would do so as a writer in one of the public journals had described them in three words, t Oppression, Resist- ance, Victory.' (Loud and continued cheering.) And-when the Parisians

had gained the victory, what use did they make of it ? Why; they im- mediately surrendered into the hands of their natural leaders the guar- dianship of that freedom they had won ; and to those leaders also they intrusted their protection against the thraldom from which they had emancipated themselves. They said to the King,—" Depart in peace." They sacrificed their individual predilections for particular forma .of

vernment, in favour of that which was considered necessary for public! order and general harmony and tranquillity."

, John,-Abel Smith, of the great banking-house of Smith, Payne, t'and Smith, whOm we were happy to find present, a triumphant;etce0. tion to those of his fellow .commercialists,who are afraid to appear too zealoui in the cause of honesty—moved the first resOlntion. - " That the wise and heroic conduct of the French people during the late success- ful revolution has entitled them to the applause and gratitude of mankind ; that we rejoice in the establishment and the extension of the blessings of free government, and desire that liberty, peace, and prosperity, may be enjoyed by all the nations ia the world."

Mr. Fearon seconded it. Mr. Fearon was one of the requisitionists who waited on Lord Mayor Crowder ; and his expose of the feeble argument of that great man, who, like Sir Peter Laurie his notable col- league, could not find a precedent for expressing his approbation of a French revolution, was just and happy :—" The Lord Mayor observed, that there was no precedent for the course required of him. Now, if every body had acted with the same caution,—if our fathers had done nothing but what they could find precedents for,—we should never have been blessed with the Reformation, and the Revolution of 1888 would. never have existed. (Cheers.) But to satisfy the scruples of those who believed in their consciences that a precedent was necessary, let him in- form them that a meeting was held in 1792, in the City of London, and attended by the Lord Mayor, the Sheriffs, and other City authorities, for the purpose of expressing the sympathy of the citizens with the people of Poland. A thousand frivolous objections had been raised to the assembling a meeting like the present, and to the purposes for which this meeting had been called. It had been said that it was an insult to the French people to subscribe for their relief. Let the French newspapers, which now, at least, spoke the sentiments of the people, answer that objection. (Cheers.) Again, they had been told, that such a subscription might come under the denomination of interference. But surely the persons who raised this objection had forgotten that, during the late war, meetings were frequently held for the purpose of raising subscriptions for Hanoverians, for Prussians, and for every other people who wanted relief, and who happened to be engaged in the struggle against public liberty. The only dfference between. those cases and the present was, that the French people happened to have been en. gaged in a struggle in favour of public liberty. (Cheers.) The same persons had forgotten, too, the proceedings which took place in Mer. chant Tailors' Hall, when Mr. Pitt was forced into war by the clamour of the merchants, the bankers, and the traders of this

The second resolution was moved by Mr. Labouchere. It was to the effect that

"The especial admiration of the meeting was due to the citizens of Paris, who so boldly, promptly, and magnanimously decided the great question of their country's freedom ; and that the meeting not because they doubt thereadiness of agrcat nation to provide for its heroic patriots, but as a testimony of their own feelings, concurs' in the desirableness of numerous pecuniary contri butiuns, however small in amount. in order to convey the wish of the people of London to alleviate the sufferings of those who so nobly discharged their patriotic duties; and that the following bankers be requested to receive subscriptions :—Messrs. Counts and Co.; Messrs. Glyn, Halifax, and Co.; Messrs. Grote, Prescott, and Co. ; Messrs. Herries, Far- quhar, and Co. ; Messrs. Roberts, Curtis. and Co. ; Messrs. Sausorn, Postlethwaite, and Co. ; Messrs. Smith, Payne, and Co.; Messrs. Rogers, Towgood, and Co.; Messrs, Deacon: and Co.

We need not observe that this is precisely the footing on which we rested the propriety of a subscription. " Let there be a subscription," was our language, "if it be thought proper; not for the sake of the lucre—there is not a gentle heart that fought the fight of the three days that would not spurn it if so proffered—but as a means of expressing the feelings of the donors." On the question of the smallness of the sums however, one observation seems called for. The number of contributors ought, if possible, to be made known. The French might otherwise be led into the erroneous inference, that because the sum was small, the sympathy was not extended.

When the first and second resolution had been disposed of, the Reve. rend Mr. Fox rose to submit to the meeting the draught of an address to the French people, which will, if properly signed, convey to them more effectually than even. a subscription the sentiments of their brethren in England.

"ADDRESS FROM THE INIIABITANTS OF LONDON TO THE CITIZEN'S OF FARM

" You have bravely fought the fight of freedom ! You have nobly won its victo-; ries We bear you our heartiest congratulations. " History has but few pages of untarnished glory. She has none brighter than that of your glorious revolution' to convey to future ages. There may patriotism study its sublime duties, and heroism learn its highest lessons. " We pray that the liberty which has been so triumphantly established may be perpetuated among you for ever and ever ; that, under its holy auspices, the dotni- Mon of peace and prosperity may become omnipotent ; and while, at the foot of the altar of freedom, we would bury every vestige of strife and animosity, we here re- cord our solemn conviction that the interests of freedom are the great, the common interests of the whole family of man."

Mr. Fox's speech in moving the address, produced an amazing effect in the delivery. We take the following report of it from the Times. " The deeds which they were met that day to celebrate had been worked out by the community of Paris, let the approval of them be given by the community of London. Those who ought to have been here, but who were absent, had effected this good object at least,—they had taught the meeting that it could do without them. (Prolonged Cheering.) This would be a lesson to those whom he had the honour of addressing, as it would be a lesson to others. No good could be enjoyed, no good could be secured, no good deserved to be secured, which was not self-acquired. Their brethren in America might have gone on petitioning, till now, a House of Commons in which they were not represented, and sometimes they would have obtained a threat, sometimes a promise, and sometimes a tax (Cheers and laughter) ; but they would never have been the mighty and independent nation they now were, if they had not taken the redress of their grievances into their own hands. Howhad the Catholics of Ireland obtained emancipation ? Why they had emancipated themselves. They had been given over by the r Ins' and the t Outs ;' they had sometimes been threatened, and sometimes coaxed, and so the matter would have gone on for years to come, if they had not taken the work into their own hands, which they did at last, leaving to the legislature the task of re. gistering the simple fact, that the Catholics were emancipated. 'So it had been with the people of France. Let it go forth, then, ihat. the people of this country sympathized with their. sufferings and rejoiced iia their victories ; let this go forth from the citizens of London to the citizens of Paris, He said that those whom he had the honour of addressing would act for themselves, let him remind them how little they had to do. They had merely to approve that glorious triumph which the French people had earned with their blood. Let them, then, do it vigorously and promptly,—ay, vigorously and promptly,— because so perverse had been some parts of the foreign policy of this country, that vigour and promptitude were only necessary precautions. Ile did not anticipate another instance of perversity in our foreign policy would be displayed with regard to the late events in France ; but still, he repeated, let their approval be vigorous and prompt, in order that if there was one man in this country, with the least power at his back, who harboured in the recesses of his black heart another crusade against the liberties of France, such a man might hear, in the thunder of the people's voice, that he must never give utterance to his pernicious thoughts, if he had the slightest regard for his own character and repu- tation. (Cheers.) Let the despots of Europe, who grudged their sub- jects the sight of the glorious example of France, be told that though a British Government might remain neutral, the British people would not ; and that, instead of a peaceable deputation, carrying with them an address of congratulation, they would send, if there should be need, ships of war, full of armed volunteers, and raise such a storm in Europe as would make to be read backwards the histories of Leipsic and Water- loo, as witches were said to read backwards the Lord's Prayer when they wished to raise the devil. Let frivolity no more be Charged against the French. Let them no more be told of the fickleness of that people. One of their own authors had said that the French character

was compounded of the tiger and the monkey. That could be said no longer; or if the tiger and the monkey had ever any union in. France, it

must have been as the supporters of the Fleurs-de-lis, for they were not emblazoned on the tri-colour. (Cheers.) France would now, indeed, be the rival of England ; for what was it that had made England famous throughout the world ? Not the glories of its arms, for other nations

had been as prosperous in war ; not the splendour of its throne, for any eastern satrap might rival it in pomp ; not in the riches of its churches, for St. Paul's was but a shrimp when compared to St. Peter's. No; it was in the nobleness, the freedom, the blessings of its institutions. One practice, indeed, was in some measure at variance with our princi- ples. Let us now take example from France, which had learned the

principles of freedom from us, but, unlike us, had put those principles in practice to the very letter, and so bettered their instructors. A great

sensation had been created in England at the commencement of this reign, upon finding that a King could be a man. The French had chosen a man for their King, and a man, too, whose life and education

had brought him nearly acquainted with those whom he was called upon to govern. With such a King upon the throne,—with the Government uncorrupted by profuse expenditure,—with the press liberated from the censorship,—and, above all, with such a system of elections as secured the liberty of voting as men pleased, for this it was that settled the con- test ; with all these benefits, and with the knowledge on the part of all future rulers that unarmed people could find muskets when they were wanted for the defence of their liberties, he could not but anticipate a glorious and happy and prosperous career for the French nation. This was a picture of real life, from which all might learn a wholesome les-

T.'f, eef2ots look at it and tremble—selfish aristocracies would look at it too, and let him hope they would profit by it and grow wise and just in time : let all the oppressed throughout the world look at it with hope and courage in their hearts,—let us look at it with sympathy and congratulation.

The address was seconded by Dr. Bowring ; who read the following very interesting letter, signed by one individual, but expressing the sen- timents of a powerful party.

"Paris, August 11.—Onr journals will have told you that in one week we have lived an age,—that three days of heroic exertions have overturned the despotic con- spiracies of fifteen years. We have at last found a King who has received at our hands his crown, who is likely to respect his oaths, and to seek our happiness. The people were as brave during the struggle as they were wise and humane after the victory. Never was such disinterestedness exhibited; it was the uprising of a unanimous, a spontaneous devotion, and they have returned to their quiet labours and duties with a promptitude only equalled by that which they exhibited when the public freedom was threatened with destruction. Whatever we owe to the Cham- bers, we owe more, far more, to the popular enthusiasm. There was no hesitation, no balancing, on the part of the citizens. Though they have submitted to the arrangements made by the Deputies, they said that a holder tone ought to have been employed, that to dally with the despot as to whether he would abdicate or not was a needless prostration of the national will. A new and noble Charter would have pleased them better than any modification of that which was but the grant of insolent and usurping monarchical power. But time will repair what is Imperfect, and strengthen what is weak. We are entered upon the career of im- provement, and we shall go forward. We laugh at those intrusive foreign hands which fancy that they can raise the fallen despot from the dust. We hear of clashing bayonets, and we turn away in pity and in scorn. Our old men are grown young again—our young men arc sages and heroes. The vigour of spring-time seems to have entered into the spirit of Lafayette, and our citizen Ring is devoted to the cause of the people.

"And truly do we rejoice in your sympathy,—a sympathy re-echoed by the civi. lized world. Your generous feelings anticipated with delight our futurity of hap- piness. What can they do—this contemned and exiled family ? Will they leave behind them civil wars 1 No, they will not leave even a regret except among those low-minded parasites who live upon the plunder of thepeople ; for pillage—univer- sal pillage—was the order of the tiny. The miserable monarch has left us to pay 20,000,000 of francs of his debts ; while Algiers, with the dilapidations, costs us double that sum in addition ; 800,000,000 of francs were taken by the emigrants,

Jesuits, and priests. But the Augean stable will be cleansed. A representation—.a House of Commons young, energetic, pure—will stop the old torrent of abuses. We have done with sinecures, with monopolies, with councils of state, with plu- ralities, with ecclesiastical grants, with mysteries and malversations. No more episcopal briefs—no foreign troops—nor Royal Guards—nor privileged gaming. houses—nor State lotteries—nor spy-Ambassadors to other lands. We will instruct, improve, elevate the people. The public treasures shall be employed for the public good; we will have schools wherever there is ignorance; a free press, the vigilant sentinel of liberty; honest labour unrestrained in its exercise ; and the nation, with its superb National Guard, watching over and protecting all. Our standing army will speedily be reduced, and those mischievous men be rendered harmless who have shown that they would stain their swords with the blood of virtuous citizens. We require municipal and provincial assemblies to take care of local interests; a Peerage and a Magistracy representing, not hereditary high birth, but intellect, and activity, and virtue. Our internal communications will be improved, onrjury system perfected,—publicity everywhere in the administration of justice. You will soon see the recognition of the South American States, our own colonies freed, Hayti encouraged in her efforts for melioration, and Africa opened to the influences of commerce and civilization. Think you we forget Spain and Portugal, and that hor- rible anarchy which our oppressors introduced into the Peninsula 1 Think you we avert our eyes from Italy—beautiful in her desolation ? Think you the partition of Poland is razed from our memories ! Let others hope, for we have triumphed : let others sow, for we have reaped. Our own happiness only wants for its completion the happiness of our fellow men." " The Bourbons," Dr. Bowring concluded, " had been taught their lesson in this country. They had but obeyed the instructions of our demi, official journal the Quarterly Review. " That publication had encore. raged the Bourbons in their work of mischief; it had told the King the nation is nothing, and you are every thing : cut up the press that disturbs you by the very roots : by firmness we have done every thing: follow our example,—be you firm also.' The record of these sentiments remained : it could not be denied. Dr. Bowring expected to be in Paris in a few days, and if he 'should be honoured with an audience of the King, whom he had formerly known in a very different situation, he would advise him to have that essay of the Quarterly Review printed in letters of gold, and bound in pure white—the Bourbon colour—with this inscription upon it—

"The Bourbons' fall, " By Basil Hall."

An individual added—" And by the Duke of Wellington !" amidst pretty general cries of " No, no !" So the Captain remains in undil

vided possession of the high honour. ;

Mr. Buckingham, in moving the appointment of a committee to pro. cure signatures and subscriptions expressed his regret at the absence of many of the great monied men from the meeting. Among the Alder. men, one at least—Alderman Venables—had signed the requisition.

Mr. Fearon said Alderman Thompson and Mr. Ward had been ap- prized of the meeting, and solicited to attend. A letter had been ad. dressed to Mr. Alderman Waithman, soliciting his attendance also; but Mr. Alderman "Waithman had written a letter in reply, which was some- what of a lecture and in which he declined.* (Loud hisses.) Mr. Alder- man Wood had also declined, but in a manner perfectly unexceptionable. The absence of the principal merchants and hankers, had been con- demned, but the condemnation applied M them as a body only ; they saw before them exceptions in the representatives of the houses of Messrs. Labouchere ; of Messrs. Smith, Payne, and Co. ; and of Messrs. Grote, Prescott, and Co. They must have seen also, by an advertisement in the Times, that Messrs. Twogood and Co. had not only sent their own subscription, had offered to receive the subscriptions of others at their house. Mr. P. Thomson, the member for Dover, was confined to his house by indisposition; otherwise he would have been there. * Alderman Waithman has sent a sort of apologetical epistle to the Times, in which lie says he was in bad health and spirits when he answered the requisition. The Alderman should take the Apostle's counsel—pray, when he is sad, not preach.