We hear from a well-informed quarter, that the Right Honourable John C. Herries will come forward in the Conservative interest for Bradford, vacant by the death of Mr. Lister.—Standard, Aug. 20.
Lord Rancliffe has announced himself as a candidate on the Liberal interest in South Nottinghamshire, whenever a new election shall take place. As a Reformer, in times when Reform was u.Sashionable, his Lordship represented Nottingham for many years. —Globe.
The Conference of Ministers of all Denominations, on the Corn-laws, assembled in the Town-hall of Manchester on Tuesday, and formally commenced their proceedings. By Saturday, as many as 650 clergymen had announced their intention of being present at the Convention. They were received by the people of Manchester as they arrived, with the utmost cordiality : many of the most respectable families in the town vied with each other in offering them accommodation at their own houses, and an excellent dinner has been provided daily at the Adelphi Hotel.
Upon first assembling, a Provisional Commiltee was appointed to arrange the future proceedings. While they were absent for the pur- pose, the Reverend Mr. M'Berrow stated, that out of 1.500 replies to the invitations which had been distributed among the clergy, only six were decidedly opposed to the objects of th:: meeting ; an equal number expressed doubts upon the subject ; whilst the vast remainder were de- cidedly favourable to those objects. Letters were read from the Reve- rend Dr. Chalmers, the Reverend Mr. Bunting, the Reverend Dr. Heugh of Glasgow, and the Reverend Mr. Reid of Lmidon, expressing their concurrence in the purpose of the Conference. The Provisional Committee then returned They had appointed an Executive Com- mittee and Presidents to conduct the meeting of each day : the follow- ing were the Presidents—Dr. Atkins ; Mr. W. Chaplin of Bishop's Stortford ; F. A. Cox, D.D., of Hackney ; Mr. Thomas Spencer of Hinton. Dr. Atkins took his seat as chairman of the first day. Some of the most prominent passages in the speaking which followed related to the objections which had been urged against a meeting of the kind. The chairman dwelt upon the pacific and highly Christian motives which brought his brethren together- " 1 must confess that my heart throbs with an unwonted degree of delight to see so many hundreds of the ministers of the religion of Christ, representing every section of his universal church, many of them baring names dear alike to learning and piety, and all of them tried, in a grew a or less degree, in the humble but most important vocation of benefiting by their spiritual services the fellow-creatures committed to their charge, convened here from every part of this extensive empire—and for what convened ? Not to place themselves In the hostile array of sect against sect and party against party, within the narrow
lines of sectarian demarcation—not to hurl against each other the brtanat flames of excommunication, placing on the unhappy victims of their wrath the ban of exclusive impiety here and final perdition hereafter, and not to har- monize the jarring Shibboleth of conflicting creeds; but, impressed with an object greater than which can hardly enter into the mind of the most eminent Christian, and less than which will not satisfy our aspirations, we are met to- gether at the call of suffering humanity, and that call reaching our ears, not across the ocean, but through the green vallies and populous streets of our own
delightful land. We are met, I admit, at the very outset of this procedure by the query What have we to do as Christians, and, more than that, as Chris- tian ministers, with temporal politics?' But I have yet to learn why, when we become denizens of the kingdom not of this world, we should forego the immunities and forget the duties which relate to the present. I have yet to learn why, when we begin to be Christians, we should cease to be men."
Dr. Atkins insisted that the same principle would exclude all Chris- tians from politics-
" Besides, brethren, if this principle were applicable to a part of the com- munity, it moat be to the whole; for the precepts of Christianity are not partial and local; and if this conclusion were carried to its legitimate extent, the con- sequence would be that civil government, with its complexity of interests, and that questions of political economy interweaving themselves with all the attri- butes and duties which elevate man to the character of an accountable and im- mortal being, and suggesting considerations the most momentous which can engage his attention while performing his probationary journey to the world to come, must be left in the hands of professed teachers, and no longer confided to the charge of mere men of the world. And this is a proposition an monstrous, that it is necessary only to state it that it may be exposed."
They were met to guide and dissipate, not to increase the storm-
" Allow me, however, to say that the sagacity of many holy and gifted minds has long looked at a cloud which has been gathering in the political horizon, and which, dark and portentous, has gradually overspread the heavens. Its advance has been indicated by the low murmur of dissatisfaction or the sullen groan of despair. Within that cloud is contained a fiery element, which, like the element of nature to which I have referred, often strikes ere seen, and always withers when it strikes. And we are met not to swell the tumult and increase the storm, but to supply a conductor by which that electric fire, so vivid in its light and so tremendous is its consequences, may pass harmlessly by, and (instead of devastating the fields of this fairest spot of God's creation) the agitated sulphureous air may subside into quiet and salubrity."
He exhorted the members of the Conference to avoid party-politics, and to blend firmness with a conciliatory spirit. Dr. Pye Smith seems to have been appointed to vindicate the pro- priety of the Convention : he had been told, he said, that he was ex- pected to say something on the subject. He could not take part in a
discussion, for his hearing was so imperfect, that, except through the kindness of a dear friend who wrote for him, he could not understand a word that was said. He read from a manuscript ; fearing that if he spoke in the ordinary way his feelings might betray him, and that he might become prolix. He disclaimed any official character for the Conference- " We have come together in no capacity, assumed or implied, expressed or imagined, of authority. We are not a conclave, nor a synod, nor a convoca- tion. We disclaim any pretensions of a right to make laws or regulations, or any desire to bind the consciences of our fellow Christians, or to command their practice. We disclaim and abhor every thing that might savour of dis- affection to our beloved Sovereign, and the constituted authorities of her realm, or of dictating measures to the Legislature, or of fomenting discontent, or exciting to turbulence. We want to soothe, not to irritate. • • We
have not assembled at the summons of any human authority. We are not
Isere to do any man's biddings. We are not come to say with our tongues, or subscribe with our hands, any declarations or opinions with which our hearts do not accord. Our gathering together is the unforced act of each man's own will; and, so far from regarding this individual freeness of action as a circum- stance to be regretted, we see in it an element of strength and success."
He maintained that the clergy were eminently bound to sympathize with the cry of distress ; and that they were discharging a necessary
and important part of their function, as men consecrated to the teaching of religion, when they explai ed and enforced its obligations as de- manding universal righteousness- " But we are impressed with the cons iction, that this great law of righteous- n ess is contradicted and violated, and rebellion is thus perpetrated against the majesty of Heaven, by doctrines and practices which for many centuries have been current among nations civilized, or pr.Sessing to be so, with regard to trade; that is, the interchange of commialities the products of skill and industry, between the different -families and tribes of mankind. The Corn-laws of our country have a deplarahle preeminence in this class of unrighteous and suicidal legislation. They had their origin in the night of ignorant and bar- barous ages, when men were trampled down by absurd and wicked monopolies and other usages, the outbreaks and badges of' that insolent feudal tyranny which oppressed both nations and princes ; and thus the human mind was abased to a low pitch of degradation ; education and mental culture were ex- extremely rare, knowledge and improvement had only a very slow and limited diffusion, and men in general were accustomed to respect no argument but that of brute force. The principle upon which those usages rested originally was merely the law of the logic of the savage and the brute. Afterwards, ingentous men set themselves to -find out arimments in their favour ; and this was the case, especially with respect to the Cora-laws, five hundred years ago. The fundamental error was a mistaken idea of independence. The general ignorance and the military spirit of the time may justly account, and will apologize, for the mistake, which was but a part of a gigantic system of preju- dice and error. The advantages of any nation, tribe, or family, were viewed with jealousy and envy—were supposed to be at variance with the prosperity of every other; and rivalry, the most abort-sighted and narrow-minded, wei, diretted in all practicable ways by each class of society against every other class. A candid apology may be made for our anccbt ors ; but with us the case is different. Sound reasoning bus long ago [attired its light into this obscure region, especially from the time ef the publication id Adam Smith's great work On the Nature and Cavses of the fVealth of Nations. But practice has not kept pace with theory in this matter, as lit moo) others. Prejudices of custom, ancient usages, and the blind alarm of misunderstood self-interest, have operated to this day to clog the wheels of improvement. But now we have the evidence of bitter experience to aid our conviction."
Politics, argued Dr. Smith, are only a branch of morals, and morals of religion-
" Be it also considered, that while the people have their duties, they have also their claims—just and honourable claims; and that if these be neglected, the cries of the poor will ascend 'to the Just and Almighty One, who wili plead their cause.' Also, to borrow the memorable admonition of a lamented Christian statesman, • property and rank have their rights, but they have like- wise their duties.' To the higher classes therefore, even to the highest, we ' ha, e a message from God.' But few of ;hem will give us the opportunity of delis-ring it. They come not to our places of Christian worship, nor will they
allow us to go to them and tell them of ' justice, temperance, and the judg- ment to come.' Therefore, if we except writing and publishing, an extraordi- nary measure, like this assembly, is the only method left for our endeavouring
to make the word of the Lord be heard in high places as well as in low; in towers and palaces, and in the pits and cellars, where want and wo, disease and
death, and many a form of misery, have fixed their dwelling. It is the vio- lation of religious obligation by our laws and law-makers, which, working through a course of years, has at length come to a term. Those laws have now reached to an amount of oppression and injury, and aggravated cruelty,
which can no longer be endured. The alternative is the -abrogation of the iniquity, or the ruin of the nation. Wise and honest men, versed in the
inseparable means of public prosperity, agriculture, manufactures, and corn-
fierce, have long foretold this crisis. It has arrived. It brings in its train of terror bodily diseases which will not be confined to the hovel, but will
spread over the land, and mount to the most splendid mansions. A state of freedom from the extreme of misery is ordinarily necessary for the calm iv- flections and exercises of piety ; but that state is destroyed by hunger and destitution, winter's keen cold, which soon will arrive, famished families, and ' the first-born of death.' Desperation is engendered. The burning discon- tent cannot be always smothered. We are walking on the fires below.
They threaten eruptions. Then will military execution renew its horrors; and the terrible catastrophe will befall us of a revolutionary anarchy, or a Stem, revengeful, and unsparing tyranny. Ali ! how little do the men reflect who have snatched the morsel of hope from the lips of the famishing million, what retribution they have been preparing for themselves! In the event of a national convulsion—which Almighty Mercy avert !—they will be among the first victims to infuriated revenge."
The Reverend J. W. Massie said that the Conference had been pro- jected on consideration of the strength which the opposition to Negro slavery derived from the cooperation of religious ministers. He augured much from the composition of the present assemblage-
" They rejoiced to be able to testify, that not fewer than six hundred and fifty ministers had responded with a generous warmth and a ready utterance to their invitation, to say they would come; and, he believed, come they had. They had also to declare, that they had received far more than an equal number of letters, approving of their object, from gentlemen who could not come. And thus they had, in hfteen hundred localities, those who would use their in- fluence for their starving countrymen ; and they felt that if this Conference were at that moment scattered to the winds, they would create an influence which would reach certain quarters they should like to see moved. There were ministers of religion present who had come some two hundred, some three hun- dred, some near five hundred miles distance, at their own expense—some on foot, that they might he here. Some ministers were present whose incomes did not exceed 50/. per annum, and whose congregations did not contain among them three persons whose incbmes were more than 8s. a week.
It was then arranged that the Conference should meet daily to re- ceive answers to a series of questions which had been prepared for the purpose of being put to each minister—the evidence thus taken to be published immediately ; and that an afternoon meeting should com- mence daily at four o'clock, to be continued through the evening. It was resolved not to include devotional exercises in the public proceed- ings, in order to avoid differences, and to give to the meeting an "anti- denominational character." The first afternoon sitting began at four o'clock, and was opened by Mr. Cobden, M.P. ; for whom, as a layman, leave was specially obtained to lay down the question. He expressed confidence in the expectation, that if the Conference pronounced the Corn-laws opposed to the laws of God, anti Scriptural and anti-Chris- tian, it would not be long before they were repealed. Several clergy- men then addressed the assembly, giving their local experience of the evil working of the Corn-laws ; and afterwards, the Earl of Ducie was admitted to deliver a speech, as a landowner favourable to the repeal.
At the sitting on Wednesday, Mr. Curtis, a gentleman from the United States, gave some information as to the capacity of that country for supplying England with agricultural produce. Some of his statements were very striking. The value of the yearly agricultural produce of the Union is 222,000,0001.; and yet England, exclaimed Mr. Curtis, confines herself to a trade in cotton, the whole value of which, produced in the United States, is but 21,000/ ! He described the extent of the vast region comprised in the territory of the Confederation-
" The United States comprise one-twentieth part of the civilized globe, ex- tending from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific in one direction, from the frigid to the torrid zone in the other; and is capable of producing almost every article which the luxury or the wants can crave. Its sea-coast extends three thousand miles. The Mississippi, with its tributaries, to say nothing of other rivers, furnishes ten thousand miles of steam-boat navigation. The lakes on our Northern border are fourteen hundred miles in length, exclusive of the rivers that connect them. The Mediterranean sea is but two thousand. On Lake Erie alone we have seventy steam-boats, many of them from six to eight hundred tons burden, besides four hundred smaller vessels. We have completed three thousand five hundred miles of railroad and four thousand miles of canal, which open all parts of the country to the commerce of the world. If all this is true, the trade and capacity of that country is of conse- quence to England in the present crisis of her affairs."
The extent of the wheat Ian Is-
" The portion of our country hest adapted to the culture of wheat, and to which I wish to call your particular attention, is comprised in the six North- western states and territories, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa. They contain more than 178,000,000 acres of land, chiefly arable. Englund contains 32,000,000 acres. That portion of their states which may he called good wheat-land, at three quarters per acre, would produce in a year 200,000,000 quarters. They are at present just commencing to pour the im- mense amount of bread and meat they are capable of producing into the markets of the world. Ohio alone, last year, had eight million bushels of wheat to export. Michigan, which never exported until 1839, has now a sur- plus of 250,000 bushels of wheat and 300,000 barrels of pork. The popula- tion of these States is now 3,000,000. It has increased during the last ten years at the rate of 202 per cent. It has been estimated by practical men that the amount or their exports would be doubled or trebled by a good de- mand in two years."
The price of wheat, a natural protective duty with free trade, and the payment for the export-
" Competition will always bring the growth of the West to the sea-shore at the lowest prices. From personal acquaintance with the wheat region and the wheat culture, I fix the price at which wheat can be expected to be produced to any given amount at Chicago, at the south end of Lake Michigan, in the heart of the wheat region, at 75 cents, per bushel, or per quarter, 27s.
i Freight, charges, and profits to New York, n the
shape of' flour 10s.
Ditto ditto Liverpool 10s.
Delivered in Liverpool 47s, per qr.
The price would never vary much from this amount, if the chrrency should remain as at present ; for at this price a limitless amount can be produced, as this would remunerate the grower, and his immense plains are ready to his hand. But the American farmer will not produce wheat for anybody at a much less price than this. Ile will turn his attention to other employments, of which he has enough at any time to turn his hand to. Between him and the English grain-grower there will always be, in the shape of transit, a fixed duty of at least 20s. per quarter. But here arises an important question. What will the American take his pay in ? Take his pay in ! why the very things he wants, and you want to let him have—your dry goods, your crockery, your hardware, which he has been anxious to get, and could not ; for you are not suffered to take his wheat, and flour, and pork, &c. in exchange. I,owering your prices is not what is wanted. Offer him your best calicoes at sixpence a yard, he would not buy of sou. His reply would be, silver and gold have 1 none; take these stacks of wheat and pork, then I will trade with you. We do not want you to lower your prices and lower your wages—they are low enough already; but take enough for your starving workmen to eat, and my life for it some of those big warehouses in Manchester will be cleared out with a speed which will perfectly astonish the natives." At the two sittings of the same day, a string of resolutions was passed. They declare that the Conference felt itself to be acting from a sense of duty; that the statements and documentary evidence laid before it clearly proved that vast numbers cannot obtain a support by their labour ; that the prevailing distress arrests the progress of education, checks the domestic and social affections, induces reckless and immoral habits, prevents attendance at religious worship, and hardens the heart • against religions impressions ; that much Of that distress is attributable to the provision-laws, which repress enterprise, divert capital from its legitimate channels, and spread discontent ; that the Conference de- clares its uncompromising hostility to restrictions which prevent an interchange of the fruits of industry between nations ; that no adequate relief can be supplied by parochial assessments or private charity, the necessary remedy being full employment and adequate remuneration for the labouring-classes ; that the resources of many charitable in- stitutions have been already materially affected by the general distress ; and—to give one resolution entire- " That, believing the law of Almighty God, as revealed in his Word, ought to be in all cases the rule of human action, that any allowed deviation from it, either in individual conduct or in the affairs of nations, must incur the Divine displeasure ; and convinced that a monopoly in bread is anti-Christian in its principle this Conference, while it seeks the abolition of the provision-laws on other high and important grounds, more especially deprecates their continuance as a great national offence against that Being by whom kings reign and princes decree justice."
At the sitting on Thursday, deputations and addresses were received 'from the working-people in one of the factories of the town, and from the hand-loom weavers. The latter observed, that they thought them- selves entitled, in justice, to food, shelter, and clothing, in return for their labour ; and they call upon the ministers of the Conference to prevent their being reduced to the conclusion that they have no hope to lean upon but the grave; bringing to mind, that Mr. Henry Hunt, in presenting a petition from them 1831, prophesied the ruin which the Corn-laws would induce. Some of the deputation were examined ; but the miserable condition of the trade is but too well known already. One said that for a particular job of work, for which Is. 6d. was paid in 1775, 9d. was paid in 1815, 44d. in 1816—" the Corn-laws were put on then "—and now 21d. The Conference afterwards adopted a memorial addressed to the Queen, attributing the distress to the artificial scarcity of food resulting from the Provision-laws, and praying her interposition, "so far as it can be constitutionally rendered." Addresses to the People of the United Kingdom and to Parliament were also adopted. The opinions of the Conference are already indicated with sufficient dis- tinctness in the resolutions described above.
The Times—whose hostile animus, however, is apparent—speaks dis- paragingly of the Conference: it says that the numbers who actually made their appearance dwindled down to thirty, and that those were not of a high station in their profession. The Morning Chronicle com- plains of the backwardness of the Conference in accepting the offer of that journal to publish statements and documents ; seeming to suspect that they are withheld for some exclusive publication.
The Wesleyan Conference returned the following reply to the invita- tion of the Anti-Corn-law League that the Conference should take part in the Anti-Corn-law meeting of Ministers of all Denominations- -, Mauebt-Faer. 13111/tiunst.
" Gentlemen—In pursuance of the intimation given in my former letter, acknowledging the receipt of yours, dated July 28th, 1 have now to inform you that your communication has been read to the Conference. I am directed to say, that the Conference is unanimous in the opinion that it is not called upon to enter, as a body of Christian ministers, into the discussion of a subject on which such different opinions are conscientiously entertained by large classes of our people, and which is primarily a question apolitical economy.
"Signed on behalf and by order of the Conference,
"JOHN HANNAH. Secretary." The Reverend James Martineau, of Liverpool, has declined the same invitation ; observing, in a letter to Mr. George Thompson- " It appears to me a short-sighted and illegitimate policy to give an eccle- siastical composition to an assemblage collected for a purpose not specifically religious. I cannot shut my eyes to the undeniable incongruity between the question for discussion and the synod which discusses it. 1 have been accus- tomed to consider the distinction between the church and the state, however obscurely drawn, as yet one of the characteristics of modern eiviliz ohm ; and to regard the abolition of legislation by assemblies exclusively or chiefly eccle- siastical, as the sign of a reformed and nobler age. But if it be true, as the address with which you have honoured me affirms, that to no body of men ought such momentous questions to be submitted with a better prospect of a calm, an enlightened, and an honest solution, than to that body now con vened- and that 'the decisions of such a body would exercise a benign and beneficial influence over the nation at large'—then I know not how sufficiently to lament that my country has no such body to make its laws ; nor do I see how those denominations of Dissenters who a few years ago were anxious to 'relieve the Bishops of their duties in the House of Lords, can, in future, object to that episcopal function of legislative deliberation which their own ministers now evince a propensity to emulate."
At the Manchester Police-court on Thursday, three Socialists, calling
themselves clergymen, were charged by the Reverend J. W. Massie with having disturbed the peace of the meeting at the Town-hall. The charge was not pressed ; but the Magistrate told the ecclesiastics that they could not be admitted to the Town-hall without authority from the Boroughreeve and constables, who had granted the use of the room
to the Conference. They immediately went there again, and were forcibly repelled. They then applied at the Police-office for a warrant against one of the gentlemen who had forced them back ; but it was refused.
An action, brought by Mr. Bogle against Mr. Lawson, the publisher of the Times newspaper. for a libel published in that journal, was tried before Chief Justice Tindal and a Special Jury, at Croydon Assizes, on Tuesday.. The plaintiff was a banker at Florence, and the agent of Messrs. Glynn, Haliifax, and Co. The libel which the Times had published, was to the effect that the plaintiff was engaged in a con- spiracy to defraud Messrs. Glynn, Hallifax, and Co., and various Con- tinental hankers, by the presentation of forged letters of credit: and it appeared in a paragraph headed " Extraordinary and Extensive Forgery"; which professed to give the evidence of one Perry, a con- spirator, who had been examined before the Police at Brussels, and copies of some letters which had been intercepted between the conspirators, both of which mentioned Bogle as being implicated in the fraud. The publisher of the Times pleaded a justification. The fraudulent scheme originated with the Marquis de Bourbelles, a resident at Florence and Leghorn, who used Bogle's bank. Another conspirator was a Mr. Gra- ham, Bogle's stepfather ; who once represented the county of Stirling in Parliament. The Marquis's plan was to procure a letter of credit from the house of Glynn and Co., and to have a plate engraved in exact copy of this so far as its form went ; to purchase paper of a similar quality: to that of Glynn and Co.'s letters of credit, for the purpose of taking im- pressions of the plate ; to procure the means of exactly forging the signature of Glynn and Co.; and when all else was prepared, to present the forged letter to each of the numerous agents of Glynn and Co. throughout Europe and simultaneously, by the conspirators ; who should afterwards assemble at an appointed place of meeting and divide the spoil ; after which the whole were to decamp to India, Africa, America, or China. The first part of this scheme was successfully carried out; the forged letter was completed all but the signature. For this, accord- ing to the Times, Mr. Bogle procured the model, in a letter of credit which was left at his bank by the person in whose favour it was drawn ; Bogle borrowing it from another person in whose custody it was left. It was proved for the defendent in the present action, that the time when this letter was borrowed was just after the return of the Marquis de Bourbelles from England, with the impressions of the forged plate ; that on the return of the Marquis to Florence, Mr. Bogle was seen closeted with him for sevenil hours in his department of the bank, with the door locked, which was quite unusual ; the defendent also as- serted, and brought Mr. Ken iek, the person from whom the letter was borrowed, to prove, that upon that gentleman's receipt of some letters from the Belgian Minister, containing the depositions of Perry, who was just then taken up in Brussels, and upon their being read over to Bogle, he behaved unlike an innocent man, gave way to despair, said he was ruined, and retired immediately from connexion with the bank. Stress was also laid on the fact proved that on the G rahams leaving Florence, some things were sent to the bank to be taken care of as the property of Bogle, which were afterwards found to include a tracing-machine or instru- ment for taking fac-similes of handwriting. The signatures of all the letters were so exactly like Mr. Hallifax's writing and like each other, that Mr. George Carr Glynn, his partner, and the clerks in the bank, could hardly say which were forgeries or which were not. The de- fendant also proffered the deposition of Perry at Brussels, that he had been told by one of the Grahams, who was undoubtedly a conspirator, that Bogle was implicated in the plot ; but this was rejected by the Judge, because the matters mentioned were not within Perry's own knowledge. But the evidence on which the defendant most of all relied to prove Bogies guilt, was in the shape of copies from originals, in French archives, of letters which had passed between the chief conspirators, in which Bogle was mentioned by name as one of their party. The reception of these in evidence was opposed, on the ground that the originals could not be procured. The defendant had sent barristers and persons of intelligence to Paris, Brussels, Ostend, Geneva, Turin, Bologna, Florence, Parma, Cologne, Liege, Ghent, Antwerp, Coblentz, and in fact to every place in Europe where traces of evidence might be procured ; and these letters were the fruit of that wide and costly search. 0 the suinming up, the Jury were advised to throw them out of consideration. The Jury returned a verdict for the plaintiff—damages one farthing.
At Croydon Assizes, on Saturday, Punter obtained a new verdict against Lord Grantley. At the same Assizes last year, Punter gained a verdict of 250/. damages for a trespass committed by Lord Grantley. Punter had been ejected from a cottage which he and his father had occupied for forty-eight years, without any rent having been demanded: Lord Grantley, after cutting down a tree in the cottage-garden, and performing a few acts of ownership to set up a title, procured a warrant under the act for the recovery of small tenements; the family were turned out, and the cottage was razed : Punter and his fatuity spent three nights in the lane in which it stood. The new trial was granted, on account of some informality in the first; hut the Jury made Lord Grande,- pay for his law, by returning a fresh verdict of 275/. damages. It is said that one of them observed that four per cent, was not too much to pay for keeping Punter out of his money. Hockley, an attorney, who was associated with Lord Grantley in the action, and who executed the warrant of ejecttnent, was acquitted.
An inquest was held at the Sussex County Hospital, on Tuesday, over the body of Ambrose Brooker, aged fourteen, who died from an injury received as a labourer on the Brighton Railway on that day week. Brooker, who was a driver of waggons on the railway, was unhooking a chain from a waggon which was rolling along under his care, when something caused him to stumble and fall across the rails; the sharp wheels of the railway-waggon immediately pasted over his leg, and so lacerated it, that when he had been taken to the hospital he was nearly dead from loss of blood. The experiment, however, of a transfusion of blood into his system, was immediately resorted to, with such success that in three hours he was strong enough to suffer ampu- tation of the limb, with the best prospect of his recovery ; but the next morning a reaction took place, under which he gradually sunk till Sunday, when he died. The house-surgeon said that this was the second
Mum in which a loss of life had occurred from unstopped luemorrhage caused by accident on the railway : he suggested that the directors should keep tourniquets at the station-houses for immediate application in such cases, and he offered to instruct the officers in their use. The Jury accompanied their verdi I of "Accidental death" with a recom- mendation in accordance with the suggestion of the surgeon.
On Thursday last, Thomas Jones, John Mason, and William Rich- ards, lost their lives in descending to their work as miners in the Wil- lenhall Road Colliery, near Wolverhampton. The three men, with an- other miner named Haynes, had got into a water barrel for the purpose of being lowered to the bottom of the shaft, and had descended about 145 yards, when the chain, by which they were suspended, suddenly Blipped off its barrel and fell, together with all it supported, into the "stamp," or pool at the foot of the shaft. Richards was drowned in the sump, and Jones and Mason were both struck dead by the chain as it fell ; Haynes escaped, literally by a hair's-breadth ; the chain gave him a brush and a slight bruise only. The fact of the chain having only been fastened on new the day before by the smith, with the greatest care, has rendered it certain that the misfortune was not the result of accident, but one contrived by some person acquainted with the ma- chinery and habits of the miners. A reward of 20/. has been offered by the mine-owner for the discovery of the offender.