21 AUGUST 1858, Page 16

BOOKS.

GIIBBINS'S MIITINIES IN GUDE.

THIS volume possesses considerable value ; less, however, for its narrative of the siege of Lucknow, than for the facts and opinions it brings forward in reference to the British rule in Oude, and the mutiny generally ; as well as for the indications it inci- dentally offers of the "errors leaning to virtue's side," that pro- bably encouraged the mutineers. So much has been written about the siege that further generic novelty seems impossible. A Staff Officer exhibited the facts from the military point of view ; Mr. Rees furnished the graphic and gossippy account, without always making due inquiries into the accuracy of what he re- ported. Several ladies have furnished domestic and feminine pictures of the subject; correspondence published in the news- papers' and slight books have added a good deal of particular or partial information ; while the official despatches authoritatively sum up the whole. But though broad and continuous novelty is now hardly possible, every man's mind directs and colours his observations ; and he may see things that others have not re- corded or were not in a position to observe. As regards the last point Mr. Gubbins possessed advantages beyond those of any man who has written upon the siege. As a civilian he ranked next to Sir Henry Lawrence ; though from a coolness which latterly arose between them, owing probably to difference of opinion on public affairs, Sir Henry on his death bed passed over Mr. Gubbins and appointed Major Banks as his successor in civil matters ; while on the death of the latter, Brigadier Inglis dis- pensed with the authority of civilians altogether. Still, the official status of Mr. Gubbins, with his experience, his know- ledge of the natives, his resources, and his activity, gave him opportunities of close observation in many matters that few others could possess. His material resources too enabled him to bear a conspicuous part in the siege. His well stacked mansion re- oeived many friends and many strangers, furnishing comforts that

the sick, the wounded, and the unstruck alike needed. or was he only distinguished in the commissariat. Gubbins's House be- came Gubbins's garrison," the enclosure round his grounds was turned into a line of fortification, whence batteries "belched fire and rolling smoke" ; and at the south-west angle of his grounds stood " Gubbins's bastion." From this demesne did our author and his friends and followers pour destruction on the foe, Mr. Gubbins, moreover, deducing some military principles from his experience, as in these remarks on loopholes for example.

"Probably in consequence of the withdrawal of our advanced posts, the enemy pressed on, and assembled in large numbers in the forenoon, in the buildings around the centre bastion of my post, from which they kept up a very severe fire of musketry. We replied sharply from our loopholes ; but they were so close that their shot repeatedly struck the loopholes, and one of my levies was struck dead by a ball which entered by a loophole through which he and myself were looking at the same time. My head being a little withdrawn at the moment, I was mercifully preserved, and only re- ceived some briekdust in the face.

"On the subject of loopholes it may be as well to mention the result of our experience in respect to their construction. Those which we first made were found to be much too large. They were usually, that is at first, made in the form of a perpendicular slit in the parapet-wall, about four inches wide externally, and widening inside to four or five times that width ; much in appearance resembling what are seen surmounting the turrets of European castellated buildings. These, however, were found to admit the enemy's bullets too easily, and in their subsequent construction we took a lesson from themselves, by merely piercing a hole through the wall large enough externally to permit of the muzzle of a musket or double barrel to protrude. On the inside the loophole was made considerably wider, so as to allow of aim being taken to the right or left. Our original defective con- struction of this description of defence cost us many valuable lives; and in the new fortifications which I have since had the opportunity of observing elsewhere, I have noticed the same defect. Similarly, our first embrasures for artillery were often made too wide in the interior opening. Two feet afford a space amply sufficient to work a long 18-pounder, widening, of course, to five feet or more externally."

The following practical opinion on the respective advantages of the Enfield rifle and the musket may be worth considering; but as it is clearly impossible to have both at once, the real question comes to be which is the most generally useful.

"Many of the newly-arrived privates were excellent shots, their bullets striking, or falling near the mark, at very long distances. For this sort of practice, these weapons were much approved by the men of the 32d Regi- ment, who, as has already been said, were armed with old muskets of inferior description. But I have heard the men, in discussing the re- spective merits of the old and new weapons in a melee, where rapid firing was required, give the preference to the musket. The reason assigned was, of course, the greater rapidity with which it could be loaded : and such being, I believe, undoubtedly the case, the fact appears not wholly unde- serving of consideration."

From the following story, it would seem that Sir Colin Camp- bell has a kind of grim jocularity, or at least what is intended to be jocular; for the precise point of this story is difficult to make out. It resembles what Sydney Smith called Scottish wut, the Curiosity lying in its being generated under fire.

"The carriages which had conveyed the ladies on the previous day to Sekundur Bagh were still on the ground, and Sir Colin led me to a spot at the south-west angle of the enclosure, to which he wished to have one of the carriages removed, which had been left standing not far from where his own couch was laid. This latter position the Commander-in-chief said was exposed to fire and he wished the carriage removed to a spot which he be- lieved to be safe.

• "I mention the following anecdote as characteristic and therefore not

1, An Account of the Mutinies in Oudh, and of the Siege of the Itteknow Resi- einsey : with some Observations OD the Condition of the Province of Oudh, and on the Causes of the Mutiny of the Bengal Army, By Martin Richard Gabbing, of the Bengal Civil Service, Financial Commissioner for Oudh, published by Bentley.

unworthy of record. The spot where we both stood, be it remembered,

w actually under the enemy% fire. A soldier- of the 93d Highlanders apa8 preached Sir Cohn at this time. ' Please air,' said he there is a ladv that further carriage with a child, and. she wants me to help her, sir.' 11- Excellency turned towards the man and somewhat amused me byr eplyin

Is she pretty, man ? ' Oh, Sir Cohn,' said the soldier, I told you : ,-

she wanted me to help her." Is she pretty man ? ' was again Sir Colin's reply, for I thought that if she was pretty, you would be all the better pleased to help her." There you are, Sir Colin,' rejoined the Highlander at your old nonsense." Oh, yes, help her, man,' was the answer."

Here is a picture of another commander—the closing scene of Sir Henry Lawrence.

" About 9 a. m. of the 2d of July, I was summoned by Captain Edgell, then officiating as Military Secretary, to see Sir Henry, who, he said, had been dangerously wounded. I hastened down, and found him laid on a bed in the north verandah of Dr. Fayrer's house. The bed was surrounded by all his staff, his nephew, and the principal persons of the garrison, among whom not a dry eye could be seen. " It has never fallen to my lot to witness such a scene of sorrow. While we were clustered round Sir Henry's bed, the enemy were pouring a heavy musketry fire upon the place and bullets were striking the outside of the pillars of the verandah in which we were collected. Sir Henry's attenuated frame, and the severe nature of the injury, at once decided the medical men not to attempt amputation ; but it was necessary to stay the bleeding by applying the tourniquet, and the agony which this caused was fearful to behold. It was impossible to avoid sobbing like a child. Sir Henry alluded to his having nominated Major Banks to be his successor; and then earnestly pointed out the worthlessness of all human distinction, recommending all to fix their thoughts upon a better world. He referred to his own success in life, and asked what was it worth then ? He enjoined on us particularly to be careful of our ammunition, and often repeated= Save the ladies.' Be afterwards continued in much suffering, and lingered until the morning of the 4th, when he expired. "Upon his death-bed Sir Henry referred to the disaster at Chinhut, and said that he had acted against his own judgment, from the fear of man. I have often inquired, but I have never learnt the name of any one who had counselled the step, which resulted in so severe a calamity. "Thus passed from among us as noble a spirit as ever animated human clay. Unselfish, kind, frank, and affectionate, Sir Henry Lawrence pos- sessed the art of attaching those with whom he came in contact. He was particularly beloved by the natives, and with good reason, for few Euro- peans treated them with more kindly consideration, and none made more just allowance for those weak points in which they differ from Europeans."

Though every man when the time of action came did his duty, there was, according to Mr. Gubbins, more despondency as re- gards their actual position and future prospects among some of the military than among the civilians. Brigadier Inglis, when he replied to a communication addressed from Havelock's army to Mr. Gubbins, took, as our author thought, an exaggerated view of the dangers of their position, " especially as regarded the sup- ply of food " ; and there were arrangements connected with the defence which Mr. Gubbins thinks might have been better. The despondency of some ran in a more tragic course.

"The months of June amid July were the worst ; while the anticipated danger was threatening us ; and when first in its worst-expected form it had actually come to the door. At the commencement of the latter month several of the men contemplated the destruction of their females, if the enemy should overpower us. I was, during those terrible days, one even- ing taken aside by a military man, who was one of my garrison. He had, he told me, agreed with his wife that if the enemy should force his way in, he should destroy her. She had expressed herself content to die by a pistol-ball from his hand. He was, he told me prepared, if I should fall, to do the same deed of despair in respect to my own wife ; and he required of me a pledge, that if he should first perish, I would act the same part by his. I declined to give it. The necessity, I told him, had not arisen; there was, therefore, then, no need to provide for it. And besides I could not do it."

The narrative of the siege itself is introduced by a variety of preliminary matter, relating to the annexation of Oude, the so- cial condition in which we found it, and the feelings of the people towards our rule. The growing confusion in the country before the open mutiny, and the adventures of the local officers at the different subordinate stations are also depicted, and there is a valuable disquisition on the causes to which the mutiny, has been ascribed. These last Mr. Gubbins classes under six heads. Rus- sian intrigue, which he dismisses for want of any affirmative evi- dence. A "long matured Mahometan conspiracy," which he also thinks is not established by sufficient proof; though he considers the Mahometans were, and for reasons, disatisfied with our rule, and ready to take advantage of any opportunity for our expul- sion. The "national revolt" opinion he rather scouts, as well as the annexation of Oude as a cause ; the peasantry might not greatly care for us as he admits, but they preferred us to native rulers ; and this preference was greater in Oude, where the ta- looqdars, essentially farmers-general, were often terribly oppres- sive. Mr. Gubbins supports the opinion which generally ob- tained at the outset of the mutiny ; namely, that the great ex- citing causes were a dread of injury to their caste, and the paucity of European soldiers in India. He does not deny that other in- fluences contributed to produce a mutinous disposition, or to stimulate the outbreak, or to encourage and extend it when the mutiny began ; but the immediate causes of the disorder were those already intimated—fear for their caste and the opportnilitY furnished by the paucity of English soldiers. Into all these topics, except that of Russian intrigue, Mr. Gubbins enters with a fulness and a knowledge to be expected from a man who has passed his life in the Indian service, and whose office made him thoroughly acquainted with Oude. The reader may sometimes disagree with his conclusions, or doubt his judgments ; it is pea- sible that the preconceptions of the civil servant may influence his opinions, or the habitual falsehood of the natives may induce them to say what they thought would please the "Financial Com- missioner for Oude " ; although he did "mix familiarly with the people; enter their villages alone, or attended by a single Um- man, sit down among them and let themselves speak out their grievances," and. this with "no native official interposed between Rm and them." But whatever opinion may be sometimes formed to the writer's views there is always ample proof of his as toand thoughtful consideration. These qualities, too, are not merely employed on what may be called historical criti- cism, but often from the errors of the past furnish hints for future guidance. We present a few such passages. - Position and Pay of the Native Gentry.—" The native gentry, especially the Mahomedan portion of it in India, look chiefly to the service of the state for a means of subsistence. But as all the chief offices in British India are monopolized by Europeans, the minor ones only are open to them. In fixing the remuneration of those, we have too much followed the scale of pay we found to prevail in the native governments which we succeeded ; forgetting that with them bribes and pecuniary gratifications were not for- bidden. Under our system they could not openly be received ; and in con- sequence several departments of the public service have been grossly under- paid. In the police service this was so particularly the case, that it has been found difficult to induce natives of good family to enter it at all. Our revenue service was better paid, and a native officer, responsible for collect- ing 20,000/. per annum, might receive a salary of 20/. per month. The na- tives complained, and with some justice, that in the earlier years of our government we had shown more liberality ; and that a native collector had then been used to receive a commission of 10 per cent on his collections, which would give him ten times the salary which has been latterly al- lowed."

Our Enemies in Oude.—" In the city of Lucknow there were many against us. In every Indian city there are a large number of loose and worthless characters : but such was preiminently the case at Lucknow. A profligate Court, sunk deep in vice and debauchery, had collected around it thousands whose sole business was to minister to its degrading pleasures. Many of the most striking buildings in the city belonged to men who had risen by their own infamy to be favourites with the King. This whole class of people detested us. Under our government their business was gone. There were many other innocent sufferers by the change of government. Thousands of citizens found employ in providing for the ordinary wants of the Court and nobility. There were several hundreds of manufacturers of hooquah snakes. The embroiderers in gold and silver thread were also reckoned by hundreds, The makers of rich dresses, fine turbans, highly ornamented shoes, and many other subordinate trades, suffered severely from the cessation of the demand for the articles which they manufac- tured.

"But, perhaps, the class most entitled to sympathy was the nobilitfit- self ; and the numberless relatives and friends who hung upon it. The nobles had received large pensions from the native government, the pay- ment of which, never regular, ceased with the introduction of our rule. Government had made liberal provision for their support- but before this could be obtained, it was necessary to prepare careful lists of the grantees. and to investigate their claims. It must be admitted that in effecting this there was undue delay; and that for want of common means of support the gentry and nobility f the city were brought to great straits and suffering. We were informed that families which had never before been outside the zunana, used to go out at night and beg their bread."

The Educational Mania.—" I believe the native Hindoo mind to have been for some time previously alarmed on the subject of caste and religion. Many public measures had tended to this result ; but perhaps none more so than the extreme rapidity with which educational measures had of late years been forced on. Local officers, with the approval of Government, solicited contributions from the people for the establishment of schools. These were set up not only in cities, nor yet only in towns ; but villages were grouped together into circles or unions to support a school ; and every month brought out some new measure to give impetus to the educational

mania.

"All public servants were required to qualify themselves by literary ac- quirements, for which examinations were instituted. Not even an ordinary messenger, on the pay of eight shillings a month, could be entertained un- less he could read and write. Village accountants, and the head men of village communities, might be required to pass examinations. In respect to the public gaols a perfect mania prevailed. Reading, writing, arithme- tic, were required; and sometimes geography, and the planetary system were taught. And and and burglars who distinguished themselves as teachers were conveyed from one gaol to another to educate the rest. The people looked on and wondered, not without suspicion."

Caste wia a l'enyeance.—" Dr. Wells, the surgeon of the regiment, 148th N. I.] having occasion to visit the medicine store of the hospital, and feeling at the time indisposed, incautiously applied to his mouth a bottle taken from the hospital medicines containing a carminative. This act was in contravention of the rules of Hindoo caste. No high-caste Hindoo could afterwards have partaken of the medicine contained in the polluted bottle. The native apothecary, who attended Dr. Wells, was unfortu- nately on bad terms with him, and informed the Sepoys in hospital of what had been done. The conseqnence was an outcry among them' and a refusal to touch any of the medicines prescribed for them. Colonel Palmer assembled the native officers, and in their presence destroyed the bottle which the surgeon had touched with his lips, besides subjecting Dr. Wells to a deserved rebuke.

"It was hoped that these measures would have satisfied the Sepoys, and that the matter Would have been forgotten. But it was not so. The men in hospital, indeed, no longer persisted to refuse their medicines ; but the doctor's offence was not forgiven. A few nights after, the bungalow in which he resided was fired, and Dr. Wells escaped, but with the loss of most of his property."

The most remarkable features of the book are the indications scattered throughout the volume of the narrow escape that Eng- land had from the at least temporary loss of India through the blind confidence and" clemency' of old Indian" habits and pre- judices; and of the debt of gratitude which is due to the resolution that marched on Delhi and the prompt vigour and administrative skill that at once held the Punjaub in subjection and furnished men and means for the siege of the capital. Had officers of the same weak temper commanded at Delhi and the Punjanb as in various other places, India, except the large sea-ports, would Probably have been gone till reconquered. Of Cawnpore we need say nothing ; Agra escaped only through the incapacity and cow- ardice of its assailants, or rather of the army in its neighbour- hood; Lucknow was preserved through the skill of its artillery officers, the courage of its defenders, and the hesitation of the mass of natives in advancing upon " th' imminent deadly breach." In April, the authorities at Lucknow began to feel uneasy ; in Isiah uneasiness was changed into anxiety ; but for two months

nothing was done beyond frequent consultations where nothing was determined on, or determined only to be changed ; and fussy doings on a small scale that contributed nothing to a leading end. Even throughout a large part of June little effectual was really done by Sir Henry Lawrence, save to well provision the Resi- dency, and to fight at the persuasion of others the disastrous battle of Chinhut. It was a long time before he could be brought to collect his scattered troops ; still longer before he would aban- don an outlying fortress called Muchee Bhowun and concentrate his force in the Residency. The fortifications of the latter were begun late—our author spontaneously commenced his own quar- ter, and as a consequence they were imperfectly completed. What was worst of all, and in the result most disastrous, was that nearly all the houses close to the defences were left standing. The kindly feelings of Sir Henry Lawrence rendered him un- willing to destroy the property of natives, or more properly to in- convenience them ; since the property could have been paid for. He approved of Mr. Colvin's notorious proclamation, and issued another founded on it, but still more lenient. He pardoned mu- tineers condemned by court-martial, and submitted to allow na- tive soldiers to retain their muskets when they refused to disarm. In fact, either his faculties were impaired by his failing health, or, notwithstanding all his excellent and noble qualities, he was not fitted for a crisis like that at Lucknow, where a clear per- ception of a single end, and. a determination to attain it by any means, outweigh all other qualities however great. Still, though dilatory and at last imperfect in preparation through a kindly weakness, Sir Henry Lawrence did. prepare ; and. in every case where native feelings or interests were not at stake, promptly; as in the ease of provisions. There is no doubt but that, war once begun, Sir Henry would have held out as boldly as Inglis or any man. At Cawnpore, the " confidence " approached folly if not mania. Had advantage been taken of the capabilities of the place the British could have resisted any force, that Nana Sahib could have brought against it.