Vtitatto ma( Vrarttilittgo in Varliatatut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OP THE WEEK.

Norsk OF Loans. Monday, Feb. 16. Rangoon ; Conversation raised by the Earl of Ellenborough, and returns ordered—Megnra Frigate ; Conversation, and returns ordered.

Tuesday, Feb. 17. Oath of Supremacy ; Earl of Clancarty's Objection—North of Ireland Disturbances—Hostilities at Lagos—County Courts Extension Bill, amended and passed through Committee. Thursday, Feb. 19. No business of importance. Friday, Feb. 20. No business of interest.

Horse OF COMMONS. Monday, Feb. 16. Militia Acts, considered in Committee ; Lord John Russell's Proposal—Scotch Universities Tests Abolition ; Bill to be brought in.

2Wesday, Feb. 17. Savings-Banks ; Mr. Henry Herbert's Motion of Censure on Government—Investments of the Humbler Classes; Mr. Slaney's Motion for an Unpaid Commission—Duty on Carriages; Sir De Lacy Evans's Motion, negatived by 59 to 24—stamp Receipts; Mr. Headlam's Motion, negatived by 61 to 26—Parlia- mentary Representation Bills, Irish and Scotch, presented and read a first time. Wednesday, Feb. 18. County-rates Bill, Mr. Freelifield's, read a second time- Public-houses (Scotland) Bill, read a second time—County-rates Bill, Mr. Milner Gibson's, second reading negatived by 170 to 63—Copyt ight Amendment ; Mr. Come- wall Lewis's Bill.

Thursday, Feb. 19. Lord Naaa's Motion of Censure on Lord Clarendon, nega. tired by 229 to-197.. Friday, Feb. 20. Militia Acts : Report of Committee's Resolution brought up: Lord Palmerston's Amendment to leave out the nord " carried against Mi. nistees, by 136 to 125: Resignation of Ministers intimated—Church Affairs in the Colonies, considered in Committee : Mr. Gladstone's Instructions to Chairman for a Bill—Charitable Trusts, considered in Committee: Attorney-General's Instruc- tions to Chairman for a Bill—Personal Estates of Intestates ; leave for a Bill, to Mr, Cornewall Lewis.

TIME- TABLE. The Commons.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment, Monday 45 .... Ilk 45m Tuesday 41s Ilk Om Wednesday Noon .... 5h 30m Thursday 411 10h urn

Friday 45 .... 9h sem Sittingslids Week, 6; Time, 32h 15m — this Besides, 14; — 76k 40m

Tim Mums.

Lord JOHN Rusaar.s. moved, as an introduction to his proposal to go into Committee on the Local Militia Acts, that the following passage from the Queen's Speech be read by the Clerk at the table. " Where any increase has been made in the Estimates of the present over the past year, such explanations will be given as will, I trust, satisfy you that such increase is consistent with a steady adherence to a pacific policy and with the dictates of a wise economy."

The question being then put, that the House go into Committee, Mr. Heim for an instant objected to taking that step " without reasons stated." Lord JOHN Resent', argued that it would be more convenient to discuss the subject without the restraints put on a regular debate in the House. The House went into Committee ; and Lord IonrcRussrm, made his statement.

To show that the present measure is not made under the influence of any sort of panic, he recalled to mind, that the similar measure proposed by him in 1848 was brought forward without any pressure of extraordinary circumstances—while, indeed, Louis Philippe was upon the throne of France, and while there was no appearance of revolution ; and he assumed that the measure was unsuccessful at that time only because of its connexion with other measures. "Unfortunately, that proposition of mine, and other pro- positions with respect to the naval and military service, were coupled with a proposal for increased taxation, which became very unpalatable to the House and to the country, and the dovernment did not persevere in the proposal." His reasons for hoping that the House will now take the view of the Govern- ment, were many. In the first place, the liability of our possession's or even our own country, to aggression ; die next place, the possibility of disputes between our subjects and foreign subjects. • " In the third place, we are bound by treaty with respect to several of the countries of Europe to defend them if attacked. [A Member, not named, expressed dissent.] Yes ; I will only mention one instance : we are bound to defend Portugal against any enemy that might attack that country ; an obligation which was avowed by the whole House in 1826, and Mr. Canning called upon the House to fulfil that obligation. But, in the fourth_ place, we are connected, and have been for more than a century, with the general system of Europe ; and any territorial increase of one power, any aggrandizement which disturbs the general balance of power in Europe, although it might not immediately lead to war, could not be matter of indifference to this country, and would,no doubt, be the subject of conference, and might ultimately, if that balance were seriously threatened, lead to hostilities." Then further, since the invention of steam-navigation, and when it is no longer necessary for an enemy to obtain the command of the Channel, we are no longer safe from invasion, or even the most petty insult."

Proceeding to assert that it has always been the policy of this country, ever since the Seven Years War, to maintain a considerable force of militia, be turned aside for an instant to say a few words on the general policy which the present Government holds with• respect to our regular army, and on the views of the Commander-in-chief with respect to our general armaments. " With respect to our military force, I should say that the ad- dition we propose to make to our regular army in the present year is very small, amounting to 4000 men of the Line and 1000 for the Artillery—in all rather a less number of men than have been despatched to the Cape since the commencement of hostilities in that quarter. I should say that there has been for some time a policy rather to diminish the military force in our Colonies, and rely upon the people of the Colonies themselves to furnish such force as may be necessary, and have only a very small force of our regular army there. We have acted in pursuance of that policy; and I should say generally, I think it is better, with respect to the force we maintain in our Colonies, to have it in positions in which a considerable number can be collected, rather than dispersed, as has been, in former years, over all our Colonies, thus leaving many of them open to attack and without any adequate force. With respect to the second topic I have mentioned, I should say that the Commander-in-chief and the Master-General of the Qrd- nance have for some time turned their attention to the improved arms which have been introduced—the muskets, which it is well known have a much longer range than those formerly used : they have likewise considered the subject of training the men to the use of those muskets ; and inquiries have been made, and boards of officers have sat, as well with respect to the choice of the musket that shall prove the best arm of service, as the weight of balls to be used, and the practice of soldiers in the use of the weapon. These matters have been subject of consideration ; and the noble Duke at the head of the Army unceasingly turns his attention to this matter, with a view that whatever military force we have be in the highest degree of efficiency." In reference to the Militia, the Government considered whether it should establish it on the plan of the old Regular Militia, or on that of the Local Militia. The Regular Militia, as constituted in the last war, differed little from the Army, but it could not be sent out of the United Kingdom. If a force of that description were now needed, it would be better to have a large increase of the military force. As a permanent force, one whose services are limited to the counties in which it is raised is preferable. The Local Militia as established in 1808 and amended in 1812, and as it remained at the end of the war, were balloted for in the same manner as the Regular Militia, by a long and expensive process; and when chosen they were assembled and trained for twenty-eight days in the year. They were balloted from all per- sona between eighteen and thirty years of age; and they were commanded by persons appointed by the Lord-Lieutenant, having certain qualifications in respect of property. Government proposes to limit the body from whom the ballot is to be made, and to make more simple and economical the mode of balloting i and also to dispense with the property qualification of the offi- cers. "With respect to the officers, we propose that two-thirds should be appointed by the Lord-lieutenant, and one field-officer and one-third of the captains by the Crown ; so that the n giments may have the benefit of the experience of half-pay officers available for this service, and who must be of great use in assisting the officers appointed by the Lord-lieutenant. We pro- pose that the Lord-Lieutenant should not be bound by the restriction of quail- The Lords.

Humor Naar of

nee,ctaa. Adjournment.

Monday 5h 6h i 5m Tuesday Oh 711 30m Wednesday No Bitting.

Thursday 66 . 76 OM

Pride) Ifis 5h 30m

Sittings this Week, 4 ; Time, 65 45m this Baden, It — Elk 46m geation, but that he should name any persons he may think fit—of course with ' the approbation of the Crown, as formerly, but without the requirement that they should be possessed of a certain amount of landed property. It is very desirable that the gentlemen of the county should take the command of the Local Militia ; but we believe that that would be the case without this qualification being imposed in the act. When the original Militia laws were framed, there was a very great jealousy of the Crown and of encroachments upon liberty; and it was supposed that if there was a limitation to persons of property, it would form a security against any attempt of the Crown in that respect : but our liberties arc now so firmly secured, that of all dangers there is none less than that of an at- tempt by the Crown, by means of a standing army, to suppress our liberty. With regard to the men, we propose some alteration from the former plan, according to which all men between eighteen and thirty years of ago were subject to the ballot. That was a considerable number of years ; and the process of sending round to each householder, and requiring a return of the number of persons in his house between those ages was a long and compli- cated process. We conceive that it would be at the same time better, and a great relief to a large portion of the population, if, taking the force we thought sufficient, we took in a shorter number of years. We propose, there- fore, for the first year, that the ages at whioh persons should be subject to ballot for the Local Militia should be from twenty to twenty-three, and in subsequent years that they should be only persons of the ages of twenty to twenty-one. It is supposed that the former provision, (from twenty to twenty-three,) taking one-fifth as the number to be balloted, would give a force of about 80,000 men; and that in subsequent years a number would be procured (from twenty to twenty-one) amounting to an average of 30,000. In procuring these men, I think it would not be necessary to adopt the means taken formerly ; I believe that, with the assistance of the census of last year, we should know the number of persons in each county and union who would be liable to the ballot, and that it would be sufficient to require all such persons to present themselves on a certain day. That, how- ever, is part of the machinery of the bill which requires great consideration." As to the mode of balloting, there would be the order of the Lord-Lieu- tenant of the county ; and the Deputy-Lieutenant, the Magistrates, and the Adjutant, or some other officer of the Local Militia, would be present when the men were to be balloted for. " It is proposed that when they are bal- loted, one-fifth should be taken, and that ten per cent of those remaining be taken as a reserve for all cases where excuses might afterwards be made. There would then be, according to the Militia Acta, an appeal, at which ex- cuses might be made; and there would be the examination whether the men were fit for service, and those who belonged to the reserve of ten per cent might be called in to supply deficiencies. It is proposed also that any man from twenty to thirty years of age may volunteer to serve in the Local Militia, and that so far as these volunteers supply the requisite number the balloting should not take place. It is proposed likewise, that the volunteers thus placed in the Local Militia should serve for one year less than the bal- loted men. The regular period of service proposed for the Local Militia is four years ; but that they may by order in Council be required to serve for

i

six months longer, and in case of Parliament, by an address to the Crown, rmidr:ing their services still further, another period of six months may bo a making twelve months altogether, in case of danger to the country." As to the training and pay of the men, and the service that they may be sent on, "it is proposed that they should be formed into battalions, and be assembled either for fourteen or twenty-eight days in, the first year, and for fourteen days in subsequent years. It is not proposed that either the twenty-eight or the fourteen days should necessarily be consecutive : the men might be trained for a week, and then, if it were necessary for any operations in the oountry. or for any other reason, they might 40 hack to their homes and come again at another period of the year. That is the case at present with regard to the Pensioners. It is likewise proposed that three- hours drill and training should count for half a day, which would be a more convenient period to take in some parts of the year. During the period they should be out, they would have the same pay and allowances as regular soldiers, and would be subject to the Mutiny Act. With regard to the ser- vice to which this force could be applied, I conceive that in case of any danger of invasion, they could be embodied and marched to any part of the country where their services might be required."

In the first year, the number raised will be not less than 70,000, and the expense somewhat under 200,000/.in the second year the numbers will be 100,000, and in the year after 130,000, and it might be advisable to go on to the number of 150,000 ; when the expenses will be larger than at first. The extent to which the force shall be raised will be for determination by the Crown and Parliament hereafter.

Lord John concluded his explanations with the repetition of his "strong conviction" that some force of this kind is necessary ; and he added, " whe- ther or not the present Government shall retain the confidence of this House, it is a matter of satisfaction to me that I should have proposed to this House to lay the foundation of a force for the defence of this country."

Mr.Hursz agreed with Lord John Russell, that the jealousy between the House of Commons and the Crown has ceased, and "the expense of 200,000/. he did not consider much " ; but he opposed the scheme of resorting to an obsolete force, no longer suited to the circumstances of the country. He touched on the demoralizing influences to which families have been exposed where troops have been stationed. He declared his belief that France is far weaker and leas likely to be an aggressor than before, and that it is her interest to keep quiet; while we, instead of being made more vulnerable by steam, have acquired through it a tenfold greater power than before.

Colonel TimicesoN said, that from all he had been able to ascertain of public opinion, he could not doubt but that the people would be exceed- ingly glad to find that the Government were doing anything in this mat- ter of national defences.

He knew he might go against some ancient and honourable prejudices, but he was persuaded that there was throughout the country a conviction of the necessity of being prepared—not against the acts of wise and sagacious men, but against what hotheaded and foolish men might do. Look at the gazettes and journals which take upon them the task of supplying information to the public : one journal, noted for its efforts in procuring intelligence from abroad, announced that the generals commanding the corps of the French army had been ordered to hold their personnel and material in readiness against the 22d. Now, what was to happen on the 22d ? The opinion was that upon that day the present ruler of France was to declare himself Em- peror. Suppose he did, what would that matter to us ? It would not much concern this country if he declared himself " Mamamouchi" : but if the present ruler of France is master of his trade—which is to go on till he is stopped—there is another point more likely to be in his view : what would the House think of his making a pounce upon Belgium ? They would know something of it the next day, they would then hear of steam-vessels collecting at the Nore in a great hurry. He only meant to show, by alluding to this, that there was enough to convince the country of the necessity of taking precautions in time. (Cheers.) Colonel Summar spoke against the measure ; at least not for it in the hands of the present Ministers, When the Whigs first came into power, the country was to have peace, re- form, and retrenchment; and since then there had been the Great Exhi- bition, to which our neighbours and friends the French were most politely invited, and while in this country they were shown every portion of our de- fences. The Tower was thrown open to them, every arsenal was inspected by them, and there was not a point where our defence was weak, or where our coasts were exposed to invasion, but what was fully surveyed by them. All was to go on happily. There was no fear of any enemy, or of any dis- turbance at home or abroad. But now what are we any ? 'Dud it is neces- sary to be prepared, and that a force must be again introduced which had formerly been dismissed from their honourable employment in a manner not satisfactory to the country. He was most jealous of putting any such addi- tional power in the hands of the present Government. The bill had been in- troduced by the noble Lord in a very low tone—so low, indeed, that it was very difficult to follow the noble Lord in every part of his speech. Even that circumstance tended to increase his suspicion of the nature of the measure. He was of opinion, if any additional force were required, that the old Militia might be called out at much less expense and in a more efficient manner than this new conscription which was now proposed.

Sir HARRY VERNEY eulogized the British army : "a more honourable, well-conducted, and moral set of men, never was collected together in a body of six or eight hundred, than those who compose a regiment of Bri- tish soldiers" ; and he concluded by asking, "could it be supposed that the people of England, who insure themselves. in every other matter, would be so blind as not to insure to themselves their lives, their liber- ties, and their properties? "

Mr. REYNOLDS wished to know whether the exemption of Ireland was intended as a boon, a compliment, or the contrary ? Mr. Maumee O'CoN- NELL spoke briefly to the same point; representing the people of his county, Kerry, as eminently loyal ; and stating that if the measure wero extended to Ireland it would be received with thanks, and would bo a bulwark against any foreign invader. Mr. COBDEN answered Sir Harry Verney, that the question is not, will the English people, who insure everything else, not consent to insure their lives, property, and liberty, from foreign invasions; but rather, shall they insure themselves in the Phoenix Office as well as in the Royal Exchange, to whom they have already paid enormous yearly premiums in the shape of supplies for the Army and Navy, which in the last ten years only have amounted to a sum—about twenty-four millions—that would nearly purchase the entire mercantile marine of this kingdom. Mr. Cobden counted up our ships of war in the Mediterranean—eight line-of-battle ships and above a dozen small vessels of war—our squadron in the Tagus (which he had just heard is called home) of five ships mounting from fifty to ninety-two guns apiece ; he referred to our fleets in the West Indies and in the East Indies, marking the distance at which they are placed, and the special futility of sending line-of-battle ships merely to protect commerce or wage warfare against pirates ; and said that if the Government were sincere in using the argument of a fear of invasion by France, they would instantly order home these large ves- sels to our own shores for our own protection. Ho made a point turning on the recent criticisms on the press by Parliamentary Lords. " Without offering a word of objection to what the noble Lord said with regard to the press of this country, I must say I think he has contrived to take up a position which, while it is ten times more menacing to France than anything the newspapers can say, has not the excuse that he is not speaking in the name of the English people : for if you agree to this pro- posal, to organize a militia of 80,000 men—to set up this force with an elas- tic organization, which may become 110,000 or 120,000 men—I say the noble Lord will do far more than the press of this country, which he took on him- self to lecture, to put us in a state of antagonism with the French people." Referring to the observations of Colonel Thompson respecting Belgium, be said he was " afraid there is some danger of our getting into a war from meddling with affairs on the Continent." "I can only say, if the people of England, after having suffered from the desertion and treachery. of every people on the Continent in turn, and after bringing a long and dreary war to a close, in which they did nothing perma- nent and settled no principle on a fixed basis, but burdening their country with an enormous debt, again allow any Government, Whig or Tory, to at- tempt to drag them into a Continental war, they will richly deserve the ca- tastrophe of bankruptcy which will inevitably befall a country so impervious to all the counsels of sense and experience." He agreed with the opinion, that if we could have anything to dread, it would not be an invasion, but a buccaneering expedition of some ten or twelve thousand thrown on our coast to injure us, but to be sacrificed it- self.

"I don't believe you could find a French officer to undertake a buccaneer- ing expedition of this kind without a declaration of war; and if you did, then the expedition would be an act of piracy. If it be too high an appeal to make to French morality and French honour to suppose they would not act in this way, there is still this appeal—that they will be pirates. I am told one of the objects of such an invasion would be to avenge Waterloo : but how would it avenge that defeat, if they only came over hero to be hanged ? Again, I am told they will burn our ships in Liverpool and Bristol : if they did, they would not burn English ships only, but they would burn American, Dutch- men, vessels under every flag in the world ; and the nation that warranted such an act, and the government that permitted it, would be hunted from the face of the ocean by all the ships of every maritime nation of the earth."

Lord PALMERSTON and Mr. Fox Mauna rose together ; but the calls for the late Foreign Minister were very loud, and the late Secretary at War gave way.

The speech of Lord Palmerston was an unconditional advocacy of the necessity for providing some such additional measure of national defence as the Militia : indeed, Lord Palmerston himself had been the proposer of it in the Cabinet. Acknowledging his gratification at the speech of Colonel Thompson, he proceeded to say that his satisfaction is not founded on any temporary panic.

" I trust our relations with all those countries from whom, under any circumstances, any danger might arise, are as friendly as they can be, and that there is no subject at present likely to arise which can expose this country to the danger of war. ("Hear, hear !" from Lord John Russell.) But the noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's Government. knows, that so long ago as the year 184S, I took the liberty of pressing on bun my opinion, that, on general principles, and with a view to the permanent and lasting interests of the country, it was desirable that some such measure of prec iu- tion should be taken as that which is the object of the present proposal and that I have at various times renewed my instances, but that there were difti- willies which prevented their being carried into effect. I am glad, Sir, thew difficulties have disappeared, and that her Majesty's Government are now enabled to propose measures to provide more adequately for the defence of the country. There are honourable gentlemen who say they hope we may not be again engaged in Continental warfare, or mix ourselves up unneces- men, armed, organized, disciplined, and ready to meet an enemy." "It is hnnsl-f- . ,

country than the landing of a force of sufficient magnitude to occupy any article.

citizens of the United States do not feel the service a hardship, though there Mo"dDemeler Sir—The French t to turn to Vice He stated reasons for prefemng the Regular Militia to the Local, under „ Mr. Birch."

is not a man in Ireland who would be called out, and who had taken the oath of allegiance, who would not lose his life rather than not defend his country against invasion." Mr. Fox Meuse said, that the great evil of the system of substitutes is avoided by preferring the Local Militia ; the Local Militia is also cheapest ; and with the amendments proposed as to age, it will throw the service upon those individuals on whom it will fall lightest. The force will be battalionized as soon as possible, and the men will be in "awk- ward squads" only till they are ready for battalions. He had no ob- jection to refer the bill to a Select Committee.

Mr. NEWDEGATE spoke admiringly of Lord Palmerston ; in whom he bad over seen that truly English spirit which he had shown tonight. Mr. G. B. ROCHE expressed his gratitude to Lord Palmerston for the testi- mony be had borne to the loyalty and gallantry of the Irish people : to whom, however, the Prime Minister refused permission to arm them- selves.

Lord JOHN Reassess explained, that the omission of Ireland is not pe- culiar : neither Ireland nor Scotland are included, because it is desired only, "in the first instance," to establish a Local Militia in England. Great confusion would have been caused by introducing details relative to Irish parishes : in Ireland also the existence of the Local Police force is a circumstance that will have to be considered in any measure for that country. Whether the present bill shall be followed up by separate bills for Ireland and Scotland, is a point on which he would say nothing till after this bill had been read a second time.

Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT stated that the Government of the late Sir Ro- bert Peal was impressed with the necessity of taking some decisive steps on this subject ' - and by the desire of Sir James Graham, Home Secretary under that Administration, Mr. Herbert drew up a bill for amending the Militia laws, which remained in the War-office when the Government re- signed. The subject is eminently one which ought to be dealt with by the Government on its own responsibility ; and therefore he protested against its being thrown loose on the House by the Ministry, through the intervention of a Select Committee.

Sir GEORGE GREY advocated the Local Militia, on the ground that it is strictly defensive ; whereas the Regular Militia has an aspect of an offen- sive nature, because it sets free "every soldier in the country " for war on the Continent.

Mr. OSBORNE could not help expressing his dissent from some of Mr. Cobden's opinions—those on the morality of the French army ! or indeed on the morality of any army.

Did Mr. Cobden suppose that Generals Espinasse and St. Arnaud would he- sitate to attack this country, when they had not hesitated to break all laws, human and divine, and place their own Legislature under arrest ? In con- sequence of the monomania under which his friend labours on this point, the country loses the services of a clever man.

Mr. Osborne joined in the opinion of Mr. Herbert that the measure should rest entirely on the responsibility of the Government, who know better than any Member of the House what measures are required.

Captain SCOBELL thought we need be under no alarm about steam. It would be morally impossible for an enemy to concentrate a force, embark it, and come over, without our being able to attack him with our naval force. But then, our navy ought to be more drawn home. The other speakers were Captain HARRIS, Mr. TRELAWNY, Mr. ALCOCK, Mr. &Yam, and Mr. Calms& s' ANSTEY, all in favour Of establishing some sort of militia force.

The Chairman was instructed to ask leave for a bill. The report to be brought up on Friday.

LORD NAAS'B ARRAIGNMENT OF Loan CLARENDON.

The House of Commons was crowded by Members on Thursday night, to hear the debate on the resolution of which Lord Nees had given no- tice, in the following terms-

- That, in the opinion of this House, the transactions which appear recently to have taken place between the Irish Government and the editor of a Dublin news- paper, are of a nature to weaken the authority of the Executive, and to reflect dis- credit on the administration of public affairs." In opening his subject, Lord Naas very anxiously deprecated the notion that ho was making any personal attack. "He bad the deepest respect for the great personal qualities, the talents, and the private virtues of the nobleman who filled the office of Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland." "He did not for a moment say that the noble Lord and his Government had not per- formed great services to the state." He felt most strongly that no person could stand in a worse or more invidious position than that of one who on light, frivolous, or vexatious grounds, attacked the acts of a distinguished person holding office under the Crown; but he believed he should satisfy the House that neither were the transactions to which the resolution alluded trifling nor was the resolution vexatious or frivolous. With this deprecatory commencement, he entered on the description of the unpleasant transac- tions between the Irish Government and Mr. Birch, of the World newspaper, which have lately come to light through the trial of the action brought by Birch against Sir William Somerville, in the Irish Courts. In the main, the matter of his speech consisted of a recapitulation of the see destroyed." (Cheers.) I and imprisoned in Newgate for his abominable offence : the verdict was pub- These general reasons Lord Palmerston fortified at considerable length, ; lished in all the newspapers; the imprisonment was notorious in Dublin and with effective rhetoric ; some of his points eliciting further testimonies ofIreland ; and it is totally impossible that both should not have been as grateful applause from the listening Premier. I notorious within the, walls of Dublin Castle as outside, for the Lord-Lieu- Ile contended that it is perfectly impossible to defend all of our widely- tenant's private secretary was a barrister living constantly in Dublin, and extended insular shore by fortifications ; there is no fortification like brave the counsel for the prosecutor was no other than the Irish Attorney-General mighty well for persons in this country to talk of the hardships of taking , Going over the history of.Lord Clarendon a connexion with Birch, from its men from their farms and shops ; but those who have served abroad, and commencement in the spring of 1848,. he quoted the following letter by the Lord-Lieutenant's secretary, specifically suggesting materials for an seen the effects of war, think that a greater calamity could not befall this ,

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portion for even the shortest conceivable period." He observed that the 1 t .Io:dge, March 1848, party, the rdeenfecat news ought rile oIgicioun.e tnanuicthe ovfi the are a million of militiamen there. He corrected the statement by Mr. ;us proceedings of the Provisional Government in making arrests. fraternizer, Pr. Cobden that the National Guards of France are disbanded—they have more " I presume that tomorrow's (Friday's) mail will Wing us an account of the cap- recently been partially reorganized. He observed that this country is an turn of Blanqui and Cabet, the great Communist leader. The morale of this might exception from all European prudential usage in dispensing with a militia. be well applied to Mitchel and (o. " Yours, truly, CORRY Cosruzuee.

which the men would be drilled in squads instead of battalions, and "county Anothr letter from Mr. Connellan, beginning with the words "My dear

by county be led successively up against the enemy." Sir " gave directions as to what was to be done in consequence of something that As he was concluding, he referred to the questions from Irish Members had been published by Dr. M'Hale. The World of the very next date con- about the omission of Ireland from the bill. The reason .for the omission twined an article on the subject to Which Mr. Connellan refeyrred - thus,I he was etre loss to conceive ; for he would "pledge his existence that there Birch romptly obeyed the see cations of his principal. In July. 1848, Me; Comellan wrote to Birch the 7o owing letter. " My dear Sir—I am so pressed with business that I have only time to apprize you that his Excellency will write today to state his opinion that your journal has done good service to the cause of peace and order, and is the interest of the Government, "Yours, Sze. CORRY CONI4ELLAN."

Another letter showed that the ubiquitous Lord Palmerston was desirous of securing Mr. Birch's assistance in behalf of foreign "law and order." The following letter was sent to Mr. Birch, then in London, by Lord Pal- merston's private secretary.

" Sir—I have been directed by Lord Palmerston to express his thanks for your articles; and I have to state, if you wish for any information, I shall be ready to re- ceive your correspondent, and furnish him with such intelligence as I may be au- thorized by Lord Palmerston to give."

Proceeding with his story, Lord Naas came to a letter written about March 1849, by the Secretary of the Lord-Lieutenant. "It appeared that Birch, not finding the supplies coming in so fast as he wished, got im- portunate. Sir William Somerville having received a letter from Birch, immediately wrote to Mr. Connellanwho, in his reply, said that the Lord-Lieutenant was starting for London, and would see Birch ; and he then added—' With reference to the phrase "lukewarm support," used in our last note, I am desired to remark that no journal in Eng- land received any subsidy. In one year you have received twice as much as was ever paid to the only newspaper in Ireland aided by the public money.' It would appear from this letter that the sys- tem of appropriating the public money for the support of newspapers had been going on for some time. The Aouee had a right to know what other newspapers were receiving subsidies from tbs public purse ; and how much her Majesty's Government were paying newspapers for supporting their in- terests." *

Having thus shown that an arrangement had been entered into between the Government and the editor of a paper, that the services of that paper were accepted by the Government, and that the Government paid for those services out of the public money, Lord Naas doubted not the House would come to the conclusion, in the words of the resolution he now submitted to the House, that the transactions to which he had adverted were well calcu- lated to " weaken the authority of the Executive, and to reflect discredit on the administration of public affairs."

Lord JOHN RUSSELL opened the defence in this tone-

" The noble Lord, leaving those questions in which he has lately been engaged, has brought a most grave question for the consideration of the House. And let him not expect to extenuate or diminish the gravity of that question. He says he does not wish to do anything vexatious, and that he does not wish to make any remarks personal to Lord Clarendon. Now, the House must be quite aware that the attempt of the noble Lord is to blast the character—to affix disgrace upon a man who has rendered great public services—who has not only been engaged in political life with great honour and credit, but who has rendered great services to that country of which the noble Lord is a representative. (Loud cheers.) Let not the House at all believe that the noble Lord brings forward a question of mere speculative reference to public morality : it must entail the consequences that I have described."

Descending into details, Lord John much insisted on the distinction which Lord Clarendon had drawn, in conversation with Birch, between the "de- fence of law and order," and any defence of himself or his government : under the grave circumstances of the time he would have thought himself failing in his duty if he had not accepted proffered services in defence of "law and order" ; but as to himself, or his government, Mr. Birch was ex- pressly told he might abuse either as much as he liked. Going over the facts which appeared at the trial, and justifying the original arrangement i with Birch, Lord John observed, that in 1849 circumstances had materially changed. "In 1849 there was no longer any danger apprehended in Ireland from a breach of the public peace, and it appeared that Lord Clarendon did not think it necessary to give any further sums to Birch. Mr. Birch impor- tuned at one time, threatened at another, and addressed various letters to the Government, to the Lord-Lieutenant, and to the Chief Secretary. In the beginning of 1850, Lord Clarendon, having considered the matter over, asked some of his friends whether the sums advanced to Birch were pro- perly payable out of a public fund, or whether they ought to come out of his own pocket? The question was referred to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and he said that in his opinion the money ought to come out of the private funds of Lord Clarendon. Accordingly, at the beginning of 1850, any sums that had been taken from the public fend for this purpose were repaid to that fund, and the whole charge was defrayed by Lord Clarendon." As to the 20001. given to procure the release, it was thought advisable to pay a round sum to get rid of Birch, because, as no special time had been limited in the contract, and Lord Clarendon had encouraged Birch from time to time, a verdict for a large sum might have been obtained.

But from:these smaller features Lord John carried the House tq a re- view of the immense difficulties of the position of Lord Clarendon in 1848, in order that the whole of his conduct might be covered by a gene- ral approval and admiration, which should include all necessary minor absolutions.

He quoted from the United Irishman, and the other revolutionary news- papers of 1848, their now forgotten details of instruction for street-fighting against the troops, with pikes, vitriol, and molten lead, Mr. John Mitchel's inflammatory letters addressed " To the Earl of Clarend in, her. Majesty's Executioner-General, and General Butcher of Ireland," 8‘.C. ; revived the

;collection of the Irish deputation to the Republican Government of France

for Bid in an Irish rebellion against the authority of the British Crown ; re- called to the House its own acts, showing how imminent was the danger— g through all stages in one day, Saturday the 27th of July, the for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland ; sketched the prompt oppression of the outbreak which at last actually came ; and completed the picture by dwelling on the great acts of clemency which were shown to the captured rebels. " I think, then," Lord John continued, "it must be uni- versally admitted that Lord Clarendon, in the crisis of 1848, displayed all the qualities—vigilance, judgment, clemency—which ought to distinguish a Viceroy in difficult and dangerous circumstances. The Sovereign readily acknowledged his merit, and the highest of the distinctions in the gift of the Crown—those emblems of which it is said- ' Those emblems Cecil did invest,

And gleam'd on wise Godolphin's breast,'

were accorded to his Lordship, in testimony of his high public services. An I now it is attempted—after these services have been performed, after the danger is past—to affix the stigma of indelible disgrace on Lord Claren- don. It would be thought very strange if the captain of a vessel in great peril, having by his energy and judgment baffled the strength of the winds and waves and carried the ship safely into port, some one who had not as- sisted in the work should creep up from the hold and say—' I must inquire into all the means by which the safety of the vessel has-been insured ; and if I can find one sailor who was engaged in cutting down the masts or pumping out the water who is an unworthy person, I will condemn you on that account, and let your meritorious conduct pass unheeded.' ("Hear! " and "Oh !") If that would be surprising, it is still more astonishing. to observe the quarter from which the present attack proceeds. I can imagine that some disappointed demagogue, who hoped to fill some high office wider the Irish Republic of 1848, should have been glad of an opportunity for venting his spite against the Governor who had defeated treason and crushed rebellion in the bud ; but I cannot understand how a member of a Conservative Opposition, who is indebted to Lord Clarendon's energy and wisdom for the enjoyment of his property in peace and safety, should turn round and ask the House to concur with him in condemning the man to whom, in common with the whole country, he ought to be grateful. (Cheers.) I am sure that course is not in accordance with the feelings of the House. The House of Commons has hitherto had no opportunity of doing anything by which they could show their sense of the eminent ser- vices of Lord Clarendon ; but I cannot believe that the first expression of their opinion with respect to Lord Clarendon's administration will consist of a severe and unsparing condemnation."

But if a general defence should fail, Lord John Russell hinted that he bad also the particular defence " tu quoque" as a resource. "Whether it was right at that time, or whether it can be right on any occasion, in circum- stances of great alarm and danger, to spend the public money in connexion with the press, is a question which I am not now called upon to discuss. If we were to enter into the consideration of that question, it might be necessary to ask for the opinions of persons who have formerly been connected with the Irish Government. We know very well, that in this country, what Mr. Corry Connellan calls subsidizing the press is a measure to which no Government would have recourse; but, if we want to know what has been the practice in Ireland in this respect, we should call for information from all former Chief Secretaries of that country. Take the Earl of Derby, for instance.- (Cheers and laughter.). If the Earl of Derby should declare that under no circumstances was it right or necessary to give the public money for pur- poses connected with the press in Ireland, and that he had himself always carefully abstained from any practice of that kind, I would attach great weight and importance to the declaration. I should also like to hear from others who have filled the office of Chief Secretary for Ireland what has been their practice with regard to the press in that country, and what are the grounds and justification of that practice. For my part, having never been im- mediately or locally connected with the Government of Ireland, it is not neces- sary, on.the present occasion, to say more than that Lord Clarendon, in his connexion with this paper, seems to haie been actuated by no wish to obtain its support for party purposes, but only for the public good; and, as far as I can learn from public rumour, his Lordship has not in what he has done acted differently from persons formerly connected with the government of Ireland." "The question before us is a grave one. You have to consider the interests of administration in general ; you have to consider the charac- ter of public men ; and I am of opinion that it consists neither with the dignity of Parliament nor the welfare of the country to pronounce the con- demnation prayed for on Lord Clarendon. For my part, as a colleague of Lord Clarendon—as one who has always esteemed and for many years loved him—I am ready to place his character and conduct in the hands of the House of Commons, in the full assurance that he will have justice in their decision." (Great cheering.) Mr. DISRAELI began- " The ingenious sophistry of the noble Lord will not avail. The noble Lord's argument was this—if you are successful in putting down a re- bellion, never mind by what means you effect your object. Is that logic which will be sanctioned by members of the Liberal party ? The reasoning will apply to other rebellions which have been successfully repressed, but by means which have not met with general approval." Then, declining "to satetehaat the noble Lord's proposition is a specimen of political immorality," "because it is unnecessary to use strong language here," he passed on to exercise himself on the inconsistencies of the defence made,—on the one hand, that Lord Clarendon's position was exceptional and that his conduct might be unprecedented ; on the other hand, that be only did what all have done, under what is said to be a system. Referring to the lately published Memoirs of Lord Cloncurry, and to the light which they throw on the acts of former Administrations in Ireland, he defend- ed the Earl of Derby from the insinuations of Lord John Russell, both by implying a denial of their truth, and by palliating the facts if they be true. "There was a camarilla, says Lord Cloncurry, at that time within the Castle of Dublin. There were three or four individuals who entirely managed the Lord-Lieutenant, and I am sorry to say that the Chief Secretary was not one of them." But the acts now imputed are of a totally different complexion. " I know nothing more legitimate, more proper, more praiseworthy of any Government, than to attempt by any wise and judicious mode to allay public acerberation, and with that view to bring any additional influence to the support of their Administration. I believe that was the case in the Administration of Lord Anglesey, and I believe the instance in which it was attempted produced bene- ficial results. A newspaper, conducted by respectable men, written by respectable men, one of them not an undistinguished member of the Irish bar, effected 'a not inconsiderable and a salutary influence on public opinion." But in this case, Lord Clarendon fell into such a trap as the trap of Mr. Birch. " I am the last man to depreciate the influence of the press; which I respect and admire, to which I think we are indebted for some of the greatest of our blessings, and which I believe is one of the best se- surities for our liberty. I do not take an exaggerated view of the power even of the press. I am not at all clear that, in a moment of revolution, at an epoch of rebellion, even the very best-written article could save a coun- try. I can fancy, even with the noble Lord as First Minister, that, at a moment of considerable danger and considerable difficulty, even a leading article of the Times, written with its usual ability, might not be calculated to keep up the high tone of the country. (Cheers and laughter.) But, at any rate, of this I am certain, the noble Lord would go to the Times, and not to the Satirist." (Renewed cheers.) The Minister had told them sig- nificantly, that "this is part of a system which had always prevailed" : the House had now to say whether or not it always should prevail.

The speakers who followed Mr. Disraeli were—against the motion, Mr. HOBROUSE Mr. E. B. Roca,, who could not defend Lord Clarendon's act, but who would not support a party motion ; Dr. Powna, who would not inflict a stigma on a nobleman whose loss would be felt in Ireland as a national calamity ; Colonel THOMPSON, who saw only the alternative of voting for the "convicted libeller" or his victim—Lord Clarendon had doubtless made a false step and fallen into a quagmire, but there were frail creatures on both sides of the House ; Sir DENHAM Noanms, who saw nothing dishonourable either in the buying or the selling of news- paper talents : for the motion, Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD, who asked him- self simply, is the Government justified in subsidizing or bribing the press • Mr. G. H. Moons; Colonel Simmons, "a hater of the very words secret-service-money " ; Mr. NEWDEGATE ; and Lord CLAUDE HA- MILTON, who felt keenly the pain of voting on public grounds against one for whom he has the highest personal friendship and respect.

Lord PALKERSTON wound up the debate with a short speech, heartily branding the motion as a " personal attack" on a nobleman with whom he has had the advantage and honour of many years of private friendship and official connexion.

Lord NAAS replied in a few words, indignantly denying that he stood there to make a personal attack on Lord Clarendon.

On a division, the motion was negatived, by 229 to 137—majority for Lord Clarendon, 92.

STATE OF ULSTER.

The Earl of RODEN recurred to the important subject of the disturb- ances in the North of Ireland, on Tuesday ; stating that there has been a great increase of spirit in the rebel conspiracy, and many threats have been issued against some of the most useful and respectable proprietors in the North of Ireland. Two gentlemen in his own neighbourhood had been denounced ; and it is quite certain that, after two warnings, they will suffer death, if steps be not taken to protect them, or if the arm of Providence be not stretched out in their behalf.

The Magistrates of the counties of Louth, Down, Monaghan, and Armagh, have publicly passed resolutions, declaring, " that this secret association pos- sesses the sympathy of many, and has overawed the whole of the population to such an extent that the evidence of the most atrocious murders, perpe- trated in the open day, can hardly be obtained ; that jurors, from whatever class impanelled, are too often either disaffected or intimidated ; that the audacity of the conspirators has fearfully increased with their impunity ; and that the conspiracy is rapidly extending into the neighbouring districts." He moved for a return of the number of murders, burnings, &c., in the four counties he had mentioned, between the 1st of February 1849 and the 1st of February 1852.

• The Marquis of LANSDOWNE had no objection to the production of these returns : he admitted that Lord Roden had not overrated the great im- portance of this subject. The Earl of Wicklow recommended Government to introduce a bill for the purpose of enabling the prosecution to change the venue in case of indictments for criminal offences. The Earl of GLF.NOALL recorded his sorrow that Government did not hold out any hope of future measures to strengthen the law, after failing in the Special Commission at Monaghan, which was a serious failure in Ireland ; and protested against the claims of tenant-right, and the denunciation of Irish landlords.

DISFRANCHISEMENT OF ST. Anuases.

When the bill for the disfranchisement of St. Alban's was brought in by Sir GEORGE GREY, on Monday, there was a double discussion. In the first place, curious Members insisted on hearing what Mr. Bell and Mr. Repton could say on the late disclosures. Being loudly called for, Mr. BELL rose and threw off a story that he has long unwillingly withheld. Often he has risen to speak, been plucked back into his seat, and been advised to say nothing : he would now act on his own judg- ment. Telling the House how he was deceived at St. Alban's, how it was a great mistake he ever went there at all, he yet made some fight over the corpse of his borough. After all, St. Alban's was not so very extravagant—" he had the excite- ment of an election, the luxury of a petition, and all the expenses of a com- mission ; and the sum-total for the whole does not exceed 4300/." ; while he has heard that one honourable gentleman's seat cost 60,0001., another's 50,0001., a third has told himself that his expenses were 40,000/., and elec- tions, at 50001. to 10,0001. are as plenty as blackberries. If this bill pass, it will be the same as if the 40,000 rogues outside of London House of Cor- rection were to hang the 140 prisoners inside it, to establish their own re- spectable characters : it will be a delusion and an injustice. The other feature of the discussion arose out of a cross-motion made on the spur of the moment by Mr. ROEBUCK. Mr. Roebuck had spoken about " shams," when Lord CLaunz HAMILTON sneeringly tested him by asking, whether he had ever endeavoured, as member of the Reform Club, to get rid of Mr. Coppock, who has corrupted more boroughs than any ,other man alive ? Mr. ROEBUCK declared that he knows nothing of Mr. Coppock, and is very little at the Club : ho moved that Mr. Coppock be called to the bar for examination. Sir GEORGE GREY protested against taking so extraordinary an extempore course, simply because Mr. Roe- buck had been personally touched. Mr. Ronsucx offered to withdraw his motion if Sir George would support it at a later and more convenient stage. Sir GEORGE GREY refused. Mr. DISRAELI and some other Con- servative Members supporting the motion by speeches, Mr. ROEBUCK re- ceded from the position into which he bad sallied, and withdrew his motion.

COUNTY-RATES BILLS.

Two bills on county taxation and expenditure were discussed at the stage of second reading, on Wednesday morning. The County-Rates Bill of Mr. FRESHFIELD consolidates the law of rating, and introduces a new principle—that of rating on the estimated rental, without deductions for repairs or insurance. Mr. Bouvinun and Mr. Conan:mem LEWIS strongly opposed adopting the new principle of rating ; but did not oppose the progress of the bill at this stage. It was read a second time.

The County-Rates Bill of Mr. MILNER Guisox turned out, greatly to the surprise of the County Members, to be an essentially different mat- , sure from that which the Select Committee of last session had

agreed upon. The bill of last year proposed that the Financial Boards should be, one half Magistrates, the other half persons elected by the Boards of Guardians. The present bill proposed that all should be elected by the Boards of Guardians. Sir Joust Past-stores and Mr. HENLEY led the Magistrate Members forward in a combined phalanx against a bill which threw over the compromise of last year, and threatened to swamp them altogether in the county administration. Sir Geoacie GREY joined in condemning Mr. Gibson for being so little bound by his own Committee. Mr. WilsoN Perms, while supporting the bill in deference to the strong -opinion of his county, said he was "surprised beyond measure" at the changes made in it. Mr. Bannow, the Conservative Magistrate Member for South Nottinghamshire, pleaded for the bill. But it proved that Mr. Milner Gibson had been over bold in behalf of the representative principle in county taxation and expenditure : his bin was thrown out, by 1301-0 63.

SAVINGS-BANKS.

` Mr. HENRY HERBEUT moved the following censure on Ministers for their dilatory conduct in reference to legislation on the Savings-Banks.

"That this House has observed with regret the continued neglect of her Nlajesty's Government to fulfil their promise of introducing a bill for the regulation of savings- banks, by which those important institutions may be enabled to preserve their hold on the confidence of the country, and a due encouragement be thus given to the in- dustry and providence of the working classes."

In 1848, after every expedient for postponement and evasion that Parlia- mentary experience could suggest had been exhausted by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. H. Herbert was fortunate enough to procure the nomina- tion of a Committee to inquire into certain local failures of savings-banks. The Committee had little time to sit: they recommended their own reap- pointment next session ; but they urgently demanded a bill on the liabilities of trustees in that same session. The bill was introduced, and it passed, in a modified shape. The reappointment of the Committee was directly and positively refused by Government, until the House twice put Ministers in a minority. In 1850 the Government moved : on the first night of the ses- sion the Chancellor of the Exchequer announced his intention to legislate. In answer to a question semi after, Lord John Russell said he could not con- sent to one hour s delay. Owing to the illness of Sir Charles Wood, the bill was delayed to the 29th of April; when it was not opposed, nor even objected to. But from that day to this the honourable gentleman has never brought forward any measure on the subject.

Having made out this particular case in support of his resolution, Mr. Herbert went generally over the actual position of the savings-bank question, in proof of the necessity for immediate legislation on the subject. In the course of his speech he censured severely Mr. Tidd Pratt, either for the misleading official information which he has often given to trustees of savings-banks; or, supposing Mr. Pratt to be no Government officer, for the presumptuous manner in which he has gone about the country speaking with the authority of a Government officer.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER. practically bowed to the censure applied by Mr. Herbert's resolution; though he believed he did not de- serve any possible censure that might be in the resolution. He had not been idle ; but had devoted much time to make himself master of the whole subject : he might certainly have intimated earlier in the session his intention to bring in a measure, but he desired to communicate in London with many Members who have come up to their Parliamentary duties ; he has communicated with them, and made alterations on their suggestion in a bill which he proposes to introduce in the present session of Parliament. Considering the extreme difficulty of reconciling legisla- tion with the voluntary exertions of individuals, he denied he had been guilty of any unreasonable delay ; and he was now perfectly ready to in- troduce a bill on the subject as early as possible.

Mr. REYNOLDS, Mr. S•CROPE, and Mr. DISRAELI, advised Mr. Herbert to accept this pledge and withdraw his motion. Mr. HERBERT consented, and the motion was withdrawn,—the CHANCELLOR of the ExsuEuVza not insisting, as is usual with injured Ministers, on a division.

INVESTMENTS OF nix HUMBLER CLASSES.

Mr. SLANEY renewed his motion of last session for a Standing Commit- tee or Unpaid Commission to consider, suggest, and report from time to time measures to remove legal and other obstacles which impede the in- vestments of the humbler classes; especially advocating facilities for the establishment of partnerships with limited liability. Mr. LABOUCHERE objected to the motion, with kindly compliments to the benevolent mover. He said, however, that it is the intention of the Government to issue a Commission to consider the whole law of partnership. The Commission will be totally unfettered ; yet he believes that it will not recommend to overturn the fundamental principle of the law of partnership ; but as, after careful inquiry, he finds that the Joint-Stock Companies Act has inter- posed entirely unintended obstacles to the formation of cooperative so- cieties, he will be glad to see this hinderance to the objects of the work- ing classes—delusive though he thinks those objects—removed out of the way. On the advice of Members, Mr. SLANEY withdrew his motion, with modest thanks for kind attention.

ABOLITION OF MASTERS' OFFICES.

In reply to grave and earnest inquiries by Sir JAMES GB-slum, backed by Mr. HENLEY, the two lay Commissioners of the Chancery Reform Commission, the ATTORNEY-GENERAL made some statements, intend- ed to remove the impression created by Lord Chancellor Truro's re- cent words in the House of Peers, that he is opposed to the recommenda- tions of the Commission that the Offioe of Master in Chancery be abolished. Lord Truro only meant, that he has not made up his mind as to the de- tails of the bill.

PUBLIC-HOUSES iN SCOTLAND.

The second reading of the Public-houses (Scotland) Bill was strongly opposed by Mr. HOME and half a dozen other Members; who said, that at a meeting of twenty-three Scotch Members on the bill, not one ap- proved of it, and the mover only approved of one clause. They arrayed statistics to show how the vice of drunkenness is increasing in Scotland in spite of all endeavours to keep it down by trammelling it with the house-licensing system, while in London, where that system has been abolished, the drunkenness has decreased one hal4 in the same time that the population has increased from 1,500,000 to 2,000,000. Mr. Fox MAULS and the LORD-ADVOCATE supported the bill, as an affirmation that the vice of drunkenness is increasing and ought to be diminished: it may be shaped in Committee. Second reading carried, by 123 to 67.

THE PEARS' PROTESTANT OATH.

The Earl of CLasieserr presented himself at the table of the House of Lords on Tuesday, (having first informed the Lord Chancellor by letter

that he should do so," and, renewing the conscientious objections which he as a Protestant Peer bas formerly urged against the Protestant oath, offered to take it " secundum sensum imponentis "—as the Lord Chen. cellar should authoritatively interpret it ; or, in the alternative, he asked to take the Roman Catholic oath, which he thinks unobjectionable. The Lord CHANCELLOR stated that he could not authoritatively interpret the oath. He and Lord CAMPBELL gave their personal opinion that it abjures only any legal authority, with proper tribunals to enforce it, of the Pope in this country. They said that the alternative request could not be granted. This was the opinion of the House, and Lord Clancazty retired NATIONAL EDUCATION IN SCOTLAND.

Lord Ione Miasma.. has stated that a bill is in preparation, and will be brought forward in the course of the present session.

THE NATIONAL GALLERY.

In reply to Mr. Ewan; Lord Joust RUSSELL has stated that the Go. vernment is not prepared to agree to any recommendation that the na- tional pictures be removed from the National Gallery.

THE MEWERA FRIGATE.

The affair of the Megtera has been the subject of condemnatory con- versation in the House of Lords : returns of the tonnage of the ship, and of the human freight.she took out to the Cape, have been ordered.

THE RANGOON EXPEDITION.

The Marquis of LansnowNE, at the Earl of ELLENBOROUGH"S instance, bas given some explanation of the Rangoon expedition. A British mer- chant was accused of murdering a pilot ; and the Governor of Rangoon appointed arbitrators to assess the compensation the merchant should pay to the relatives of the pilot, and as a fine to himself the Governor. The charge was a fable, and the arbitrators so decided ; but the Governor set the award aside, and demanded sums fixed by himself. The Governor- General of India sent an expedition to demand justice ; the King of An has offered justice ; and Lord Lansdowne believes he will do justice.

HOSTILITIES AT LAGOS.

Referring to the news of the hostilities at Lagos, in the Bight of Benin, Viscount CANNING asked for papers explanatory ; and hinted his doubts whether the loss of life we have suffered is attributable wholly to our anxiety to suppress the slave-trade, and whether it may not have arisen simply out of some desire to depose one African king and set up another. The despatch to the Admiralty refers to "the instructions of the 14th of October," and to "the wishes of the late Secretary for Foreign Affairs as far as regards Lagos" : what were those instructions and wishes? The Earl of GRANVILLE was understood to consent to the production of the papers asked for.