Ste .Metropolis.
About fifty gentlemen dined at the Trafalgar Hotel, Greenwich, on Wednesday afternoon, for the interchange of sympathies and opinions on the subject of Colonial Reform. A large proportion of the company con- sisted of Members of Parliament, of all shades in politics,—Lord Mont- eagle, Lord Lyttelton, Lord Naas, Mr. Francis Baring, Sir W. Molesworth, Mr. Milner Gibson, Mr. W. Miles, Mr. Adderley, Mr. H. Bail lie, Mr. Aglion- by, Mr. F. Scott, Mr. Cobden, Mr. Monsell, Mr. M. J. O'Connell, Mr. J. A. Smith, Mr. Mangles, Mr. Horsman, Mr. Wyld, Mr. Bass, &c. Mr. E. G. Wakefield, Mr. Higgins, Mr. Godley, and several other public writers, were present. Lord Lincoln, Mr. Disraeli, Lord Jocelyn, Mr. Walpole, Mr. Hume, Mr. Ellice, Mr. Napier, Mr. Stafford, Lord Polwarth, Mr. Bright, &c., were "unavoidably absent," bat expressed by letter their cor- dial agreement with the object which the meeting was intended to promote —the good government and prosperity of the Colonies, and the obtaining for them a proper control over their own affairs. Sir William Molesworth presided. After dinner, the usual practice of personal toasts and compliments was departed from; but sentiments and principles appropriate to the occasion were put forward, in connexion with which, various gentlemen were called upon to speak. Our limits confine us to a selection from the principal speeches and points. Sir William Molesworth, the Chairman, took the lead with an elaborate intro- ductory speech on the text "Prosperity to the Colonies." In a comprehensive survey of Colonial affairs, he went more rapidly over much of the ground that he lately traversed in the House of Commons on his motion for a Royal Commis- sion. He sketched the origin and vast extension of our Colonial empire; and the failure of the attempt to govern our numerous and distant colonies, from the ig- norant, negligent, and vacillating centre of the Colonial Office,—ignorant, as a as-
cessary consequence froin the distance between the rulers and the ruled; negli- gent, from the absence of efficient responsibility; vacillating, as a consequence of the two preceding vices. He repeated, that free institutions must be bestowed on the Colonies, and a distinct boundary between Imperial and Colonial jurisdiction be established. No powers should be reserved for Imperial exercise except those that it was necessary to reserve for the benefit of the whole empire; but all questions with regard to local taxation, to municipal institutions, to the salaries of officers, to the disposal of waste lands, and to public worship, should be left exclusively to the local authorities.
Lord Monteagle' responding to the Chairman's allusion to his having been Co- lonial Secretary at the time when South Australia was founded, said, he had no doubt that during that time he may have been among those who had shown examples of "ignorance and negligence," and that he was only saved from the charge of " vacillation" by having continued so short a period in office that he was scarcely allowed an opportunity of changing: had the interval been longer, he might have realized the third attribute which the Chairman had justly men- tioned as belonging to all Colonial Secretaries of State. (Laughter.) There was one recollection more agreeable to him than any other in connexion with that short interval of Colonial power—the recollection of having been, however slightly, instrumental in the formation of the colony of South Australia. He begged to remove a delusion that prevailed with respect to that colony. It was said it was prosperous by accident. It was said it was their copper that made their wealth, and not their virtue or sound principle. He admitted with great delight, that the country is rich ini copper; but if there was not something superior to copper, and silver and gold, in the principle on which that colony was founded, all its mi- neral wealth would be but dross. Therefore when they quoted the example of South Australia, they were not to be told to go down to the bottom of its mines, and there see the cause of it in the mineral wealth of the country: they must look to better motives and sounder principles, and there they would find in this case not only the example but the reward. Addressing himself to those present who belonged to neither House of Parlia- ment, he declared that although in the Upper House they were not bound to the people by the tie that binds together the constituency and their representative, they were affected by the force of that well-directed public opinion which acted upon them as intimately as the relation of constituent could act upon representa- tive. There has undoubtedly been a great improvement in public feeling, and he would indicate the source of that improvement. They could not witness any of the sails that passed before these windows, without being reminded how intimately the interests of England and of their Colonial empire were connected; and that conviction must pass into the minds of the whole community. The Colonies must be united in feeling, and be looked upon as a whole, in which, though each indi- vidual colonist attends to the one with which he is connected as he does to his own family, he still considers it as forming part of a great community which con- sists of other families, with which his duties, affections, and obligations are also united. Let them not have colony against colony. Let him not hear one colony speak of their wool, and another colony speak of their grain; let him not hear of sugar on one side from the West Indies, and sugar on the other side from the East Indies. All the Colonies belonged to them ; they were all brothers in this mat- ter; and when they spoke of the Colonies, they should look to them not as things separate from England, but as things on which the wellbeing and honour and in- dependence and credit of this great country intimately depend. One of, their first objects, therefore, should be the union of the Colonial interests. They had a great destiny to fulfil towards the Colonies. They had great moral and social duties to perform in relation to them. The question was, were they or not, then, in a satisfactory state? When he opened that question, he did not appre- hend any long discussion. He did not feel called upon to argue that the state of their Colonies in respect to their government was not at the present time satis- factory. But that every effort should be made, in Parliament and out of it, to render it eatisfactory, was a proposition no man could deny. It was with the view of establishing that principle that he now fulfilled the duty al- lotted to him, by proposing to them as a toast, " The Reform of our Colonial Policy.' But in seeking that reform, he meant not to condemn indiscriminately any men or state of things. That reform he understood in a just, and, if he might say so without antithesis, in a conservative sense. He felt that they must reform to preserve—and who world deny that the Colonies were richly worth preserving ? They should neither retain them for selfish purposes, nor cast them aside on any question of paltry pitiful exigency at a moment of difficulty. They would not desert the men who had embarked their lives and fortunes in the Colonies with the conviction that they carried with them British protection; but on the other hand, they shonld not bind them with a galling chain of servitude. They must know that the progress of a colony was like that of an individual, who passed from infancy to adolescence, and from adoles- cence to manhood. They must know that the time would come when they would be capable of going alone. They should meet that crisis beforehand, by telling them, that when they thought they could move without help, they did not wish to retain them in a dependent state for one hour when it was for their in- terest that their dependent state should cease. By acting thus they would make no sacrifice. That principle, fairly acted upon, was a principle by which they would not cast off the Colonies, but by which they would retain the Colonies. Lord Lyttleton proposed ." Local Self-government for the Colonies." He admitted that, on the principle of "set a thief to catch a thief," he and his noble friend Lord Monteagle were properly qualified to expose the delinquencies of the Colonial Office. (Laughter.) He had been for six months practically con- versant with the mysteries of that department, [as Under-Secretary to Mr. Glad- stone,] and his official experience had had a twofold effect on him—it had created in his mind an enduring interest in the affairs of the Colonies; and it had created a conviction, which every day became stronger, that it was physically im- possible for the Secretary of State, be he who he might, to discharge in a satis- factory manner the multitudinous duties imposed on him. The overwhelming multiplicity of details which every day came under his notice, puzzled, perplexed, and prostrated him, and rendered it wholly impossible for him to acquire that description of knowledge which was necessary in order to the proper government of the Colonies. In point of fact, he was so overwhelmed with details that he must of necessity totally disregard principles. Every one who had ever held the Colonial seals mast be himself aware of the fact. AU the past Secretaries knew it—all the future Secretaries would, in the fulness of time, be made sen- sible of it. They all felt the difficulty and impracticability of their position; and it might with perfect truth be said of them, Habemns reos confitentes." The fault was in the system. Powers were granted to the Colonial Secretary that he had no business to exercise; and which, being powers that properly belonged to the colonists themselves, ought not to be vested in any executive government 'whatever. In the despatches of Earl Grey the principle of self-government was powerfully enforced: but of what avail were such didactic compositions on the part of a Secretary, when everybody knew that he might be out of office tomor- row; and that whatever he might think respecting self-government or anything else, it was ten to one that his successor might entertain opinions diametrically opposite? The universal disallowing power of the Colonial Office ought to be done away with ; local affairs ought to be regulated exclusively by local enact- ments. There ought to be some statutory provision defining what should be matters of local interest and what of Imperial concern; and the distinction ought on all occasions to be religiously observed. That was the true and sole remedy for the evil which lay at the bottom of the present Colonial system. It was not tree, as stated by Earl Grey, that public opinion in this country would always compel a proper discharge of his duties by the Colonial Secretary; for it was a deplorable fact that at Englaint public opinion seldom or, never acted on C°- lonial affairs at all. The great secret of good government fir the Colonies was to let them have the control of their own affairs as much as possible. Mr. Francis Baring illustrated the mischiefs of government from a distance, by instances that had fallen under his own experience as a traveller, and more especially from the system of centralization in France. There, a bridge could not be repaired without reference to the central government. Every defect, acci- dent, or misfortune that arose, was attributed to the central authority; a chimney_ pot could hardly fall upon a man's bead without the accident being attributed to the Minister of the Interior. If this was the ease in a country so close to us as France, what would not be the case in places so distant as our forty-three colo- nies!
Mr. Monckton Milnes paid an affecting tribute to the memory of Mr. Charles Buller.
Mr. Aglionby, in proposing the Chairman's health, took a flattering view of Colonial prospects. He anticipated the greatest results from the present meeting. He also begged to state, that he had long worked with Mr. Hawes, and he believed that gentleman to be sincerely anxious to promote the interests of the Colonies. Mr. Horsman proposed " Emigration successful from Ireland." Daring four- teen years he had sat in Parliament, there was scarcely any subject he thought so important as Colonial reform. Year after year, he thought it was one of the first subjects that should occupy attention ; but year after year, he gave it up, feeling that there was no concert or cooperation, and that the whole matter was perfectly hopeless. But be saw on that night a score of Members of Parliament, and other gentlemen who had by their writings been the means of giving a greater stimu- lus to Colonial reform than the Members of Parliament, united together with earnestness in the cause; and sooner or later they must succeed. When such men as the company he saw around them were united in the cause of Colonial Reform, it was impossible that any Government could long resist what they were determined upon.
Mr. Adderley had to support the toast of "Freedom to Australia"; but he said, whatever toast was put into the hands of any gentleman present, he could not do otherwise than simply pay an additional tribute to the one great principle that had called them together. The very variety of the details of the toasts the difference of some of them in their details—afforded an illustration of the ob- ject that brought them together, namely, the adoption of one fixed principle, the local self-government of the Colonies, preserving and securing the Imperial as cendancy. Any one who came there to lay down a rigid system might as well re- main at home. It was not the prerogative of the Crown to give to a British colony a constitution less free than the British constitution itself. It had been suggested to him by a friend, that the party should not separate without forming themselves into an association for the purpose of furthermg the great cause of Colonial reform. He was not then ready to say that they should at once adopt such a course; but this he would say, that should an association arise out of their meeting that evening, it would be difficult for any gentleman who had been pre- sent to get rid of the colleagueship with which he had invested himself by his present attendance. Mr. Mackay acknowledged the honour of being selected to support the toast of "Our North American Provinces." He assumed it to be the wish of all that these- provinces should remain united to the empire; also, that the only condition on which we should -wish to recognize their independence, should separation become necessary or advisable, would be, that they take to themselves a national existence independent not only of us but of other powers. But these colonies have not, like New Zealand, the simple alternative of continued subjection to us or independence of us: the difficulty that besets our path and theirs is, that there lies before them another course, which we could not even speculate upon with indifference—annexa- tion to the United States. "I regret to say that influences are now at work on both sides of the St. Lawrence, tending to this result. It is yet time successfully to meet them, and to defeat a project not only inimical to the interests of the em- pire, but also as yet repugnant to the feelings of the great mass of the Canadian people. But how are these influences to be met—this project to be defeated? It is certainly not by tinkering or interfering with the constitution of the provinces. Taking Canada as the type of the rest, we have made to it every political con- cession which as a parent state it is possible for us to make, or which it as a de- pendency can in reason demand. The provincial government has been put upon its right basis; all that now remains for us, in connexion with it, is to administer it well. But if we would counteract the influences to which I have adverted, we must adopt a policy which will tend to the more rapid development of the mate- rial resources of the province. There is no difference more striking between Ca- nada and the adjacent States than that manifested in the material progress made by them respectively. In this respect Canada is far behind the neighbouring re- public. And why ? The climate of Canada West is as good as that of most of the cimumjacent States; its soil is unsurpassed by that of any of them in fertility, its productions are as varied as those of most of them, whilst its geographical position is unequalled as to the advantages which it confers. . . . . - If there is a portion of the American continent, on which great local improve- ments are likely to tell, it is Canada. The Americans are well aware of its ad- vantages, and tell us, that if they had it, it would soon be overspread by a net- work of railways and canals. The Canadians themselves are also convinced that this would be the case; and it is with this simple conviction that we have now mainly to deal. They contrast the value of their property with that of analogous property on the other side of the line, and find that whatever might be the poli- tical disadvantages of annexation, its material advantages would be very great. Take, for instance, the case of land or houses in the city of Toronto. Their owners- feel convinced that, in many cases, their property would be trebled in value by annexation. In other words, they believe that they thus pay a very heavy tax for their political connexion with us. Now, as these are times when political con- ditions are chiefly influenced by material considerations, it should, in my humble judgment, be our policy to do away as much as possible with the discrepancy to which I have adverted. All the influences for annexation now at work have an exclusively material bearing. We can successfully meet them by pursuing what I may call a material policy; our path being all the smoother, when we consider that the sentiment of Canada is yet decidedly adverse to a political connexion with the United States. All that we have to do is to convince the Canadians that such a connexion is not a necessary condition precedent to the proper development of their resources."
At a meeting of the City Court of Seweri, held on Tuesday, a report from Mr. Simon, the medical officer, was found to contain these satisfactory assurances-
" I am happy in being able to repeat to you what yesterday I reported to the' Committee of Health, that I believe the City to have been brought by your ex- ertions into as favourable a condition for resisting epidemic disease as was possible under the existing circumstances.
" The Inspectors inform me, that by means of the additional assistance which you have given them, they are now able to speak confidently of the whole of their district, and to consider themselves responsible from day to day for the preserva- tion of cleanliness, and for the removal of every removeable nuisance. Every house in the poorer districts of the city is now visited and inspected by these re- sponsible officers, or by their assistants, twice a week." The differences between the Metropolitan Commissioners of Sewers and their chief Surveyor Mr. Hertslet have ended in the Surveyor's formal resignation. Mr. Hertelet complains that the Metropolitan Sewers Act is impracticable; and so are the Commissioners. At Westminster Police-office, on Thursday, Steel and Martin, the men accused of robbing and assaulting Mr. Hennesy at Westminster, were reexamined. Mr. Hennesy recognized them. He was quite sober at the time of the attack; but the men had seen him at a public-house kept by a relative. The assault on him was made with a "life-preserver"; by one blow his lower jaw was fractured. The ruffians stand committed.
On Monday, James Canning, a notorious housebreaker, underwent a pre- liminary examination on a long string of charges. Many were for breaking into dwelling-houses, but there were no fewer than six cases of burglary committed in churches and chapels.
Mr. Henry Johnson, a respectable surveyor, has destroyed himself in the Me- tropolitan Baths in Shoreditch. He was surveyor to the baths; last week he went to the place as usual, but entered without speaking. to any one; some time afterwards, an alarm was raised that a man was drowning in the private bath. Mr. Johnson was found floating in the water, partially dressed; round his neck was fastened a surveyor's tape, the other end being attached to the right foot, so that by stretching the leg the ligature round the neck would be tightened. Life was extinct. At the inquest, evidence was given that Mr. Johnson had recently exhibited a strangeness in his manner. He was a religious man. The verdict was " Temporary insanity."
Early on Sunday morning, two men fought for five shillings in Plaistow Marshes; after a combat of an hour, one became insensible, and he died at noon. Sotcher, a labourer, the surviving fighter, was taken into custody for killing his antagonist, Joseph Dunmore; and three other men were arrested for aiding and abetting. A Coroner's Jury gave a verdict of "Manslaughter" against Sotcher; and found that the other men m custody, and a fourth who has absconded, were implicated in the offence.
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