POSTSCRIPT.

SATURDAY NIGHT.

The battle of the Timber-duties was fought last night in the House of Commons; the Marquis of WORCESTER, the youngest of the Protectionists, and an approved pattern of the kind of Members to be returned by the agriculturists at the next election, leading the forlorn hope. The Marquis appears to have advanced with some timidity; the reporters complain of his indistinct utterance: but this deficiency was amply compensated by the exertions of the veterans who followed. He was admirably supported. First there was Mr. H. HINDE ; Mr. CaanwELL, Secretary of the Treasury, to be sure came next; but Mr. A. CHAPMAN, Captain HARRIS, and Mr.

G. PALMER followed each other in succession. Mr. WARBURTON OURS with his old experience to the Minister's rescue; but then we had Mr. PETER BORTHWICK and Mr. HENLEY I Mr. JOSEPH HUME was followed by Lord GEORGE Bererrsoir; who was settled by Sir GEORGE CLERK and Mr. CHARLES BULLER.

The Protectionists were much oppressed with the fate of the Colonies, particularly of Canada, and complained bitterly of the anti-national policy Of the traitor Ministers.

The Marquis of WORCESTER (successor to Mr. Charteris as Member for East Gloucestershire) moved the omission of the article "Timber" from the Tariff- list; summing up his presumed argument in this question—Ought Parliament to legislate for the benefit of the nations on the shores of the Baltic, or for the be- nefit of Great Britain and the Colonies?

Mr. H. Hrsoix expressed his surprise at the suddenness of the conversion of the shipowners who had petitioned for the Government measure: they had unaccount- ably changed their opinions; indeed, he believed that in January last every one of them would have signed petitions with a contrary prayer. The proposed change, he assured the House, would ruin the timber trade of Canada.

Mr. CARDWELL claimed this conversion as an argument in favour of the Min- isterial measure.

Mr. CHArstax hoped the House, in transferring the trade in timber from Canada to the Baltic, would take care that no injustice was done to the interest [Whitby interest] which he more immediately represented.

Captain HARRIS opposed the resolution for Colonial reasons•' and also on the ground that it would strike a heavy blow against that branch of the public ser- vice to which he had the honour to belong.

Mr. WARBURTON vindicated the change, as most beneficial; and fortified his opinion by specific statements of fact, lucidly arranged, and by large views of .policy both mercantile and national.

Lord GEORGE BENTINCE deemed the question at issue as of paramount im- portance, mixed up as it was with Canadian interests. He contended that little reliance was to be placed on the statements of figures produced by 'Government. An illustrious statesman, a relative of his, once said that the last -thing he paid any attention to or believed was a statement of figures and facts when made in that House. Lord George produced a set of figures and deductions, and asked the House to put faith in them rather than in the got-up statements of the Board of Trade. Great alarm and dissatisfaction have been excited in Canada by the proposed reductions; and the people were beginning to consider whether or not they would be better .to join the United States of America: in proof of which, he read part of a lead- ing article which appeared in the Montreal Gazette of the 25th February. The present moment was fruitful in consequenees. This was not just the time to quarrel with the Colonies, when America was arming her seabord; and when Mr. John Quincy Adams was blasphemously, be would say, calling to his aid the Word of God as a justification for lighting up firebrands and unleashing the hell- hounds of war on our territory of Oregon. Recollecting also that the peace of France depended upon the life of the present Monarch of that country—remem- bering the savage howl of delight which was raised with one accord at the idea of a war with this country by that portion of the French people whose leader was considered to be the Prince de Joinville, he did not think that we ought to be in ahurry in discouraging our own Navy. For himself; he was neither ashamed of the shipowners nor of the flag of Protection.

[Lord George's figures and warnings seem to have had a somewhat "rousing" effect; for it is mentioned, that at the middle of his harangue a Member, who was lying stretched on the back Opposition bench, shouted—" A good observa- tion! a very good observation! Bravo, bravo, bravo !" As he paid no attention to the call of Order !" somebody went up to him, and appeared to wake him Trom sleep. The sleeper proved to be Mr. Somers: he immediately sat up quietly.] Mr. CHARLES BULLER, viewing Lord George Bentinek as the leader of the

Conservative party, tendered to him some advice. Referring to what had been said by Sir Robert Peel and Lord John Russell on the subject of our relations with .America, at an early part of the evening, he remarked, that he much more admired the tone of foreign policy adopted by them than that of the new leader, Lord George; who, whilst he disapproved of their foreign policy, attacked the American rulers and the Royal Family of France. He thought it would have been more decorous on his part either to hold a prudent silence upon these sub- jects, or, if he spoke upon them' to use the language of dignified courtesy, than to get 19 in this House and bandy bombast with the braggarts of America, almost justifying the vagaries of poor Mr. Adams by a tone of congenial bluster. Be had intimated his dissent from the noble Lord when he said that our policy MS making the people of Canada agitate the question of dissolving their connexion with England. Whom did the noble Lord mean? What organ of public opinion there did he appeal to He said, that from one end of Canada to the other, there was no other talk than that of union with the United States: the noble Lord said he could produce his authority, and be pulled out a Montreal paper. Mr. Buller had seen the Montreal Pilot, no friend of the Government; but he did not find in it that tone of fury: for how did the editor give vent to that general opinion which had shaken Canada from one end to the other? Why, he said it was a grave question, and he would take a week to consider of it. Lord George Bentinck did not know the Canada people: whenever the Govern- ment 'gave an office away, those who were disappointed were sure to say, "Now is the time for us to throw off our allegiance to England." Mr. Bailer, who knew the people, was well assured that whenever a call should be made upon them, they would join with England in rallying round our common country. By send- ing men like Lord Metcalfe and Sir Charles Begot as Governors to Canada, Sir Robert Peel had soothed the feelings of the Canadians, and had established a stronger connexion between them and us than could be established by all our restricted monopolies.

Mr. Buller proceeded to justify the resolution. The Canadians had experienced no benefit from the protection about which so much had been said, in cense- enee of the protection, indeed, they sent all their abominable bad timber to

England, while all the good timber was sent to the United States. But it should

never be forgotten that the greatest and most important interest of Canada was the agricultural. Some Members doubtless supposed that the timber-trade was the natural pursuit of all Canadians: nothing was further from the fact. The timber came entirely from the province of Lower Canada with one exception— the right bank of the Ottawa river. With the exception Of one bank of one river, the province of Canada West had no interest whatever in this question. When the Timber-duties were agitated some years ago in that country, Lord Syden- ham, writing from Kingston, stated in a despatch—" As to the timber-trade,

there is not a soul in this town who has any interest whatever -in the question.' Where was the interest evinced by the people of Canada in the continuance of the monopoly? Some petitions had been sent over, no doubt, on the former altera- tion in 1842; but the Canadian Parliament was sitting at that time—had any address come from the Parliament to support the monopoly? No; • but the Par- liament of Lower Canada passed a resolution distinctly and plainly declaring that they were ready to give up their monopoly of the timber-trade, if Great Britain would allow a free trade in corn. These were indications of opinion not to be overlooked. Mr. Buller was convinced that the desirable change could never have been made at a time more favourable to the Canadas than the present; for their timber was in such demand, for railway purposes, both in England and on the Continent of Europe, as to render them careless a any monopoly.

The House divided—For the resolution, 232; against it 109; Ministerial majority, 123. The announcement of the numbers was received with cheers.

"Bill or bills ordered to be brought in" by the proper functionaries. Thus ended the campaign of the Tariff on "bringing up the report."

Earlier in the evening, Mr. Bostrawiew, on the ground of American mis- apprehensions of our conciliatory language called for BORIC expression of the feelings of the House on the Oregon dispute, and for the production of correspondence.

Sir ROBERT PEEL would not object to produce the papers which had already been published by the United States Government; but a regard for the public interest would prevent him from doing more. He was perfectly convinced that the expressions used in the Queen's Speech, and by public men in Parliament, had really not been misconstrued in the United States. Lord JOHN RUSSELL would not press for the production of papers, the publication of which might operate unfavourably on existing negotiations: he would express no opinion till the result of the whole were known.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL asked Sir Robert Peel what course he intended to pursue to facilitate the progress of the Corn Bill?— After the ample discussion which had already taken place, he thought the Minister would be justified in doing that which -he stated it was his intention to do—proceed with it day by day till the discussion should be closed.

Sir James Graham, however, had stated that on the first day after the second reading of the Corn Bill it was proposed to read a first time the bill for the pro- tection of life in Ireland. "Now I could very well understand that, if this bill were of such urgency that all other measures must be postponed fix it. But as there is no such urgency, I think it is obvious that the bill should not be hastened, even a single day, if it must be at the expense of retarding the discussion aad with the discussion the decision on the Corn Bill."

Sir ROBERT PEEL expressed his own equal anxiety for the progress of the Corn Bill— He was receiving communications from all parts of the country„ from those even who are adverse to the policy of the Government, earnestly desiring that Parlia- ment viould come to a speedy decision on the measure. The delay was prevent- ing the use of the corn in bond,—peculiarly necessary at this time, owing to the inferior quality of last year's produce; and operating most unfavourably on the sale of home-grown corn. The House would also recollect that the new tariff is now in operation; and should that measure not meet with ultimate sanction, the longer the delay the greater would the difficulty be in recovering payment of the old duties' as provided for by the bonds. A difficulty, however, arose with the Irish Protection of Life Bill; the introduction of which nothing could justify but an urgent necessity, in the opinion of the Government, that some extraordinary measure is demanded by the state of Ireland. If the House take no step. what- ever with regard to that measure until the Corn Bill is disposed of, it might be impossible to read the Irish Bill till after Easter; and he thought it was absolutely necessary that the opinion of the House should be pronounced upon it at the earliest possible period. He proposed, therefore, to fix the first reading of the bill for the prevention of seseasmation in Ireland on Friday; thinking the Corn Bill debate might terminate on Thursday. Should he be disappointed in this, and the Corn Bill discussion extend to Friday, he would defer the first reading of the Irish Bill till Monday; and after it had been read a first time, he should not pro- pose that any other stage of that bill should interfere with the Corn Bill.

Rumour says, that Sir Robert Peel laid his entire Free-trade measure, ready cut and dry, before the members of his reconstructed Cabinet at their first meeting. In the original draft it is said to have dealt as summarily with sugar as with corn. But Mr. Gladstone objected to free trade in sugar, because he was already "committed"; and Mr. Goulburn, for the same reason. The Premier yielded; for to have allowed the Ministry to break up again so soon, would have given the whole business an air of the ridiculous. But he warned his colleagues, that for this omission they would be turned out on the Sugar question. Such is one of the many stories in circulation at present. How Rumour obtained admission into the Cabinet Council, so as to learn what passed, is not explained. It is not easy to imagine that a Cabinet secret of such importance should be so ill guarded—by gentlemen, especially, who could not fail to remember feelingly the consequences of the indiscretion that allowed certain Cabinet deliberations respecting corn to escape to the Times.