PARTY POLITICS.

IN common with other newspapers, we have received some sheets of the unpublished number of The London and Westminster Review for October, containing an article on "Parties and the Ministry," in reference to the approaching trial of the strength of parties in the MELBOURNE Parliament. Judging from style alone, and not being at all in the secret, we imagine we recognize the philosophic mind and skilful arm that levelled the pride of Cam- bridge at the outset of the London. Feeling it, ourselves, a welcome relief from the insincere, vapid, meaningless jargon, at present miscalled politics, we think that the ample extracts from this far-reaching and truth-telling paper, which we are about to make, will employ our readers, who happen to desire wholesome political nourishment, much better than any other matter that the week produces. The first curious fact is, that the result of the elections is re- markably different from that predicted in the July number of the Review. Then it was taken for granted,* that if the Queen merely acquiesced in the advice of the Ministers whom she found in power, and continued them " without any decided bias in the other direction," the " increase of strength to the present Ministry would be very great." Well—the Queen has not only continued the Ministers in power, but it would be difficult to point to is general election in which the influence of the Court was more unsparingly used by Government, than the last. The personal popularity of the Sovereign was made to go as far as it could towards obtaining a Ministerial majority. And what has come of it? Hear the Reviewer, instructed by the event.

LIBERAL MAJOR/TY IN THE MELItorRNE Horst! or CIISIMONS.

On a most careful calculation of all the changes in the representation, Vying each party the benefit of every seat in which it has substituted ;sure • See the ankle on the " queen and the Ministry." man for a trimmer, we find the Tories gainers of a balance of seven seats, vital. Talent to fourteen on a division. The calculations which give Ministers a majority of thirty-seven are palpably absurd. They had not that in the lest Parliament, and nobody denies that they have lost by the general election. Considering the certain majority for Ministers at the close of the session u twenty-six, which was the majority at the last division on the Appopriation- clause and the last on Church-rates, it hasbeen reduced to twelve. Six Reform. era turned out on petition would annihilate this; and when we consider the open profligacy of Election Committees, and the inferior means of the Reformers throughout the country to prosecute their own petitions or resist those of their opponents, such a result cannot be deemed improbable: nor, in so undecided a state of affairs, can the :Ministry expect the accession of many trimmers."

Another great advantage possessed by the Tory Opposition is, that they are, for the time, united. At present they have but one object—to get the places occupied by the Whigs. But in the Liberal ranks, the grounds of distrust are many, and the seeds of disunion thick-sown. Nay, on the showing of this very Reviewer, anxious to promote "union among Reformers," and to put the best face on things, it is a question whether the return of the Tories to power, or the establishment of a Coalition Ministry, might not be serviceable to the cause of Reform.

ONE ADVANTAGE OF A CONSERVATIVE MINISTRY.

We can see, as well as some of our friends, one not inconsiderable advan. tage, which might result from a 'Tory Ministry, or a mixed 'Ministry of Whigs and Moderate Tories. There might be a far more efficient Radical party. There would be an end to the parrot cry cif ' Do not endanger the Ministry.' We should be fighting for a Cause, then, and not for a set of men. We should no longer be trailer leaders whose opinions, or whose fears, or the neces- sities of whose position, make them rather desirous to damp than to inflame the enthusiasm of their own supporters. We should he delivered from the anomalous state, in which we have neither the &milts of a Liberal Govern- ment, iron those of a Liberal Opposition ; in which we ran carry nothing through the two Roller's, but what would be given lg a Tory .11ini.Ftry, and yet are not able to make that rigorous (rival to the p:oplc Lint of doors, which under the Tonics curd) be mode, and 'coati be irripi rty responded to. These are considerations which cannot but act strongly upon men who feel that they could play a part in this more energetic action upon the public mind. It is natural that linen whO think the eallso in (linger of 'Ante; Met by timidity and lukewarinitess— who think that all depends upon speaking out, upon aiming at great things, upon otlering to the people objects worth tieliting for, and a banner worth uphold nig—it is natural tint they elinuld sigh ter is time when to raise this banner, when to proclaim these ubjecte, will net be the way to be looked Aryls- on by their own it irty. and called marplote. and ielpracticable men, arid Tory. nadieZs. We, too, differ in some thinee irons Mr. 1: whack, and our able and upright friend the Spectator; but the want of literal conformity, which, as Colonel Thompson says in his ailmir rble Letttr, el a Repre.entative, ' is always the excuse of feeble people,' shall not be ours. if we differ from them somewhat, we agree with them in more. We symp tthize cordially in the feelings which are new actuating them. We doubt it' they feel more indig- nant than see do at the sort of reception which their manifestitton of these feel- ings has met with—at the sort of inter/notation which lot, been put upon it by sonic who ought be have known better. 'flier lieve a right to deem it monstrous that there should be any man, calling hitneelf a Radical Reformer, who cannot see how much justice there is in the feelings, how much far.eightednese in the views, which separate them ft urn those who are now attacking :lens ; who cannot perceive, that the portion of the truth which they see, is that which the Whip, and a number of the :Moderate Radicals, are !Loin; theinselvee and their cause by not seeing. We should go much further than they do,—we sin 'rid invite a Torre_llinis'try, we should hail its adecnt with del;yht,—if we were as certain that the other Radicals would make a vigorous use of the oneertunities it would give them, as we are that Mr. Roebuck weuld. But can Mr. Roebuck himself expect it ? Alas it is not, it never has been in our time, tippet tunities that were wanting to the men, but inert to the oppertunities."

The Reviewer, it will be seen, intimates a difference with the Spectator on some points; but he clues not specify them. It is not in the opinion which lie proceeds to give, of the inefficiency of the professed Radicals in Parliament—their want of ka'lership and cuoperatioir, their neglect of opportunities to forward their prin- ciples and of doing: something for the PeJple—that we disagree.

rrEni.ENEss of THE RADIcAts IN PARLIAMENT.

"For many yeare there never has been a time when great things might not have been done, if there had been an.4.uly to do them ; there never has been a turn in affairs which might not bare been improved :et., sums doeided ad- vantage for the popular cause, if ite/v had ben in Int ::.1,"sov.at on the looh.ont to seizic what omit): tonific: if alb:into!. caul t,. pt. Them. The longer we live, and the more we extend our experience el Innnen aiiitirs, the less disposed are we to impute to accident any ;neat title.; which ever was ac- eOlnplisliett on this earth. Those lucky accitiehts, to which men appear to owe their success, hardly ever occur lint to persons who have cultivated the faculty of availing themselves of accidents; and for every one smelt men, there are a hundred or a thousand others, who, if they Ind made as erred use of their op. portunities and chances as he did of 1r is, weulti lr rve elliteetti greater thines. Bat there is a truth ohielr the Mom? tr part,: du: Mt, tit; las,- seven rears Itax never ceased Droving to us—that ftc nir ,l'10) 11.1r t• qu.:1,11,s which coMM A N o stte..ess, tr.. c!topb-c "cc. I. :if s c.; r e'•■ 1 t tic. Ir wqits for circumstances, instcarl .f mak,o; 1,1 t:'■ is likc:V lie will make no better use of Inciter eilerine.teticee anns th'e of good fortune will be thee ti away ttpon him. " • If a, a body act as they have hitlett to de e,. flew will let :11, he ttiti• th• it p ,ray slip through their flinger, in teet 'shim tot flee' ,1:,1 ..51' `!: .11 sec as tame an Oepiteition 11,11;* Luse` .1 1.;:ne y. `4•tute Ratheals 11 ire distil: dth, tr0. 7.nd t.;1 .1.. .o every year Inure and more: tiny It rye • risle Heel iti tic they have no men who have as yet shown te • et i‘tle tt.tle,t el le. ling and keeping together a party. Or tin■ks, tth be min eXcep- tion) of spelling to the • • • .• 1111.:LI,t1:1,1 and SynlintiliZO With. 'flWt,' is, in•, n .■: .t. ■ ■ • i•, let tatted-. am! in a greater number or those out I' hilt to.••er. itetett 1•11 may iu time qualify them to play a irs-ii,.;aLlied 1, in either a. .c :■10,,,try or a.• an Op. position. Even tiow they wo.:1.1 ci.t. uh .1in .,lirethe pre- sent holders, or any other set of ohm hetteit the Pert Cll oeta- Wished pectic; make it p far their sr int i:;t I !.) their o.tivicity of eo■iperation. Na Ii ye not vet se: 11 in al. y !!1•:iv.da,11 I Zadie d even the pro- mise of qualifies I,: which he ;meld I. ul a ettr:e si and ni thout such a wan, or the ii.ibit will O.: ts,.!Ole, en either side of tine I1utsr. except as 31.1, s to :t p tl,y inI n is r. e 1 C. !moot apprentice,hip :rot i'•••

The " patting-on-the-hlick" gexia.nu.o, would do well to study this ADVICE TO RADICAL LLAMAS.

" The same advice which we give to the Ministers, we give, mutatis mu. eandie,to the more advanced and more enlightened section of the Radicals. To them, as to the others, we offer one rule, which, being fully acted upon, includes all they stand in need of—Attempt much. If they attempt much, choosing. as they are likely to do, the right•objects, failures are of no consequence. If you attempt little, and fail in that little, you are ruined. In politics, as in war, every one makes mistakes; and the only persons who succeed are those who, by the number and character of their enterprises, establish a system of iu surance against their own blunders, and draw upon the surplus popularity no cumulated by successes, to indemnify them for failures. But our friends in the House of Commons are in need of a stock in hand sufficient to cover their losses by honesty as well as their losses by unskilfulness : they are troubled with a conscience, and it requires a constant outlay of popularity to keep it up. If a conscience altogether has been described as an expensive article, a conscience like theirs—a purely negative conscience, which never bids them no anything, but only NOT no—is the most expensive of all ; for, while it is making con- tinual drafts upon their popularity, it never brings any thing in. " Whatever inconveniences are necessarily attendant on honesty, a politician who lays claim to the character must submit to. He is bound to resist those who would be his most ardent sup.porters, when what they demand is unjust, or founded in ignorance. But he is not bound to neglect any honest means by which be may retain the confidence of his supporters even while he opposes their wishes: he is not doing his duty if his best friends are only made aware of his existence when something which they, or a portion of them, are eager for, requires to be opposed. The Radicals in Parliament are committing the same blunder as the Whigs : they are not performing those of their duties, the performance of which would make the others easy. They are wanting to the first obligation as well as the strongest interests of persons in their position— they are not putting themselves at the head of the working classes. A Radical party which does not rest upon the masses, is no better than a nonentity."

So far from putting themselves at the head of the masses, several Radical Members of old standing are losing all the influ- ence they once possessed among the people.

We do not, then, differ with tit.; Reviewer in his estimate of the Parliamentary Radicals, or as to the course he would have them pursue. Our chief difference with lien, we suspect, lies in this— that he has a sort of lingering, fond expectation of a Reforming policy from the W ; whereas we can discern no ground for hoping that they veil make the desired RETURN reit RADICAL SUPPORT.

We address ourselves to the present Ministry. We are willing to accept them as leaders until we can produce others, or mail they leave us and join the enemy. We are willing to support them as Ministers, however little they may do to deserve support, if they will but be the enemies of the Tories. If we cannot do without their votes, they cannot do without our principles: they could not stand three days if the People took them at their word—if there were not men beside them and behind them to tell the country that the mi- serable Municipal Bit aid Appropriation Clauses, which they affirm to be MI that the People nre fighting tor, are not all, and that there is within these so diminutive bodies a strong spirit, which, because it will not thus be satisfied, because it will not stop where they say it will, is worth fighting fur, although the immediate prize which seems to be contended about is so infinitesimally insignificant. We are willing to contiuue rendering them this service, which is essential to their existence. What we requite of them—and we do not requite it as a condition, but as a return, is—That they will consent to be kept in place, by consenting to do the things, without which it is not in human power to hey them-there ; and that they will fulfil the part which is Melina, bent upon those who are elected as leaders less from their personal influence than by the result of a compromise,—namely', that they shall represent (we do not ask for more) the average opinion of their supporters. '• There arc many of our objects which, on these plinciples, we cannot expect them to support. But there is one which can be no lodger trifled with. If they can now per :de in refusing the Ballot, they are not worth supporting any longer ; they will ji;:!, and fill unregretted."

The advecat.s ,)f the Ballot have been considerably increased in number by the late elections. This fact is distinctly stated. Minis- ters will desert all but an inconsiderable section of their friends if they foil to support the Ballot, and several of the other Radical in,eaaires, next session.

INCREASE OF "MODERATE" RADICALISM.

"One of the I'olignac Ministry, M. Ouernomillanville, in the hour of sober reflection which preceded their act of madness, said of the French people, in reference to the different parties in the Chamber, La France est centre gauche.' The result of the late elections enables us in like manner to say, England is Moderate-Radical. Of the different shades of opinion composine the majority, (those who are returned under Tory colours we do not speak of,) Whigs ale cousitha ably 'educed in strength; and we have lost a few of the more decided Radicals,— among whom, it will he discreditable to the nation if Mr. Roubuck at least has not immediately find another seat. But the Moderate Radicals have even increased in numbers. Several adherents of the Ministry have made a move ,..ards Radicalism ; and of the new Liberal Members, (vety numerous in this Parliament,) the Moderate Radicals form a large proportion. Such persons compose the great majority of the Reform party in the higher and middle classes. They consist chiefly of men who have not till lately been active politicians, or whose opinions have advanced with events. They have hitherto not approved, or nut responded to, any attacks on the Ministers; anti, in all their movements, they are anxious to carry the Ministers with them. They are decidedly for King, Lords, and Com- mous. They have generally not yet wade up their minds to the necessity of any organic change in the House of Lords. They are not for Universal Suffiage. Many of them are for the Church ; not such as the Tories have made it, but yet the Church, such a Church in reality as we already have in pretence; far less radically altered in its coustitution than we deem necessary, both for religion and for good government. But these men, so little inclined to extreme opinions, are universally for the Ballot. They are for shortening the duration of Parliaments. They are fur abridging the expenses of elections; simplifying the qualification of voters; abolishing the rate-paying clauses. They are for abolishing, or consolidating into distiiets like those of Wales and Scotland, the small borough constituencies. They are for abrogating the Corn-laws. Friends as many of them ale to the pi ieciple of a church establishment conformable to

what they conceive to be the tlnory of the Church of England, they recognize

none of the e,nditione which render such an institution legitimate in the mon- strous anomaly calling itself the Irish Church,—a church forced upon's con. quercd people by a handful of foreiglars, who confiscated their land, and for ages hunted them down like beasts of prey. We affirm, and it the Ministerado sot know it the first few divisions will teach it them, that these are the opi- nions generally prevailing among the new Liberal English Members."

The importance of making a vigorous effort to attain the Ballot next roRtion, is manifest. Now the country is alive to its neces. sity. Public sympathy is excited in behalf of intimidated and oppressed voters. Public indignation is roused against the gross bribery so recently practised. Let another year pass away, and much of' this will be forgotten. The fervour will have cooled ; and there will be no more excitement on the subject till another elec- tion renew the profligacy and the tyranny which the secret vote would prevent. The Reviewer thinks that at an election where the question would be "Ballot or No Ballot," a result similar to that of 1831 would be obtained, when " in all the English comi- ties only six Tories could find a seat.' We doubt whether for the Ballot alone sufficient exertion would be made to insure so glo- rious a result; but if the " Moderate Radicals " be, as we are told, in favour of' other good measures, and for a "Reform of the Reform Bill," including a simplified franchise and short Parliaments as well as the Ballot, " the steam "might be raised. A bold policy— which the Reviewer regards as the only safe policy, the timid being truly the rash—is required to rouse those masses without whose aid and sympathy the Tories will always beat us. But the Reviewer observes, that the Whigs choose the narrowest ground to fight upon. Weapons there arc lying at their feet with which mortal blows might be struck ; but they will not condescend to take them up.

How TO FIGHT THE TORIES ON THE CHURCH QUESTION.

" Fur instance, the measures now in dispute, all but the 'Municipal Bill, and even that indirectly, relate to the temporalities of the clergy : those temporali- ties are not religion, but are capable of being confounded with it. The cry is raised, ' Danger to the Church ! Enemies to the Church ! Papist and Infidel Alliance ! Robbery of the Church ! Religious Instruction denied to the Poor!' What is th e mode of meeting this cry? By boldly throwing themselves upon the religious feeling itself. Let them propose, on high religious grounds, a Radical Church Reform. Let it be such as to destroy the Church fur ever as the patrimony of the aristocracy, as a family provision for the stupidest son; and to appropriate its funds to training and paying reed religions teachers, such men as raised the Scotch people from savages to their present civilization. How such a measure would winnow the chaff fiom the corn of their opponents! How it would declare who of those who cry out Danger to the Church' are the religious men, and who are the Pharisees and sinners ! How it would show who are the real robbers of the Church—who are they that deny religious ia• struction to the poor ! A cry of ' Church in Danger ' from the Bishops and Rectors, against a measure supported by the Curates, would be well received, would it not ? How would those tremble who are now canting about the two millions of destitute souls,' if their religion could be brought to the test in a moment by the question—' Are you for the Church Reform Bill?' It would scatter them, as the profligate adventurers who tried to catch stray votes in popular constituencies by philo.pauperism and the cry of No new Poor-law,' were scattered when they were asked on the hustings what they thought of the Corn-laws! "

It is not merely a general policy which is recommended to Ministers ; a specific measure is sketched for a

POPULAR AND REAL CSUIICH REFORM.

" They should drop their Appropriation-clause, appropriative of a surplus in nubibirs ; not foolish when first proposed—foolish to be now persevered in,. Instead of it, let them tack to their Tithe Bill a measure for reforming the Irish Church, and reducing it to the modest dimensions of a national en. dowment suitable to a small minority. As for the surplus, plus, let it vest in Com- missioners and accumulate; we will engage to aml a use for it :ellen the time comes. What the Irish people want, is not to save a few hundralthota.ands a year expended on the enormity, but to abate the nuisance nod insult nsult of the thing itself. Similarly would a Church Reform smooth all dillicelt:es lespect- ing Church rates. Let no portion of the endowments go to any Ming what- ever but providing efficient religious teachers for the rage, of the smallest expense that would be adequate ; and let such teachers be provided for all who arc willing to be taught by them. This done, the difficulty is reduced to a question of arithmetic: the funds being so much, the charges so much, is there a residue sufficient to build the necessary number of churehes, aall keep them in repair ? We suspect very much the sincerity of any man who profiaaa to doubt it. But if the fact turn out otherwise, then make up the deficiency .from the Consolidated Fund; granting from the risen: fund a duly proportionate amount to every Dissenting bully which can appoint an appropriate organ fur udininistering it.

" It is thus that a Reform Ministry [mikes itself strong ; not by splitting dowo the point in contention to a hair, and far fear of one enemy losing two ft lends ; the enemies being enemies still—for, they are either interested, and then they know that whatever wears Reform colours is rlangelous to them, and are all the more eager to slay the lion while he is afraid to bite ; or they are sincere, and if so, they are your enemies because your designs ale misunder- stood, and the way to revolt them from being misunderatood is to show more of them."

The want of men to frame and carry such measures is ever re- curring. The Radicals, as a body, are not merely "moderate" in their polities, but moderate in ability, and deficient in bu:iness talents. But, for that matter, they are not worse than the rest of the members in an assembly where Sir ROBERT PEEL is the greatest 7111: CORYPII:ECS OF 7I1E "REFORMED" HOUSE OF COMMONS.

"What gives Sir Robert Peel his personal influence ? What makes so man adhere to him? The opinion, a greatly exaggerated one, entertained of his capacity fir business. In moments of general enthusiasm, it is enough that a party carries the favom Re banner ; but in the intervals between those moments, its importance depends upon the confidence inspired by its personnel: in such times as we ought always to be prepared for, times of momentary misgiving respecting the truth or applicability of principles, the prize rests with that party which can present the nation with the ablest practical man. If Radicalism had its Sir Robert Peel, he would be at the head of an Administration within two gears : and Radicalism must be a barren soil if it cannot rival so sorry a growth as that—if it cannot produce a match for perhaps the least gifted man that ever headed a powerful party in this country. Without tree idea beyond commonplace, Sir Robert Peel owes his success to his having been cast upon times which not only have not produced a statesman of the first rank, a William the Silent, a Gustavus Adolphus, a Jefferson, a Turgot; but not one even of the second-rate men who fill up the long interval between Richelieu and William Pitt; and not so much as a single third-rate man, except himself. Ile does not know his age; lie has always blundered miserably iu his estimate of W. But he knows the House of Commons, awl the sort of men of whom it is com- posed. He knows what will act upon their minds, and is able to strike the right chord upon that instrument. He has, besides, all that the mete routine of office-experience can give, to a man who brought to it no principles drawn from a higher philosophy and no desire for any. These qualifications are air Robert Peel's stock in trade as a practical statesman. Is it not a dire disgrace to the Radical leaders to be left behind by such a man? But then, he is always tsusa his slender faculties ; they, except a few young and still inex- perienced men, let theirs dumber." If Sir ROBERT PEEL is only a third-rate personage, what must they be to whom he is superior ? Fourth-rate, at the most. This is not a very flattering estimate of an nssembly pretending to represent the People of England. But does it represent the People? The Reviewer knows better; and reminds us, that fir the background there are men, belongiag, to and sympathizing with the Many, who may push the existing race of aristocratic, inert, self-sufficient, fade statesmen, from their stools.

THE FUTURE RULING CLASS.

" There is a cla,s, now greatly niultiplving in this country, end general's overlooked by politicians in their calculations—those nwn of talent and in- struction, who are just below the rank in society which weal of itself teni;:e them to associate with gentlemen. Persons of this class have the activity' and

entree which the classes in our state of civilization and education almost ueit;ersally want. They have hitherto exerted that activity in other eplares.

It is but of Vo,terdav th it they have begun to read and to think. They Lave row mane of the ativantages for mental cultivation which were so big cot:fined to the higher classes—and they are using them. Parc are mote lord steJoits, more riyorGus seekers of hnt.whdpc. in this class, than there ureea prieod in any other, and out of all proportion more who Maly the art of turni;‘,1 their hnowledye to practical ends. They are, as it is naur tel they should. be, Radicals to a man, and Radieale geneyany of a deep shade. They are the natural enemies of an order of thirgs in which they ate not in their proper place. We could name several men of this class, of whom it is ne certain as any prediction in human affairs can be, that they will emerge into light and make a figure in the wurld. We could name a still greater number elm wantonly' some slight turn in outward circumstances to enable them to do the same. Many of these will abandon Radicalism as they rise iu the world; but meny will not ; aid for these who do, there will be successors still pressing frit ward. It is oniony them that nun fit to load a Radical party will be found, if they can- not he fumd among the Radicals of the higher classes. These are the men who will know bow to speak to the People. They are above them iu know- ledge, in calmness, and in freedom from prejudice, and not so far above them in rack as to be incapable of understaudmg them and of being uutleistood by them.

"'These elements of almost boundless power are ill marshalled and directed, we know. But they will not always be so; nor can any defect of

orgmization prevent our strength from showing itself. We are felt to be the growing power—that which even the ambitious, who can afthrd to wait for tleir gratification, would do wisely to ally themselves with. Not one inch of ground, once gained, do we ever lose ; and we carry every point we attack. We are foiled and driven back nine times; the tenth we succeed. Whet we arereepli,h is but a ti ille, indeed, to what might be accoinpliehed ; let it be oar s udy to accomplish more."

The fault of the leading Radicals is not want of attachment tr their principles, but " want of doing enough for them :" and if, through incapacity or indisposition, they fail to fulfil their mis- sion, warning is given that the People will look out for

OTHER LEADERS.

" It is time they bethought themselves that they are not there to bear wit. se- e.e,ieely for the truth, but to act for it ; that they are not there to do :•e; for their came, but to do the most that can be done. If they do not tie de of leaders, the. Radicals will find others who will, and whom they mast be comma to follow. The time is not now when feelings which are bum ireg in the hearts of millions, will want tongues for utterance in high places. And there is a vitality in the principles, thete is that in them both of aheolute truth and of adaptation to the particular wants of the time, which will not surer that in Parliament two or three shall be gathered together in their name, proclaiming the purpose to stand or fall by them, and to go to what lengths so. ever they may lead, and that those two or three shall not soon wield a force be- fore which ministries and aristocracies shall quail. We pity the men to whom thew is given such a golden harvest, and who leave it to be reaped by others. The men are honest what, if done, they would be the first to applaud, let then Levu the spirit to do."

Although sufficiently severe upon his friends the Radicals, the Reviewer gives them credit for honesty, which he denies to the Tories. For instance, in spite of the strong temptation to disown the unpopular Pour-law, the Radicals, who had supported it 1:1 Parliament, to a man defended it on the hustings. Far dif- fdeet was the conduct of the Tories. They, who pretend to be par excellence the upholders of the laws and the defenders of the rights of property, scrupled not to encourage an outcry against a measure more than any other necessary for the protection of pro- perty, in order to secure a few votes. And it was not merely the Ruin of the party that did this. The Duke of WELLINGTON, to be sure, declared in favour of the law, just before the disso- lution of Parliament; but the party trick is seen through, and tree-cxpoeed in the following passage.

WEL1.IN;;TON'S PRAISE Or TUT. POOR-LAW.

" People away talk to us of the Duke of Wellington, and his declaration on the Poerdaw just before the dissolution of Parliament. To the Duke of Wel- lingtou, audio that overpraised declaration, we are willing, we hope, to render as much honour as is due. We will thank him fur it, when we rind that we have derived any good from it. We did not want his aseurauces that the Tories do not mean to abrogate the law we never imagined they did. It istio more the interest of the 'furies to abrogate the new Poor-law than to con- fiscate the land, which the continuance of the old law for a generation longer would have done. What would have been really meritorious and honourable in the Duke of Wellington, would have been to have dissuaded his party, and his own son, from rolling themselves in the dirt from which his own hands were kept so studiously clean. As it was, his prudery was necessary to their prosti- tution. The electioneering cry of No new Poor-law was for the wretched electors whom it duped. The counter-declaration of the Duke of Wellington was for the people of property throughout the country, that they might not fauey that the electioneering cry meant any thing, or that the leaders of the piny would keep the promises their tools were allowed to make. It would have been fatel to the 'furies at the late election if their Anti-Poor-law proles- sionehad been generally credited. The Duke may have meant honestly ; but he by his honesty, and other men by their knavery, have played marvellously

into each other's hands."

Here we must close our extracts ; which, if space forbade not, might be continued to twice the length, with increase rather than abatement of interest. It will have been seen that the Reviewer writes in a hopeful tone. But a strict analysis of the topics he handles yields little of the substance of hope. For present action, there is nothing to be done, but support the Ministers who are "ruining us,"—because, melancholy thought ! we have no lead- ers capable of leading or of acting in concert even so well as the blundering Whig Ministers and their effete party. The curse of fteldeness has fallen upon this great nation, in all the divisions of its public men. Stunted in intellect, they want the comprehensive grasp and penetrating sagacity of real statesmen; effeminate in habit, they cannot achieve the conquests of hard, methodized labour; the slaves of mean fashion, and destitute of manly inde- pendence and moral courage, they tremble at the shadow of their own thoughts. What there is of 'wee Levers dim and undefined in the distance. It would be a fine thing if the Whig Ministers and their party, who have already " served a long apprenticeship" to

could be persuaded to play the part of unselfish patriots and bold improvers : but is it in their nature ? du we find the indicia of such a course in their latest speeches or writings ? is there a friendly response from Downing Street to the friendly and liberal overture of the London Reviewer? Then, from the Radicals in Parham: lit, the Reviewer himself teaches us to expect nothing, till, may hap, after a " lung apprenticeship.' In the mean while, will they be allowed the opprntamity of learning their business; or will the impatient kmlers of the masses below them step into the places of power ? With evident reluctance, the far-seeing Reviewer is compelled to look forward to this, the nut improbable consummation of the present stale of thine: and it fearful pros- pect it is, considering what "changes the country must have first passed through, however it may fire with us all in the end.

" We are not accusing Ministers," says the Reviewer; "we never felt less disp.-ed to accuse them. We say the same : accusing would be useless now—it is too late. If they make the "return" recommende : in a preceding extract, but which we do not expect, it will be a very pleasing duty to render them both support and praise: if they throw away this last opportunity, we can guess what will happen to them—and what will happen after that, must, in despite of puttering politicians, be determined by inexorable laws, which govern the complicated movements of great states.