Egrbatrd nub Prorcctinad In flatliatncitt.

BRITISH INTERVENTION IN SPAIN.

In the House of Commons, on Monday, Lord JOHN RUSSELL hav- ing moved that "the Ordnance Estimates be referred to the Committee of Supply," Sir HENRY HARDINGE moved as an amendment, "That an bumble address be presented to his Majesty, praying that his Ma- jesty will he graciously pleased not to renew the Order in Council of the 10th June 1835, granting his Majesty's Royal licence to British subjects to inlist into the service of the Queen of Spain, which Order in Council will expire OD the 10th of June next ; and praying also, that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to give directions that the Marine Forces of his Majesty shall not be employed in the civil contest now prevailing in Spain, otherwise than in that naval cooperation which his Majesty has engaged to afford, if necessary, under the stipulations of treaty."

In addressing the House in support of this motion, Sir Henry said that he would not detain them with any remarks on the policy or he- policy of the Quadripartite Treaty ; because, in the first place, Lord Mahon and other Members on his side were better able to discuss this part of the subject ; and, secondly, because Lord Palmerston had never pretended that the military intervention in the North of Spain, as far as the proceedings of the British Legion were concerned, grew out of that treaty. It was a fact, however, that by the misconduct of Go- vernment British subjects were placed in the situation of being dealt with as pirates and robbers ; and the military reputation of the country, which had been handed over to the present Government pure and un- tarnished, had been stained by Lord Palmerston and his colleagues. It was the duty of the House of Commons to take care that the national honour, which was the national property, did not suffer from their in- capacity and misconduct. But there was another mode of viewing this subject : it should be looked at in connexion with the moral cha- racter of the country— It remained a matter of deep consideration for the inhabitants of this Chris- tian country, whether his Majesty's Ministers and that House should allow met?, the natives of this country, to become accustomed to shed the blood of thew brother men in a quarrel in which they were not interested. It was a matter of deep consideration whether, by such proceedings as those he alluded to, they should train up our countrymen to scenes of bloodshed and murder which had never been approached in any modern warfare. lie was sure that the noble lord, from what he formerly heard of him—and he was sure that the right ho- nourable gentlemen, his colleagues in office, who sat around him—must deplore

these scene; as much as he did ; but while Ile allowed the noble I. rd to be ac- tuated by these feelings as a man, he could not but censure the ti ble lord as a stirtesman and a minister, for allowing the war to proceed in the. way, which

aa,1 aggravated all the evils of the Spanish war. There waa,no positive motive for allowing the proceedings that had taken place : the character lit the country

did not require it ; the maintenance of the independence of Spain did not call for i ; and, while it seemed to be the act of the noble lord, he did not recollect t

aay single instance of an explanation where the noble lord had ace, unted for his manctiening the raising of the Legion, and the steps that had taken place with

reference to it, unless, indeed, when the noble lord said, in the sun mer of 1835, that they had sanctioned the raising this body of troops to put down a few i thousands of men who were engaged in a local and partial insurrection n the North of Spain. This being the case, it became necessary to know who were the people engaged in this war. He had lived for two months with this people irt the North of Spain, and he wag convinced that a more independent, honest,

aod upright people than the inhabitants of the Basque Provinces, did not exist. Bet as his feelings on this matter might be tinctured by party prejudices, be would appeal to the judgment sod opinion of those upon whose opinion the House would place greater reliance than upon his own statement.

If Mr. Roebuck were in his place, he would refer to what that gentleman had said at the commencement of the session—that the in- terference of England in the war in Spain was as uneignitif d as it was useless. Mr. John Quineey Adams, late President of the United States, a person whose authority would have weight with gentlemen

opposite, had described the Basque people in the following language— "While their neighbours have long since resigned all their posaessions into the hands of kings and priests, this extraordinary people have preserved their ancient language, genius, laws, government, and manners, without innovatioa,

longer than any nation of Europe. Active, vigilant, generous, brave, hardy, inclined to war and navigation, they have enjoyed for two thousand years the reputation of being the best soldiers and sailors in Spain. Many writers ascribe their flourishing commerce to their situation ; but as this is no better than that of Ferrol or Corunna, that advantage is more probably due to their liberty. In riding through this little territory, you would fancy yourself in Connecticut ; instead of miserable huts, built of mud and covered with straw, you see the country full of large and commodious houses and barns of the farmer, the lands well cultivated, and a wealthy and happy yeomanry."

This was the people whom British soldiers were called upon to slaughter for no earthly good to themselves, audio a quarrel which did not in the slightest degree interest this country. He remarked on the savage mode in which the war was carrried on ; beginning with the first operation of General Evans in the autumn of 1833 against Her- nani ; and Sir Henry said it should not be forgotten that this advance was made on a Sunday. (Cries of" Oh, oh! ") To be sure, the battle of Waterloo was fought on a Sunday, but that was no fault of the British. On the retreat of General Evans to San Sebastian, the cruelties commenced which rendered the warfare so disgraceful. Up to that time, the terms of the Eliot convention had been generally adhered to ; but the appearance of a regularly armed body of foreigners in the contest produced feelings of exasperation, which thenceforth occasioned a series of atrocities. He deprecated the assassin-like Du-, rang° decree as much as any man. It was such a monstrous offence against the laws of humanity, that if any document could incapacitate its author from sitting on a throne, that was the decree that should have that effect. But it should be remembered that this decree was only issued subsequent to the embarkation of the Legion, and that Mina at the same time was carrying on a most cruel warfare. Sir Henry quoted passages from the work of Major Richardson, who, he had 110 doubt was a Liberal, to prove that the British soldiers suffered dreadfully from privations of every description, and that hundreds were cut off by want of food and clothing. Mutiny also broke out in the Legion. On one occasion, a Scotch regiment refusing to serve because their term of service had expired, were forced on ship-board at the point of the bayonet ; having been marched through files of Spanish troops along the streets of San Sebastian. An Irish regiment, the Tenth, actually threatened to fire upon the Scotch if the latter offered resist- ance. Colonel Churchill, who had resigned the command of the West- minster Guards, and had published a letter in justification of his retire- ment from the service, said, that with an empty chest, and close run for rations, the officers without control over the men, and subordination almost at an end, it was useless to hope for any thing but defeat ; and his longer continuance in the Legion would be of no use to the brave men who naturally looked up to him for support. Sir Henry also quoted a passage from a statement recently published in the Monthly Repository, which he had ascertained by inquiry could be relied upon, to illustrate the cool-blooded ferocity with which the contest was car- ried on by the Legion and its officers- " The spirit with which the British Legion entered into action on the 5th of May, may be gathered from the verbatim addresses of the commanding officers to the regiments under their command. 'Rifles! ' said the Major, who, in the absence of Baron de Rottenburgh, commanded that regiment, 4ive are going to be engaged to-morrow : the enemy shows no quarter, neither shall we ; skiver every man you catch; take no prisoners; show no pity to the wounded ; skiver every man you meet ! " Men,' said the gallant Colonel of the Fourth Regi- ment, 'now we will have no nonsense; no firing behind walls; fix bayonets, walk into them, and skewer the scoundrels !

How well these orders, given in cold-blood the day before the action, were fulfilled, would be seen from the acccunt of Major Richardson, an unexceptionable witness-

" A heavy cannonade was opened by the Phcenix upon the enemy's battery, on the left of their position, which the first brigade had attempted, ineffectually, to carry. By this tire a breach was effected ; and the Fourth and Eighth (re. serve) coming up, the left of the position was stormed and gained. The Carlists, thuuderstruck, saw that the day was lost, and sought safety in flight; but no mercy was shown them, for they had savagely bayoneted several wounded offi- cers and men in the early repulses. Numbers fell beneath the steel of the en- raged assailants, burning for revenge; and not a Carliet who could be reached lived to reciunt to his comrades that the English auxiliaries, in imitation of the examples set by themselves, give no quarter. The other brigades, cheered by the example ot their comrades, who had come fresh into action, once more moved to the assault. The Irish, like the first brigade, bayoneted all that came near them. We have 78 officers and nearly 800 men killed and wounded." Now, in all his experience of war, Sir Henry bad never seen or heard of such inhuman, such brutal conduct as this ; for he had been accustomed to carry on warfare in a civilized manner. But in Spain the war was not bonourable war— It we; butchery; and we were butchering a people who, as he said before, We ca fiae arid independent people, and who had committed no offence against 6 this country. When he put together ti,, se tacts— w net, Ii 1...coact:tea that these Basque people were a proud, free, and independent people—be would ask what right had this country to carry on a war of extermination? He denied the right ; and he called on the noble lord to retrace his steps, and to revoke the Order in Council the first opportunity. lie had shown the House what had been the result of the mutiny and insubordinatiou of the army ; and he would say, that what he had described of its progress appeared to him to be the natural cauee under the circumstances. Ill-treatment, wand of food, and want of clothes, had induced these unfortunate men to become parties to mutiny and insubordination ; and what followed ? Why, that they ceased to have the proper confidence in their officers. They had not confidence in their officers when theopposing army appeared ; and that which was to be expected followed —namely, defeat and disgrace. Let them palliate the misfortune as they would, however disagreeable it might be to many, there was no doubt of the fact that a large body of soldiers who were British subjects had suffered a defeat such as be believed no British soldiers had suffered in the course of the last five or six hundred years.

The men composing the British Legion were as brave men as ever lived ; they bad proved themselves to be so ; but, without going into a military criticism of the conduct of General Evans, in his absence, he would say that the Legion was led into action at the last battle of Hernani, in a condition in which they ought not to have been compelled by their commander to fight—. On the occasion of the ltith of March, being within three miles of the ma- gazines, and having been exposed to the inclemency of the weather for a week, it might he supposed that they would have been well supplied with rations. On the Itith of March, however, there were no rations to eat ; but there was, he believed, a ration of rum. The women who had followed the army from St. Sebastian had brought some spirits with them. In order to destroy the sense of hunger, the inen resorted to the spirite; and the consequence was, that more than half the Legion were intoxierted on that day. What could be ex- pected from an army in such a condition ? How was this state of things to be remedied ? The only thing for the noble lord to do was to recall the Legion. Let him not renew the Order in Council ; but let him, as a British Minister, take every step from this time till the Legion were recalled to see that they should be properly treated. If he thought the noble lord still wanted a lessors on the art of war, he ellould be glad to explain to him why, in his judgment, the system he was WM* pursuing must fail. lie should sat', let the noble lord contrast the conduct of the Britieh Legion on the 16th of March with the con- duct of his Majesty's Roval lariimes. The Rayal Marines were on that day officered by gentlemen holdieg hit, .Majesty's commission — by gentlemen in whom the men were aecustomed to place confidence ; and the men themselves were well paid, clothed, and fed. The British Marines did their duty; so did the Royal Artillery ; of their force, comprising from Fe0 to 90 men, not one man inisconducted himself; though the rest of the forces—though the British Legion —were seized with panic. III the mithit of the humiliation he felt on that ac- count of that defeat, it was some consolation to him to know that the regular part of hie Majesty's service had done their duty. In making these remarks, be wished not to be understood as reflecting in any way on the officers : no one could deny that General Evans and the officers of the British Legion bad con- ducted themselves with the greatest bravery. But he would say, if we made war, let us make it directly, and not indirectly ; let us make it in a manner that was honourable ; do not let us adopt such a course as he was deprecating, because if we did, the result would be inevitable failure and disgrace.

Gallantly as the Marines and Artillery had behaved, Sir Henry con- tended diet they bad no business at Ilernani. Even by Lord Palmers- ton's own construction of the phrase "naval coUperation," they should not have been there— Lord Palmerston might again favour him with a definition of what be con- sidered to be naval coOperation ; but having one definitien of what it was, before he received another perhaps the noble lord would allow him to refresh his memory as to the definition he had given on a former occasion. Lots! Pal- merston had contended that that was strictly a naval force which was under the command of naval officers, which relied on ships as its chief support, and of which ships formed the chief feature of operation. That definition was given before the battle of Hernani. He begged to ask, whether, on that OCCa■ sion, ships formed the chief feature? Did the Aitillery ever retire to the ships? No, they retired on St. Sebastian, being seven or nine miles from the ships. There was another definition to which lie might refer, in which the noble lord said that was to be considered a naval cooperation, wIwn, from the very nature of the occasion, it was impossible to employ a force in the interior of the country. In the present htetance, the force left the coast, and marched inland seven inilee; and his Majesty's Marines were nearly captured by a superior force ; for he believed that nothing but the twat iness of the Carliets prevented them from following up the advantage they hail obtained ; anti it was no dis- paragement of a force of only 400 men, to suppose that they would not have been able to resist a force of team° or 10,0(5). Ile contended, then, that the British Legion having been eeized with penis., it was by the greatest gaol for- tune that his :Majesty's Artillery and :Marines were saved. Ile held the King's prerogative in as high respect as any man, but he must say he considered it very unusual for warlike operations to lie commenced without a message on the subject having been first sent by his Majesty down to that house. To have employed the King'', forces to slaughter the Basque people without a message having been received from his :Majesty, appeared to be very extraordinary.

In conclusion, Sir Henry maintained, that after the statements he had made, he was entitled to call upon the House to take care that British Marines and Artillery were no longer employed it, this unlucky warfare.

Sir STRATFORD CANNING seconded the motion. He would not deny that sound policy dictated the recognition of the title of the Queen of Spain to the throne she now occupied. The British Government found her 3lajesty fuel° Queen of Spain, and were right in acknow- ledging her as such— At the same time, he, being in Spain, could say, the question was brought forward in a most astounding shape. (.' Hear, hear !" from Lord John Rus- sell arid other Members.) At that time he was in Spam in tile service of the Government ; and he would say, that it was imposeible for him, in accordance with his instructions, to have accomplished the proposition he was directed to make. He said that in answer to the cheer of the noble lord. Ile said NO when he found that his character was attacked, as he understood an insinuation to be conveyed by that cheer. He understood the position he had taken then as well as now. At the time he referred to, he was called upon ta execute instructions which it was not intended to enforce; it was known to his Majesty's Ministers that the head of the Government would not have admitted the proposition he was instructed to make. It was not his intention to have touched upon this suhject, but he was taunted into it by the cheer of the noble lord. He was sure that the noble lord at the head of the Government would not have been so indiscreet.

He then argued at length, that the terms of the Quadruple Treaty did not require or justify the kind of interference which the Govern- ment had undertaken and countenanced in the internal affairs of Spain. Lord LEVESON bore testimony to the credit which the British Go- vernment had gained on the Continent by the part they had taken on behalf of the Liberals of Spain. • The real objection to the British in- terference was the efficiency of the succour rendered by his Majesty's Government ; upon whom all Europe would have cried shame if the relief had been withdrawn just at the time when it was most needed. Be hoped that the vote of the lioti,e would prove that the British Parliament was not indifferent to the issue of a contest between abso- lutism and constitutional government, of fanaticism against religious toleration.

Mr. CHARLES WOOD said, it was no uncommon circumstance even in modern times for British officers to enter into the service of foreign powers. Lord Keith had been in the Russian and Sir Sydney Smith in the Swedish service. Up to the year 1819, when the Foreign In- listment Act was passed to prevent English officers taking part with the South American insurgents against Spain, the practice was quite common. Then, as to the question of what was naval cormeration, he was prepared to prove that the usual limits had not been transgressed by the force under Lord John Hay; which in fact bad never been under the command of General Evans. The Marines were never more than three miles from a place of embarkation, and always under the independent command of British officers. Mr. Wood quoted several instances of an advance of a naval force into the interior of a country, and especially dwelt upon the coOperation of Lord Nelson's men with the Italian force in the attack on Capua, eighteen or twenty miles distant from the place where the fleet was lying. Ile contended that the naval assistance rendered by the British squadron was such as the Quadruple Treaty sanctioned and the Queen of Spain had a right to require.

Lord FRANCIS EGERTON maintained that the Foreign Inlistment :Act was intended to be a permanent, not a temporary measure ; and be was confirmed in this opinion by a speech delivered in 1823, against the repeal of that act, by the Honourable William Lamb, now Lord Melbourne ; who contended, that neither on general nor especial grounds could that act be repealed. He was opposed to the interference of the British in the war in Spain, and did not believe that it would be suc- cessful : on the contrary, he felt confident that the heroic Basque peo- ple would succeed in maintaining their ancient rights and privileges. At the same time, he disclaimed all regard for or sympathy with Don Carlos.

Mr. O'CONNELL. remarked upon the eagerness with which the un- fortunate defeat of the Legion was seized upon by the Opposition. The repeated actions in which they had done honour to the British and Irish name, were forgotten—nothing was said of their victories ; but not a moment was lost in fastening on their defeat. It was said that the interference of England in the Spanish cause was dishonour- able—a cheat : but there were political cheats of another kind. There was a cheat in the conduct of gentlemen opposite— They came forward under the pretence of neutrality, really and in truth to Sustain the cause of a man whose character was of that kind that few would acknowledge themselves his direct supporters. Yes, he threw that upon the gen- tlemen opposite. He wished that the gallant officer by whom the subject was introduced to the House bad left it to other persons to assail the troops who had acted under General Evans. It would have been well, he thought, if the g.allant officer had reserved his observations upon that point uutil General Evans was present to answer for himself and his troops. No man knew better than his gallant friend how to defend himself. Fearless as Sir Henry Hardinge was, he (Mr. O'Connell) could not help remembering, that in a former contest in that House with General Evans, the gallant officer had not the best of the argument. Therefore to attack that gallant friend of his in his absence was not fair. (" Oh, oh ! ") Oh, to be sure, the gallant officer did not attack General Evans—he only showed that he had brought his troops into danger, amid that he had allowed their pay to be refused them. If he had been commanding them, he said he would have had them away at once, and would never base suffered them to be treated as they had been by the Spanish Government. The gallant officer did indeed do justice to Dan Carlos. lie talked of the assassinating decree of Durango. Everybody, he believed, called that an assassinating decree. Did it not follow that the man who issued an assassi- nating decree was an assassin?

Sir Henry Hardinge had asserted that he would not serve under a man who gave orders not to spare the enemy : did Sir Henry never hear of the order at Buenos Ayres?

Sir II. Ilaitmoae—“ No."

Mr. O'CONNELL■-" Did the gallant officer never bear that the or- ders were to spare the old and infirm, but put to .death every man capable of bearing arms ? "

Sir II. HARDINGE—" Never."

Mr. O'CONNELL—'4 I have a witness to the fact, and in the House. My authori,sy is Colonel Thompson, the Member for Hull. But were no such cruelties practised during the Peninsular war ? "

Sir H. HARDINGE—" There were certainly no such orders as those referred to."

Mr. O'CONNELL asked if Sir Henry had never beard of the orders at San Sebastian ?-

had the gallant officer never read of the cruelties practised by the Spaniards 1%1 NI that town was taken ? Had he never beard of the cruelties at Ciudad Itoderigo and at Badajos? Were these things doubtful ? But the gallant officer it offid not have British valour contaminated by an association with such el neltice as had taken place in the late hostilities in Spain—did the gallant officer himself never associatewith Spaniards during the Peninsular war, where cruelties upon a much larger scale were carried on by them? Mr. O'Connell would refer for a moment to a summary of the cruelties practised in the Peuin- sula, as contained in a pamphlet be held in his hand. He referred to this with the greatest confidence, because the pamphlet had been published for more than three years, and as yet no answere had appeared to it. Ile had no doubt, therefore, as to the accuracy of what he read. "During the Peninsular war, what was the universal system of the allies but one of unmitigated cruelty? Was not every straggling Frenchman assaasinated ? Were not the prisoners of war often, after capitulation, murdered in cold blood by the Guerillas? Were not carriages of the wounded, and of women and children, waylaid and mas- sacred? Were not French soldiers roasted alive by the Spaniards?" Yet they were now told by a gallant officer, who distinguished himself—no man more 110—in the Peninsular campaign, that he would not allow British soldiers to be contaminated by an essociation with men who could be guilty of such atrocities ! These cruelties were one of the wretched consequences of wax; but they ought not to be eniployed as a taunt against General Leans and the Legion,

He would not defend the cruelties of the Christinos, but he would ask what would be the consequence of the success of Don Carlos......

Darehonourable gentlemen opposite avow that they were for the establish- ment of the Inquisition and the domination of the Church in Spain? No ia the face of this nation they dare not avow such an intention; yet such was their intention. Why, they were told that France was without a government, awaiting the issue of this question; and why? France was waiting to see the line of policy which the Bntish Parliament would sanction in regard to Spain* whether despotism was to be allowed to have its sway, or free institutions be vindicated and defended. And now it was, at such a juncture—at the were moment that General Evans was meditating another blow in the cause which be had so gallantly taken up—that the opponents of freedom came down to in- terrupt the Ministry of this country with an attack of this sort.

The contest now going on in Spain was the same in principle as that which was waged on the floor of the House of Commons : it was a struggle whether the power of the one or of the many should prevail.... whetherdespotism or free institutions should exist : this was the only question between the Carlists and Christinos.

Colonel THOMPSON said, he would, to prevent inaccuracy, repeat the order given at Buenos .Ayres, alluded to by Mr. O'Connell— The order came down the column from the mouth of a field-officer, who rode down the ranks on a good Sunday morning, and who exclaimed, " Spare old men, women, and children, but every man who is able to bear arms put him to the bayoaet." These were the words in which the field-officer delivered the order ; which he coupled with an addition, by way of a joke of his own, " Give them only three inches of it ; it will be the more easily pulled out again." Co- lonel Thompson could name the officer if he was asked ; he was an officer of bright repute, who fell two hours after giving this order.

Sir CHARLES BROKE VERE MS on the Staff at Buenos Ayres on the occasion referred to, and could state that no such order was given from head-quarters. Of course it rested with the House to give what credit it might think fit to a statement by an honourable Member ; but be thought Colonel Thompson should have been more careful in stating that to be an order, which, on reflection, he might find not to have been an order.

Colonel THOMPSON said, he had spoken to facts within his own knowledge. He did hear the order given down the column, and did feel it then, as he felt it now, to have been an official order.

Sir HENRY HARDINGE asked, whether there was any other officer alive who heard the order ?

Colonel THOMPSON was willing to give any information on the subject to Sir Henry Hardinge after they had got outside the House.

Mr. BROTHERTON, at twelve o'clock, moved the adjournment.

After some dispute between Lord JOHN RUSSELL and Mr. WILLIAM WILLIAMS, (who wished the adjournment to be till Wednesday, in order that his motion for the repeal of the Septennial Act might be taken on Tuesday,) the debate was adjourned to Tuesday.

Mr. MACLEAN commenced the debate on Tuesday, with a long but tiresome speech in support of Sir Henry Hardinge's motion. He condemned the enure proceedings of Government, and insisted that there was no legitimate ground for the in- terference of this country in the Spanish quarrel. He avowed his sympathy with the people of the Basque provinces in their struggle for liberty ; and called upon Lord Palmerston to declare explicitly whether England was at war with Don Carlos, or not.

Mr. HENRY BULWER said, that many would be apt to think that Sir Henry Hardinge had made the disasters of the Legion the stepping- stone to party purposes_

Thishe said the more frankly and considerately, when he looked at the time at which the motion had been brought forward. Had the honourable and gal- hint gentleman brought it forward after some great and signal success, like that of May last year, then, indeed, it might be said that he did not u ish to discredit those whom be was recalling. Had he waited until after the 10th of June, when the engagement of those persons would have expired, and when' if the service they were engaged in was so unprofitable, they would be returned home, then the honourable gentleman would have acted in a manner well-consistent with his established character for manliness and generosity. But what did he do ? He called for the recall of these gallant men at a time when such recall must be most painful to their feelings as men and officers. He would not allow them a moment's delay by which they might profit by a success that would take the sting out of his motion. He would not do this ; neither would he wait until the various charges necessarily employed or made in a debate of this kind, could by these gallant persons themselves be met and answered.

The two parties in the House were struggling for the power to direct the foreign policy of England ; but Mr. Bulwer implored them on this occasion to forget whether they were Whigs, Tories, or Radicals, and to remember that they were Englishmen. It was most unfair that the gallant officers of the Legion should be made the victims of a party manoeuvre in the House of Commons. Mr. Bulwer re- ferred to the gallant conduct of the Legion in several actions, and eulogized the gallantry and humanity of General Evans. The strongest argument used by the Opposition was that in favour of the right of the Basque people to maintain their ancient privileges ; but then it was a fact, that these people were deceived : they were really the instruments of a fanatical arid despotic faction, when they imagined that they were fighting for their own liberties. It was not merely a question of freedom or despotism in Spain— Why was Rome said to be now ransacking her exhausted treasures to aid Cite Pretender ? why was, Sardinia supposed to be sending secret supplies to the same quarter, and Russia offering officers and gold why was it daily said that Don Miguel was about to appear in the camp of Don Carlos; that it was there Ow that the Due de Bordeaux should make his first essay in arms ? why, because it was felt throughout the world that it was to the camp of Don Cat los that the friends of despotism should resort—because it was felt through- out the world that it was on the soil of Spain that the battle of freedom was to be won or lost. And were honourable gentlemen opposite insensible to this? No; they knew well enough, that though Spain was spoken of by this motion, England, Scotland, and Ireland would be equally affected by It; they knew well enough, that if this motion were carried, the Irish Corporation Bill might as well have been lost. They knew well enough, that if this motion were carried, the Marines would not only come home, but the honourable gentlemen themselves would come to that side of tho House.

Looking to the state of affairs abroad and at home, and the real in- tent of this motion and the consequence of its success, he believed that if there ever was a motion which it would be disgraceful to cone sent to and fatal to carry,it was that of Sir Henry Hardinge.

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Sir HENRY HARDINGE disavowed the intention of casting any slur on the military reputation of General Evans: he had entirely ab- stained from military criticism.

Mr. HENRY BOLWER did think, and it was the general opinion in tbe country, that to carry a motion for the recall of the Legion would be to inflict disgrace on General Evans and his comrades.

Sir ROAERT INGLIS objected to the employment of King's troops in irregular warfare. No man was at liberty to enter into a war without the command of his lawful superior. He was convinced that the general wish of the English people was that English blood should not he shed in a contest in which this country was not directly concerned. Mr. WARD contended, that the spirit of the Quadruple Treaty bound the British Government to keep Don Carlos out of the Basque provinces, as well as out of Portugal. Honourable gentlemen opposite put this question to the test of success. During the recess they had been threatened with similar motions to that of Sir Henry Hardinge ; but three days before the meeting of Parliament, news came of an Anglo. Spanish victory, and then the motion was put off. Sir Robert Peel expressed his high admiration of the gallantry of our brave countrymen, for he felt that the moment was unpropitious for an attack upon them, and quelled some little symptoms of insubordination in his ranks, while Mr. Maclean and Mr. Grove Price listened in silence and submission to their leader. Why did not Sir Henry Hardinge bring forward his mo- tion soon after the victory at Bilboa, and what encouraged him to bring it forward now ?

The simple fact was, that success no longer beamed so decisively on the cause of liberty in the Peninsula. This was the first time that he had heard in the British House of Parliament, that a fair ground for abandoning an ally was that he was unfortunate. He had often heard the opposite argument used. He had heard the misfortunes of theme with whom we were in alliance stated, and never unsuccessfully, as a plea for additional struggles and exertion on our part. It was reserved for the honourable and gallant officer to reverse this, and to make the want of success a plea for shamefully abandoning the engagements to which we were solemnly bound by treaty. (Loud cheers.)

He deeply regretted the atrocities that had been committed in the course of this struggle, but why had no mention, been made of those of which the Carlists were guilty? Then, were there no precedents for such atrocities furnished even in our own country, and by our own troops ?

Let them look at our own conduct in the civil contest which was carried on during the latter part of the last century ; and he feared that they would find but too complete a parallel for the atrocities committed in Spain at the present mo- ment in the proceedings of the Irish Rebellion. If he were not mistaken, also, the Doke of Wellington himself, in the early pint of the Peninsular war, held a correspondence with Marshal Soult, in will& he threatened reprisals upon the French in consequence of the barbarous massacres which were perpetrated by the latter upon their prisoners. (" No, no !" from the Opposition.) He thaught he was not mistaken in what he stated ; but however that might be, he made the statement not with any view to disparage the high character of that great commander ; on the contrary, he did not think it at all derogatory to Iris honour—he thought it might be justified by the necessity of the case ; and he only adduced the fact as an evidence how difficult it was, under certain cir- cumstances, to avoid apparent cruelties of this sort.

Lord Maims; took credit to himself and his friends for the forbear- ance which they had exhibited towards Ministers on this question ; but that forbearance could no longer be continued, the infraction of the Quadruple Treaty and the disastrous consequences arising therefrom being now fully apparent. He deried that the instances of Lord Nel- son and others, which had been adduced to justify the navaleotiperation of Lord Palmerston, bore upon the case in question, as at the time when they occurred this country was actually at war. There was no- thing whatever in the Quadruple Treaty whites justified the conversion of a naval into a land force. He did think also, that the House bad a right to know whether there was to be any limit to the expense we .aught be called upon to incur. If twenty millions were required by Spain, did the treaty oblige the British Government to furnish that sum? With respect to the Biscayans, he sympathized in their struggle -for liberty; but that sympathy was not inconsistent with disregard for the interests of Don Carlos. Ile thought that if there was a motion in which men of all parties might concur, it was the present ; for what was its object ?—to stop the effusion of blood.

At the close of Lord Mahon'a speech there were loud cries for Lord Palmerston ; but Dr. LUSHINGTON rose, and proceeded to address the House. He said that the Quadruple Treaty had for its objects to pre- Tent Don Carlos from acquiring supreme power in Spain, and to esta- blish peace in Spain and Portugal. France was bound to prevent the transmission of aid of every kind through her territory to the insur- gents. England was bound to resist the attempts of Carlos to seize the throne of Spain, by sending arms and ammunition and in other ways assisting the Queen of Spain. The obligation on Enka was active, on France passive. As to the naval coOperation, it was precisely that which the treaty contemplated ; for it could not be supposed that the British fleet was to encounter the fleet of Don Carlos and drive it off the seas That was not the object ; but the object was a naval warfare along the coast. Was it or was it not the universal custom of Great Britain, in all such cases, to s-esort to naval warfare? He would ask what was to be the criterion of the assistance to be given, but that which was used when they conducted a naval force along a line of coast in cooperation with a land force? If they fell short of it, in what respect were they to fall short of it ? But he would say it was precisely the same as if they were acting with a military force in Spain in con- cert with our Navy. It was vain to talk of precedents ; and be defied ant' one to produce a single case in which a British force had been employed on a coast in which they were not aiMilarly exercised.

He would ask the gentlemen opposite who cried out so vehemently in favour of Basque liberty and in favour of justice for Navarre, though they denied justice to Ireland, how it happened that the Duke of Wellington sent .50,000 muskets to be employed against the Bis- cayans, and where was the moral difference between sending men and sending muskets to be used against the liberties of Bis.cay and Navarre? It was said by Sir Henry Hardinge that the people of England were averse to the continuance of British assistance to the Christinos; but he had twenty constituents where Sir Henry Har- dinge had one, and he was not at all afraid to face them on account of

Britain was the bulwark of freedom all over the world, and that to back out of this struggle would be to submit, as the French King bad submitted, to the Holy Alliance. Mr. GROVE PRICE said, that there was no instance of a country ' being restored to tranquillity by the aid of foreign soldiers; and it was cruel and barbarous to send Englishmen to fight against a people with whom they had no quarrel.:The principle of the Quadruple Treaty was totally unjustifiable. Mr. SHEIL thought that Mr. Price, if a Spaniard, should have been returned to the Cortes as representative of La Mancha-

" What a strange anomaly will enthusiasm produce in even an accomplished

mind ! Despite his habitual horror for Popery, he has a profound reverence for his Catholic Majesty—he regards the Inquisition as a venerable Conserva- tive institution ; and I question whether, in the event of the triumph ot Don Carlos, he would not gladly journey across the Pyreneee, in order to witness the burning of the Quadruple Treaty in a splendid auto da fe."

The motion before the House derived peculiar interest, from the fact of its having been brought forward by Sir Henry Hardinge- And the part he plays as a politician is so conspicuous, that it is not un-

reasonable to conjecture that this motion is part of a combined plan of opera- tions, by which a very important position is to be carried by the gallant officer. The motion was seconded by a profound, but unetnployed diplomatist- ( Laughter and chccrs)—an eminent negotiator once in the confidence of the Whigs, and now not undeserving Tory trust. There is a practical antitheaii in the right honourable gentleman ; for while for the Etnyert.r Nicholas he lisa no strong personal relish, he is not without some propensity to the adoption of a Sclavonic policy at Madrid. I like to do justice ; and I should think that the right honourable gentleman must have laboured under a very strong and painful sense of public duty, when he took a part so prominent in assailing the mea,ures of his noble, and I believe that he has found in biui his faithful, friend. '

The motion was also an announcement of the policy to be pursued by Sir Robert Peel on his accession to power-

" The honourable Member for Tamworth has recently intimated that he will, although u ith great reluctance, submit to the infliction of power, in.d give the Ilots.e of Commons an opportunity of atoning for that parricidal blow by which his official existence was suddenly abridged. (Loud laughter.)

i

It s as well, therefore, that we should know that, in the event of the Whias re- signing, of Lord Melbourne departing from his pledge, or the House of Lords appointing the Cabinet,—it is as well that we should be apprized that the victory of Conservatism in St. James's will be followed by the triumph of Conservatism at Madrid."

Mr. Shell went on to argue, that the Government had put a right construction on the stipulations of the Quadruple Treaty. He also entered into a long apology for the ill-success of General Evans and the excesses and insubordination of his troops ; for which he main- tained a precedent might be found in the retreat of tire Duke of Wel- lington's army afts r the defeat at Burgos. As to the naval cuilpera- tion, and the duty of Marines—what was their motto? " Per mare, per terram"—that set the whole question at rest. He felt the force of an appeal which had been made, whether, in the land which had been the scene of' so many elorious triumphs of the British arms, it was fitting that British soldiers should now give way before mountain peasants- " I feel the force of that question. But there i3 to put to every man who hears me and, among all those that bear MO abe‘ e all to the gallant officer by whom this motion has been in ide. I invoke the aaims recollections—I appeal to the same glorious remembrances; awl in the name of those scenes of which the gallant officer was not only a witness, but bore in them a part, of nhich he bears the honourable attestation about him, I ask whether it be befitting that in Spain—that in the country whose freedom was achieved by such prodigies of English valour, where so many of your fellow. soldiers who fell beside you lie buried—is it, I ask, befitting th:lt its that !anti, consecrated as it is in the annals of England's glory, a terrible, remorseless, relentless, inexorable despotism should be established, and that the throne which England saved should be filled by the purple tyrant whose arms have been steeped to the shoulders in the blood of your countryineu—not in the fields of honourable combat slain, but when the beat of battle had passed, and its sweat had been wiped away, savagely and deliberately murdered ? Their boues are bleaching on the Pyrenean snow—their blood cries out ; and shall we, intrusted no we are by the British people with the care of the dignity, the honour, and the just vengeance of our country—shall we, instead of flying at once to arms, facilitate the ascent to the throne of Spain of the guilty man by whom these outrages upon every law, divine and human, have been connuitted ? Never ! (Loud cheering.) The people of this country are averse to wanton and unne- cessary war ; but where the honour of England is at stake, there is no conse- quence which they are not prepared to meet, no hazard which they will not be found prompt to encounter." (3luch cheering ) Sir HENRY HARDINGE and Mr. SHElL entered into ssiomel t

eceixpw Sir

explana- tions immaterial to the main question ; and after a )e

JOHN ELLEY, in support of the motion, The debate was again adjourned, at half-past twelve.

Mr. OTWAY CAVE commenced the adjourned debate on Wednesday. He applied himself especially to the vindication of General Evans and the Legion. In the course of his speech, Mr. Cave read a letter from General Shaw; who, though at variance with General Evans, was sin much shocked by the injustice of the attacks made upon him., that lice had sent a communication to Mr. Cave, as the personal friend of General Evans, in order that the House might see how little f. unda.. tion there was for the language used by the Opposition in reference to the Legion and its commander. General Shaw contradicted all the statements made by Sir Henry Hardinge, on the authority of Major Richardson, respecting the deficiency of blankets arid beds on the arrival of troops at Vittoria ; the loss of men on the march from Vittoria to San.. tender; the offer of the Tenth Irish Regitnent to tire upon the Scot .11 the forcing of the Scotch to embark by the bayonets of the Irish, Lid; their march through a line of Spanish troops. With reference to the statement of the writer in the Morality Repository, that the commanding offiver of the Rifles told his men to give no quarter, General Shaw said, that from his knowledge of Major Fortescue, the officer al- luded to, he would affirm that he gave no such " Don Carlos order;" and that if he had, the tnen would not have obeyed it : arid nioreover, lie asks if the writer in the Repository—', the eye-a itness," as be called himself—did not see the soldiers of this very regiment de- fending a wounded Carlist soldier against the Christino Spaniards, and carrying him off the field ? Then, as to the bayonetting of the wounded in the battle of the 5th of May, General Shaw state dis- tinctly, that although Don Carlos had sent word to Gene l ra Ever: , that a_ the Durango decree would be enforced against the Legion, ), t the officers used every means to prevent vial( cessary bloodshed, and the Carlists were actually allowed time to earry away their wounded. There was only one prisoner taken ; but the reason was, that after five hours fighting on a clayey soil, the men were too fatigued to rtm after the flying foe. The men of the Sixteenth Scotch Regiment, whose comrades had been murdered in' cold blood by the Carlist., in return gave the Carlist wounded prisoners breed and water. As for Major Richardson, he might be a verygood officer, but there was an unfriendly animus in his book, as General Shaw had received a letter from the officers of his regiment declining to serve with him. Some excuse might be made for Major Richardson's inaccuracies, as early in the battle he received a contusion in the arm, and then left the field, and remained in San Sebastian till the fight was over. These were the principal statements in General Shaw's letter read by Mr. Cave to the House.

" Such were the officers," continued Mr. Cave, " such the men, whom they were called upon by a vote of that House, for the sake of casting a slur upon the policy of the Foreign Secretary, and of eniharraseing the Government, delibe- rately to stigmatize and ungenerously deprive a an opportunity of retrieving their late reverse." He called upon the House LT the helings of gentlemen not to inflict this disgrace upon the Legion-.-nut to be guilty of au act of such moo- atrous iujustice as to censure men who were not present to defend themselves. Let time be given them. It was unjust and ungenerous to judge them now. But ler the tact s he bad stated to the [louse, and which had been in his pts- eeseion only for a few minutes, a verdict would have been proilounced against the Legion ; they would have been stigmatized in the face of Europe; and, as a natural consequence, mutiny and disaffection would spread though their ranks. Having said so much with respect to the officers and men of the Le. gion, he might now, perhaps, lie allowed to offer a few worda with respect to General Evans. He knew that gallant officer to be actuated upon tlii, occasion, as upon all others, by the highest, purest, and noblest motives. Sir Henry Hardinge, in the warinth of debate, had called General Evans a mercenary. rife was cure the gallant officer did not mean deliberately to apply that erm. However, that it might not go forth to the world on such high au thority that General Evaus was a niereenary, and that the men who served under him were a brutal and demoralized rabble, he would state one fact that he kuew of his own knowledge. When General Evans was about to leave this country, it was thought by many of his friends, by a gene- ral officer in the service, and by many others, that as he was giving rip great advantages at home, exposing himself to great personal danger, and leaving his reputation (dearer to him than life) exposed in Ilk uhseoce to every species of slander, he ought to make some stipulation for himself; and a stipulation was made with the Spanish Minister that he should receive 10,0001. :Virw General Evans was not a rich man, and he thought he might very well have accepted the 10,0001. which were offered hint. What was the COIIIItla of General Evans on the occasion ? Wishing that there should be no priasibility nor shadow of suspicion with regard to his motives, after the stipulation hail been agreed to and signed by the Spanish Minister, General Evans %Vela to hint immediately and annulled and annihilated the whole of it, and insisted that lie should not receive one farthing for his service in the cause of the Queen. He Loped, then, that the House would not consent to trample upon the reputation of that gallant auldier fur the sake of castiug a slur upon the policy of the Foreign 3Iinister. Without wishing to impute motives to Sir Henry Hai loge, Mr. Cave did not 'hesitate deliberately to say, that the charges brought against General Evans and the Legion, of brutality and inhu inanity, and which in reality were the groundwork and sole pretext for this motion, were frivolous, unfair, aml ungenerous. (111,tch cheerinp.) Sir Ilemtv 1Itil)enm here.retni tided the rati ,e, that. lie had quoted Lis atithelity for all that he had sale !;iet he cautiously abs:aiae.: from pledging himself to the t..:ar,e.j . t tha ; that lie bad relied on Major itieharelson, who had the declaration of General Evans that no imputation rested on his character, although he had given offence to the officers of his regiment.

Mr. BARRON rose to order. Sir henry Hardinge was tint confining himself to explanation : he was making a speech—the tenth, at least, that he had made in the course of the debate.

The SPEAKER said, that Sir Henry Ilardinge might explain any thing which related to himself :individually; but with respect to 'Major Richardson, other Members must be as competent to give explanations as Sir Henry Hardinge.

Sir HENRY HARDINGE professed himself always willing to bow to the authority of the chair ; and with regard to— Sir THOMAS TROULRIDGE rose to order. Ile asked if the rule were not, that a alember having made his motion, could only speak again in reply ?

Sir I feStRY IlaitoiNor. said, as he had moved an amendment, he had no right of reply. In answer to the honourable Member opposite— Mr. BARRON observed, that Sir Henry Hardinge was taking a course which the rules of the House did nut admit of ; and he called upon the Speaker to interfere.

The SPEAKER restated the rule of the House.

An altercation between Sir Heaar Hamm:Gr. and Mr. BAtutoN ensued ; Sir henry having made live additional attempts to address the House. Finally it seemed to be the general opinion, that no further notice sh.Juld be taken of the acrimonious expressions used by either.

Captain BoLotoo spoke Wetly in support of Sir Henry lierdinges motion.

Mr. lioaeuce followed. He was decidedly opposed to interference in the ailairs of foreign countries. (" Hear, hear " from Sir Henry liardinge. ) The hunourable and gallant gentleman opposite said " Hear, hear ! " with great complacency. Did the honourable and gallant gentleman mean to imply that his party had never lute:feted in the affairs of foreign countries? Could the hemourahle and gallant geutlenian deny that the oppressive burden under sefich this country now laboured drew out of our syractuatic meddling with the

affairs of other nations—tut/Ur having beau, as a witty writer had expressed it, the bull.dag. of Europe? Hail Out as former British Government—a Tory Go- verment—into fired in Spanish affairs in just the same way, with only a

core iu the UnitIller of doitig it, that the present Government now interfered iii Spanish affairs? When Napoleon tried to introduce civilization into Spain,

did nut the Governmeut conic forward and say to the Spaniards, " We

iil aasiat you in your glorious struggle—we will light for your threatened liberties," awl au lot ib ; Shall did they out act upon this promise: And what was this but toteligielare: Lib, but it was now etid, we must not support the lapainatas, fui tiny ale ao C11,11.1 in tbie welfare ;—juet as if the Spathards had Mt been cruel, moat cruel, in their treatuieut of the auldiera of Napuleon. Oh, but it Si as 3.44d, WC insist upon eiveue Spain a cuustitutiouitl luvisatulu. How

because they

had we taken advantage of our former opportunity Of establishing aeonatitu- tional government over the Spaniards ? Why, we gave them the " beloved " Per- dinand. It was most surprising therefore, looking at this and similar circum- stances, that honourable gentlemen on the other side of the House should at- tempt to persuade Membeis of the House to vote against Minister*,

had interfere.] in the present struggle in Spain.

But, before entering on the Quixotic task of giving free constitutions to foreign nations, Mr. Roebuck thought it would be well to inquire whether tha countries under British sway had free constitutions--

How long ago was it, he would ask, since the British.House of Commonehad voted away the constitutioual rights of the Conadiany? Was the voice of the honourable anti learned Member for Tipperary heard in defence of the outraged Canadians—lie who so loudly claimed for the Spaniards the support of the British Leg;slature ? The fact was, that all these questions were for the most part treated by the respective leading patties in that House as mere implements for effecting their own particular objects—the Tories struggling to get into office, the Whigs to keep in office; while Mr. Sheil appeared to work every thing for Irish purposes. Ministers were ready, enough to throw away 600,000/. in this way, but for the great purposes of education they grudged a paltry 20,000/. It had been laid down ill a publication which might to a certain extentbe supposed to proceed from some honourable Members of that House—. though he was not himself one of them—that the course for the Radicals was to vote on all questions without reference to any idea of keeping in or throwing out the present Ministry. Now *Wad thriughout been the broad principle of the Radicals that interference with Spain was improper and uncalled for, on the ground that with foreign nations we ought to have no relations other than cotnmereial tines. This was the principle laid down by the new President of the Cnited States. Sounder policy it was impossible to proceed' upon ; and Mr. Roebuck would call upon the Radicals in that House to act upon this principle, a prinetple which they had repeatedly declared to be, in their opinion, essential to the maintenance of cheap and good government all over the world. He would put it to the Radical Members whether, consistently with this policy, they could support the Ministerial counsels on this occasion. The assertion of this great principle was of far higher importance than the maintenance of any Ministry whatever.

As to this "non-intervention " of ours, what a farce it was !

" Never was there a more monstrous and unmeaning piece of patchwork. It was neither interference, nor cooperation, nor intervention, nor any thing

else ; it 11'84 mere peddling. Surely if any thing was to be done it ehoulil be done properly, and in an efficient manner : if we really thought that a cons& tional government should be established by our assistance, and if we thought

proper to give that assistance, let the House vote supplies to his Majesty for the purpose, let us tit out a British navy, let us scud out by it a British army, and let that army land in Spain and tight under the British flag. But what were were we doing now ? Neither one thing nor the other. If this country was not interfering in Spanish affairs what business had our troops in Spain ? It was mere special-pleading to tall: about our Marines there being only a naval

force. The continuo sense of this country at once saw through the attempted deluaiun. There had been three more nights wasted on this subject. How was it that the noble Minister for Foreign Affairs bad notgot up in is manly and honest way, to say what he had got to say. imtnediately after Sir Henry Hardinge had made his statement? Why was It that he had allowed so much of the public time to lie wasted ? Lord Palinerston seemed to think that there was a sort of hush-fighting going on, and to be afraid lest be should be hit down the minuent lie ventured to show himself. It was most outrageous that when an important question of foreign policy was before the House the Secretary of Foreign Affaiis should long decline to come forward and let the House uuderstand what it was lie proposed to do. For that matter, however, even when the noble lord did enter into his explanations, he could not very well make out what the explanation was, for the noble lord had a peculiar faculty for making a long sped-h, without letting the House know, in the slightest de- gree, what he was talking about. The noble lord had almost invariably con- nived to wrap up his replies in so peculiar a phraseology as to put in despair all those who sought an elucidation of the mysteries of his foreign policy. There were three nights of the public time wasted in hopeless discussion, solely because the noble lord had not the courage and the manliness to come forward at once and explain in clear terms what his policy really was. Certainly, if any thing ever required a clear explanation, It was the policy of Ministers; theirs • was the true see-saw principle—now to this side, new to that side leaning.

At the conclusion of his speech Mr. Roebuck left the House.

Mr. CUlLAR FERGUSSON and Mr. CHARLES VILLIERS spoke in defence of the Spanish policy of Ministers; and Mr. VILLIERS ex- pressed regret that Mr. Roebuck should have made a bitter attack on his friends, und left the House immediately after he had finished his speech.

Mr. W. B. BARING supported Sir Henry Hardinge's motion. Sir WILLIAM FOLLETT had not intended to address the House, but felt called upon to reply to some of the arguments of Dr. Lushington. lie contended that there was a very material difference between sending tnen and sending muskets to Spain. The latter was in accord- ance with, the former in opposition to the Quadruple Treaty. The object of naval cooperation according to the treaty, was to prevent supplies from reaching the insurgents from the coast. The main object of the original treaty was to get Don Carlos and Don Miguel out of Portugal, and that object was effected before the treaty itself Wits ratified ; but the additional articles, it was pretended, bound us to assist the Queen of Spain—until when ?—until Don Carlos was expelled from Spain ? Was that the meaning of the treaty ? was that the construction to be put upon it ? If so, why were 10,000 tnen sent to Spain clandestinely? Why did not Lord Palmerston interfere, if at all, openly ? He was not the apologist or vindicator of Don Carlos; neither could he have any sympathy with a Government which gave a command to Mina after conduct more atrocious than even the publica- tion of the Durango decree; but he did wish to prevent the wanton effusion of British blood in the brutalizing contest now carried on in the North of Spain.

Lord PALMERSTON then rose. He was greeted with insulting cheers from the Opposition benches, which lasted for three minutes; and when

these had concluded, the Members on the Ministerial side of the House cheered him heartily for nearly as long. He said, that holdiug the situation he had the honour to fill, he had only showed his respect to

the House by waiting to hear the arguments which could be used on both sides of the question ; and he thought it rather ungracious in Mr. Roebuck, who had made up his mind not to vote at all upon the motion, to tuunt hint with not rising sooner in the debate, as Mr. Roebuck at any rate could have had no direction given to his vote by any speech that it was in his power to deliver. After hearing, the speech of Sir William Follett, who bad been moved, as it were on the sudden, to

come to the rescue of his friends,he was willing, on a comparison of the arguments used on both sides, to go to the division, and to appeal for the justification of the course he had pursued to that House, to the country, and to Europe. He considered that the attempt of the Oppo- sition to impugn the foreign policy of the Government had been a lamentable failure ; for even Sir William Follett, with all his talent,

bad failed to weaken the force of Dr. Lushington's argument. As for the speech of Sir Henry Hardinge, he would do that gallant officer the

justice to say, that he had not directly reflected on the character of General Evans ; though it was to be regretted that Sir Henry had se- lected the present time for producing a powerful sensation against the

Legion ; though of course—he was sure indeed, that Sir Henry did not intend to injure the character of a brother officer in his absence. Fe* Then had bad a more difficult task to perform than General Evans ; and few men had given less cause for censure than he had. ("Hear, hear!" from Sir Henry Hardinge)— He had been placed with 8,000 or 9,000 undisciplined men within musket. shot of the enemy. Few of hie men had seen each other before they met toge-

ther on the parade. There was nut a company of them organized. All the process of converting them iuto a military force was to be gone iuto on the spot. And therefore he called upon gentlemen, when they instituted comparisons be- tween the state of discipline of the Legion and the state of discipline of the troops in the King's service, to distinguish between the two cases. The first corps bad been organized at once on the spot, the latter corps had long been under

military superintendence and control. Now a word as to the sufferings of the

Legion, and as to the number of their sick at Vittoria. He asked Sir Henry Ilardinge whether, in the course of his experience, he bad not learned, that in the neighbourhood of Badujos, soon after the battle of Talavera, in an army much better equipped, but consisting of men who had recently at rived in the country, the sickness and mortality was greater than that which had taken

place in the Legion at Vittoria? ( Cheers from the Minister id benches.) So far from making these circumstances, which he believed were among the ordi- nary evils of war, ground of charge against this measure, he believed that, if the circumstances were well looked into,- it would be found that the inconve- niences sustained by the Legion were not so great as those which had been sus- tained by other raw troops on other occasions. But then, the honourable and gallant officer dwelt strongly upon the brutalizing and demoralizing effect of the spielers of the Legion serving with men guilty of cruelty and rapine. Now, he believed that there had been no cruelties committed by those with whom the Legion had served. If cruelties had been committed, they had not been committed by the Christinos, but by the Catlists, against whom the Le- gion was serving. It was a little too much for the right honourable anti gallant officer, who had served during the Peninsular war in cooperation with Spaoish troops, and who must, of necessity, recollect the cruelties inflicted by the Guerillas upon the French, when they caught them, either as stragglers, or as prisoners of war, or as private iodividuals—enormities which he would not disgust the House by describing, as everybody must recollect them—it was a little too much for Sir Henry Harding° and for the Member for Tainworth, who he saw intended to follow him in the debate—( Great cheering frmn the Opposition benches)—it was a little too much, he said, for those gentlemen, who had never thought of recalling the.Duke of 'Wellington's army from Spain, for fear their morals should be contaminated by cooperation with that of Ge- neral Mina,—that same Mina whose conduct in Catalonia was stated to be a sufficient apology for our breaking faith with the Spanish Government itwas a little too much, he repeated, for them to tell the House now, that to save it from being brutalized and demoralized, the Legion should be re- rained. (c/seers from the Ministerial benches.) He lamented these atro- cities as much as any man in the House could do. Unfortunately, history told them that they were consistent with the character of the Spanish nation, which, in peace as well as in war, had shown itself more cruel and bloodthirsty than any other nation in Europe. (Ironical cheers from the Opposition benches.) Was that denied? Look at their conquests in America—look at all the wars which had taken place in Spain, from the war of the Succession down to that which terminated in 1815, and you will see that the Spaniards are peculiarly fond of blood. Look at their various civil commotions, and you will see a greater disregard of the ordinary principles of humanity than is to be found in the civil commotions of any other civilized nation. They might !lope that one of the effects ot regenerating Spain by a free constitution would be, that by the opera- tion of public opinion, which a free constitution alone could produce, these de- fects in the national character might for the future be corrected. (c/seers from the Ministerial benches.)

It had been said over and over again, that we were fighting against the liberties of the Basque Provinces. Now that was not the question. Why had the insurgents in the Basque Provinces taken arms ?

Was it because their privileges were invaded ? No. (Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) They took up arms for despotism and Don Carlos against Isabella and a free constitution. ( Cheers from the 3Iinisterial benches.) And what, he would ask, was the present state of the war in those provinces? If he was rightly informed, the Basques were now as tired of the war as men could be of any infliction from which they could not escape. The army of Don Carlos consisted principally of men not the natives of those provinces. His council did not belong to those provinces. Moreno and his other Generals were natives of other parts of Spain. Such soldiers of his army as were natives of the Basque Provinces were prevented from quitting his ranks by the knowledge that their wives, their children, their families, and their friends, were in the power of this ferocious usurper ; and to make that knowledge operate strongly on their feelings, they had been told, that if they deserted his service their nearest and dearest relatives should be made to pay the forfeit of the crime. The privileges of the Basque Provinces were, in fact, only valuable when Spain was under a despotic government; but when free institu- tions were established, it would be more advantageous to the inhabi- tants of that part of the country to be incorporated with the rest of the nation, than be driven into a corner as a separate people. He hoped he should hear no more of this feigned regard for the municipal privi- leges of the people of the Basque Provinces from the men who were willing to deprive the Irish of their municipal corporations; he hoped he should hear no more of this despicable cant. This motion was brought forward now because the Legion had received a check Last autumn it was thought that Bilboa would be taken : loudly, in conse quence, did the song of triumph resound, not indeed within the walls of Parlia- ment, for Parliament was not then sitting, but from all their acknowledged organs of public opinion. Bilboa was however relieved, and what made it more galling to their souls, was relieved by that very naval cooperation—( Cheers from the Ministerial benches)—which was represented as of no use to the cause of good government in Spain, and of no use to the interests of England, although it rescued a town from devastation and massacre, in which were mane English merchants and no small portion of English capital ; a town which, if it had fallen iutu the hands of the Carlists, would have been immortalized in a melancholy manner. In spite of the observation of one geutlesnan, who had Stated that Don Carlos had abstained from taking Bilbint because he did not wash to do that town mor harm, or otherwise lw could have eaten Isis ClaiSt11133

dinner within its walls, he must say that he believed the contrary to be the

fact. He believed that the Carlist army entertained the most bloodthirsty intentions against that town and its inhabitants, and that, if they had succeeded in storming it, the horrors reserved for its inhabitants would have been most appalling. But Whoa was relieved. Shortly afterwards Parliament met. Did his Majesty's 31inisters then shrink front the discussion of this question? Ministers hid put foreign affairs forward in the very first paragraph of the King's Speech : gentlemen opposite had, however, contented themselves with slight allusions to it. It appealed to hint that the expressions in that paragraph were such as it did not snit them to allude to.

Lord Palmerston then went into a long detail of the circum-

stances which led to the Quadruple Treaty ; maintaining that the policy pursued by England bad been liberal, discreet, and advantageous throughout. Ili the execution of the Quadruple Treaty, he maintained that no fault bad been committed, and that the cameration rendered was properly a naval coOperation. He quoted the opinion of Lord John Hay, whose political bias was known not to be in favour of the present Ministers, as to the extent to which naval couperation might be used. For his part, be hoped that the only complaint which would be brought against him would be, that in the fulfilment of treaties he had rather goile beyond than fallen short of what the strict letter of those treaties required. With respect to the employment of the Legion in foreign service, Lord Palmerston referred to former periods of British history, and the history of other European nations, to prove that there was nothing dishonourable in engaging in the service of foreign powers. As to the state of affairs abroad,—for it had been made a reproach to the present Ministers by Sir Robert Peel, that they were unsettled,—Lord Palmerston thought that at least they were not in so difficult and dangerous a pesition as when in 1E4)0 Sir Ro- bert left the management of them to his Whig suecessors- At that time, an honourable 'Moodier had said to Iiim—" If an angel came down from heaven to write your d-1 itches, even that interference could not prevent you from being involved in a war within six months." Not only heir six mantles had England been saved taunt the evils of war, but for the space of six years. He was far from saying that gentleman were not sincere in entertaining the apprehension which they had. expressed. They had good veterans for being sincere, for, conscious of the tendency of their political opinions, they could not see any mode of escaping froin that calamity. He would not say that if they had re- mained in office the country would Lave certainly been engaged in a general war at the expiration of six months : he spoke merely uf a highly probable contingency. When he and his colleagues accepted offiee, they pledged them- selves to the maintenance of peace, aud that pledge they had never since violated. Any man who considered for a moment what were the calamities of war—the injuries which it inflicted upon life and property, the evils of which it was pro- ductive, by retarding the match of improvement and lulling back time tide of civilization—must admit, that a sA of men who could honestly sav that they had contributed to avert from England. and from Europe, the calamity of a general war for a period of six years, might thiuk with siucerity that their labours had not been fruitless.

'rile real question before the House was, whether there was to be an unnatural alliance between Orangemen at home and Catholic fanatics abroad, or whether Englishmen were to coiVerate nit home in favour of a free constitution abroad- " I say, that whether we look at the genera! que,tion or its details, I find we cannot put it in its true and re d character for the consideration and decision of the House, without affirinirg that the object ef one party is to support Carlisna in Spain, and the object of the other ti support Isabella and the Constitution. I say the former is au un na!ural and mutational mtioal alliance. because the priacie of it is to combine Orangeisni and the maintenance of the Protestant Church at home with all that is cortupt and bigotted in Catholicism abroad; and while the party who adopt such a principle avow their &termination to support Reform here, they at the same time show, by their policy, that they detest con- stitutional government in Spain. In the days of the Reformation, when religion divided the different states of Europe, the parties ranged themselves on their respective sides; but such is not the ca-e at pzesent ; and I am there- fore justified in saying that this is an unnatut al alliance, which binds together men of different religions and ihiferent feelings in a confederacy to retard general improvement. I say that is the real question, divesting it of all party • feeling, for the House to decide. It is a question of great importance, not only to England, but to all Europe; and the House mav rest assured that the effect of their votes this night will nut be to decide whether General Evans is to come back, or Lord John hay is to allow the Nlatiues to Larch half a mile further inland, but the decision will have its effect on the whole world. The deliberate opinion of the House of Commons this night is nut to decide between the principles of opposite parties hi England, but between the principles of parties in every country in Europe ; and on that decision will depend more or less the peace, the welfare, and the happiness of inaukiud." (Load and long- continued cheering.) Sir ROBERT PEEL said, that before referring to the real question at issue, he must be permitted to reply to that part of Lord Palmerston's speech which was intended to refer to one he had delivered ten days ago, when all the ponderous levities of' the noble lord might have been delivered. Lord Palmerston was in the House when his foreign po- licy was arraigned. It was not then half-past one o'clock. The noble lord had not the lateness of the hour to urge as an excuse ; and yet he thought proper to defer his reply to it for ten days, and then attempt an answer at an hour and a halt' past midnight. Why did he (Sir Robert) make allusions to a resignation of the Ministers? why, because the town was full of reports that they would resign, and even the day of their retirement was mentioned; and he believed then, as he be- lieved now, that the Ministers would be too glad of a pretext to relieve them of the embarrassment into which their policy, foreign end do- mestic, had plunged them ; and he warned them then and now, not to make a sham resignation, for he did thiiik it possible that the spirit and energy of Englishmen might relieve them from such difficulties is future.

The noble lord said, that he had made him responsible foe there not being a government in France. Ile had said nothing of the kind. He stated the simple fact, which, he apprehended, had not been questioned at the time be spoke, that it was uncertain whether, in three great countries in the West of Europe—namely, in England, according to the noble lord's own declaration, in France, and in Spain, according to public and unquestioned report, there ex- isted any government whatsoever. But he had Out surmised that the noble lord possessed influence enough to relieve the King of France from his difficul- ties, nor had he taunted him with the failure of his influence on account of there being no government in that country. But what he had said was, that one of the professed ubjects of the Quadruple Treaty being to cement the alli- ance between England and France, he thought there were tolerably pregnant indicatioua, au far as that object was concerned; that the Quadruple A had not been eminently ouccessful. He had referred to the relations of this country with the Northern Powers. Ile bad complained of not having heard any thing authenticated by Government of the case of the Vixen. The noble lord, in reference to it, had stated that it was a case of vast importance, that it was under the consideration of the Law Officers of the Crown, and that he could not foretell what would be the issue—nor had they yet been told it. He had certainly inferred, from the solemnity of tens adopted by the noble lord, that our relations with respect se Russia were not of a most satisfactory character. He had also referred to our position respecting the three greet Northern Powers ; and lie had borne is mind that the noble bid, as Foreign Secretary of State, had, in the last session of Perliament, declared that three monthe should not pass as ithout their seeing a Liddell Representative at Cracow; and when the noble lord had been questioned upon it, lie had not denied the statement which be had made in the fare of the Parliament and of Europe. Ile stated that IV- ficulties which he hail not contemplated had occurred ; difficulties which he pre- sumed to have been objections on the part of these three Northetn Powers ; to which, notwithstanding the noble lord's pledge to that Home and the country, he had either been compelled or induced to accede. He had also refetred to the internal embarrassment of this country respecting her comniercial affairs; he had referred to the state of holiness before that House, and said, that day after day new measures were proposed, but that no progress was made ; and he had also said that Ministers touched with a palsied hand every thing, but that they settled nothing.

He did not see how the fact that Belgium bad been made into a kingdom, and that the peace of Europe had been preserved,—Sir Robert, by the way, had never, like Lord Ashburton, to whom Lord Palmerston referred, anticipated it European war,—answered the statements he had made ten days ago. With respect to the Quadruple Treaty, it was one thing to approve of it and another not to evade its stipulations when made. He had always doubted the policy of that treaty ; he had ulways considered that non-intervention \VIM the safest course fee England. The interpretation put mum the Quadruple Treaty might involve this country to a very scrierts extent, and that circumstance did not lessen his original dislike to it. Already they had begun to:take Marines from Woolwich to send to Spain, and to supply their place with battalions of the Foot (-initiate. That was naval conperation ! He had never said a word against Gentral Evans; he admitted that be had to contend with great difficulties; but the greater these difficuties, the more urgent were the reasons for his recall. Whatever was strictly naval conperation he was still willing to continue, but riot that species of military interference which, corn- mencing with the coast, might, in order to be effectual, be stretched to the very centre of Spain. Ile deprecated the system of interference in the affairs of foreign countries ; and would mailman that Ministers departed from the rules of foreign policy on which the great autho-

rities of their own party had always professed to act. What had Mr. Fox said when the war with France was proposed ?

Mr. Fox did not deny that there existed grounds for war arter Irevious pro- test, but be said Ile suspected that one of the main causes for the ;V:11' WIIS the dissatisfaction whizli prevailed in respect of the internal state of France, and a desire to dictate a form of government to the pettp1,. of that country, arid 1: • moved; the following resolution : " That it was not I'm- tht Ii ic lir or

of Great Britain to make we with Pram.° u mo•olmr u I ;., ,

stances of that countty, br the pmnose of inmisl • • sing principles, however per tlt

...r

Theta anumg the French tivamle of It might he • MI that '1c.

foutoltaiiii /11116101•• if iiiIIIISy, ccl II.

interference intete! to tle•tvoy a , •

thing ; the priaciple was extemted 11;.. a forms of giivermin::t : he reaitaistratA eg•ms• d with the 1wkle of liberty ; and in the d, hate tt 1,4.11 j,r.c■ • ;,,,.:t.on to whielt he bail called the attention of the House, NIr. lx stated, that "lie trusted he should scsi SIT this w•r as generally ca,,,a. Jed aa it wee now thought to be popular. De knew he should be rep t c,ente I ha holding up the internal gm/eminent of France a. an object of imitation. Ile thought it anything rather than an object of imitation ; but be maintained as a principle inviolable, that the government of every independent state was to be settled by those who were to live under it, and not by foreign force." Now let the House observe how Mr. Fox applied the principle to the ease to which he had just ad- verted. He said, " The *induct of the French in the Netherlands was the same: it was a war of pikes and bayonets against opinions, it was the tyranny of giving liberty by compulsion : it was an attempt to introduce a system among a people by force, which the mere it was forced upon diem the more they abhorred." The same principle of non•interference in the internal affairs of other countries—unless on some manifest justification on the ground of necessity, or otherwise—bad been laid down by his lamented friend the late Marquis of Londonderry. When the Allied Powers net at Verona, an intervention with the affairs of Spain was proposed; and he entreated the attention of the House to the language of hie late noble friend as to the policy of that intervention. His noble friend remonstrated against it, and said, " Fearful as is the example which is furnished by Spain of an army in revolt and a nionareh swearing to • *institution which contains in its frame hardly the semblance of a monarchy, there is no ground for apprehension that Europe is likely to be speedily en- dangered by Spanish arms. It never was, however, intended as au union for the government of the world, or for the superintendence of the internal Min

of other states. • • We shall be found in our place when actual danger menaces the system of Europe ; but this country cannot, and will not, set upon abstract and speculative principles of precaution."

The whole justification of Lord Palmerston rested upon the assump-

tion that England was bound to put down despotic principles in Spain in the person of Don Carlos; but Mr. Canning had in 1823 proteste d against the interference of France in the internal affairs of Spain ; and non-interference, previously, had been the policy of Lord Castle- reagh, developed in his despatches to the Duke of Wellington whim in Paris. The cause of liberty in Spain never would be promoted by foreign interference. On this subject he had the high authority of the Duke of Wellington ; who had declared, that of all the people of Europe, the Spanish were those who would least brook foreign inter- ference:: that was a distinguishing trait in their national character. But if there was to be interference, it should be direct, national, and under the responsibility of the government. There were many powerful reasons for discouraging and terminating this warfare— It violated the principle thud no country was justified iii lictating to another country with reference to its internal affairs, or in declaring who was its legal sovereign, or what should be its form of government. There was the giggle' proof afforded of the absence of wisdom in the policy by its utter failure. There was the jealousy naturally excited among the inhabitants of Spain, and which kd to the suspicion among them that no constitution could be stable the

..•

nude

foundations of which were not laid by native hands. There was the in/imam vertible fact, that the public gorge in England was rising at the continuateeei the system. The people of this country had recently had visible ap eals w to the sympathy for their unfortunate countrymen. It was painful to see th, military uniform of English troops exhibited in such circumstances as fag lately been witnessed. Against these and other powerful arguments, the only appeal was to false pride—to a disinelination to diseoatinue a system chid' must end in discredit and disgrace. The House was told, that if the peat course were abandoned there might be • bonfire at St. Petersburg, or rejoieinm in the camp of Don Carlos. Much better would it be that they should see sit light of that bonfire—much better would it be that they should hear those ase elamatious, than that they should feel the remorse of cocscience which most result front persevering in *system of warfare, the justice of which there nal every reason to doubt, and the erroneous policy of which experience had conk pletely established. (" Hear, hear l") Lord JOHN Russeee said, that no reply haul been given to the question why this motion had not been brought on before; end he re. peated the remarks of Lord Palmerston and other Members, on the manner in which the Opposition had shrunk from grappling with ties subject at the commencement of the session. He fully agreed that a constitution should not be imposed upon the people of u foreign

Country. 4'

fully agree, Sir, with the maxim that has been laid down. But I think, after all that has been said of the efficiency of the Legi:s.np,a,:nadetto.rifidoteisix.Tre:ceilaivtytotle justify the giving aid and assistance as it is given under the (1 d country as Spain by the aid of a handful of marines and a body of raw recruits. coiiperation, it is rather too much to talk of forcing a constitution epee much a Amongst the cases adverted to by my noble friend in his vet let me refer to the conduct of our own Whig ancestors in 164S. An honourable and learned gentleman opposite says, the Revolution was effected hy the people of England. In that general proposition I fully agrt e ; hot I ask that ho. nourable and learned Member—I ask any Member of this House—to read the invitation to the Prince of Orange, signed by Shrewsbury and Devonshire, and Russell and Sydney, and see if he were not invited to come at the head of foreign force, with guns and artillery, and munitions of war ?—f The noble lord then mad this invitation in which they declared their confidence Mat the Prince would come with sufficient artillery, munitions, and envineers, aunt continued1—Were there English engineers? No; but they were Dutch. And afterwards, when the Rebellion broke out, 6,000 Dutch troops were marched to Edinburgh for the purpose of opposing the Scotch rebels. Now, I ask, Sir, is it so clear that the principles of our ancestors have been that no foreign assistance should he allowed in the internal .disputes of a country ? nut there is, Sir, a great difference between allowing assistance—that is, to occupy the capital mill the country—and that secondary assistance given by a foreige nation that has iteiell a great interest in the establishment of the government it SO assists. I s;iy, therefore, that his Majesty's Government has been fully justi. fled in giving assistance of this fried."

Ile would not enter into details, but he must advert to Sir Robert Peel's observation in reference to the...speech he had delivered a few nights ago- " Upon that t,..;•:t.ion, he spoke of the difficulties of our foreign policy ; and

lie s ui I timer•e i ,.•sed must :11inisters be with the slifliothies and einharrms.

i,.•iits • • • v were surrounded, that they only sought a pretext for WIcatever, Sir, may be the com,,e whi.,11 his 11.jesty's -,1; fit to adopt, whether they remain in offiee oy go out r all events, in either In. tic have the satislaction of cat ,.t.t.e of Adis is greatly more advantageous to the ii nee] the reins of government. ( Loud darting.) im ojilt of our foreign affair.: the right lamettrahla

I, .14 only three weeks berme his re-ignation tIntt the Belgian

11 ; IIIIS Is the right honourable hal °net !Mgt that his is Maj st to put into the Siocch a sentimeat approving of ;:.. , N.ing of Holland, whom it st,.. led the I:alight:tied King of C.,- T.,- -thus pointing him out as some one that ought to be sup-

ported, t that, if not the physical, at last all the moral support of

our Cover tin cot - .;iven to that sovereign? I do not mean to adopt the ob- servation el Lie d s...!dmi ton, though I have considerable vespect for the saga- city of that noble ler,I, and cannot think it can so easily beput aside as the right honoursble baronet seems to suppose ; but I do think, Sir, that if that count had been adopted, it would have had the most unwise and unfortunate resulted eventually leading to a general war. We had before our eyes the recent reser lution of France. We knew that there existed in that country old association of conquest counected with Belgium, old prejudices for the extension of the boon. fiery to the Rhine ; and, had you succeeded in establishing the King of Holland, you would have seen a war in Europe, without even the termination of establithe mg the kingdom of Belgium in the end. I need sot, Sir, go into our densest* affairs. The. tight honourable baronet has reminded me of one fact : he maw thins that a battalion of Foot Guards went down to Woolwieh—that they were obliged to be sent down—in order to replace the elariaes. Now, allow me, Sir, to explain. My noble ftiend having mentioned to me that there might be Commander of the Foreefsiirnelathstadi desiring that lie should consult with the Co

deficiency of sold w soldiers in England, I rote to the Lord-Lieut

country to know if any soldiers could be spared. I received a reply, that this Lord-Lieutenant did consult the Commander uf the Forces, who informed hue that two regiments of infantry and one of cavalry might very well be spared. ( Great cheering.) That, I believe, was not the case in 1630. (Laughter maim. sewed cheering.) I leave it to the future Ministers, of whom the right honours sick baronet seems to be the representative, to try if they can remove troops frorn Ireland, relying, as I doubt not they will, upon the increased confidence and attachment of the people of that country. ( Very great cheering.) Matt respect to other matters of difficulty adverted to by the right honourable baronet, the Government has about as much Cu) do with them as they have to do with the non-formation of the French Ministry, of which they were also anew& There is thine commercial embarrassment—one of those revolutions in trade which agar-prom:lit can neither produce nor alter : but there is not, thank Godl prevailing that species of discontent that every mail brought accounts of fresh fires and burnings. There is not that discontent in the metropolis that would prevent his Majesty, if it pleased him to go to Guildhall, to do so with the most perfect safety." (Long-continued cheering.) At the conclusion of Lord John Russell's speech, the House dis vided- For considering the Ordnance Estimates in a Committee of Supply 279

For Sir Henry liardinge's amendment 242 Soon afterwards the House was counted out, at four o'clock.

MISCELLANEOUS.

BREACH OF PRIVILEGE: SIR EDWARD CODRINGTON. The Hoar of Commons was occupied fur about two hours on Monday with a due. cussion which arose out of a complaint made by Sir Eowartn .COLls RINGTON, that the Morning Post had made a false report of certain ex.

sow'

!Trees* us Friday ; and that Sir James Graham had also used injurious ri:vewesions towards him. Fifty. eight speeches were delivered ; Sir Covatwoxori "submitted himself to the House," and pro- mised to take no "further steps;" and then Sir JAMES GRAHAM dis- avowed the use of the offensive words. PUBLICATION Or EVIDENCE IN COMMITIEES. Mr. FAZAKERLEY, Chairman of the Poor-law Committee, reported on Monday, that some evidence given in the Committee, but not reported to the House, sad been published n the True Sun. Mr. HARVEY avowed himself the proprietor of the True Sun, and responsible for the publication in getsoan. After some discussion, Lord JOHN RUSSELLgave notice, that on the following Thursday he should move a resolution declaring it a breach of privilege to publish evidence not reported to the House ; and Mr. HARVEY gave notice, that he should move an amendment, sliat the evidence before the Poor-law Committee be published from MI to day. As the House did not sit on Thursday, both these notices were "dropped." sions he bad-used when referring to Sir Pulteney Malcolm on the