Ittttro tit Ot Cain.
THE 'WAR WITH RUSSIA.
Clevedon Court, Somerset, 17th December 1855. Sin—The writer'of a letter headed "The Objects of the War" expresses hiniself with an apparent honest warmth which induces me to trust that he -*ill give an eqUally honest attention to the subjoined-observations. i
His first position s this that we war in furtherance of the cause of "free institutions." He then explains, that in order to 'attainfree institutions, it . is essential to allow the freest exercise of individuality in man and woman, .
abort of trenching upon the individuality of other men and women ; and adds, that all governments upon other bases than this are detrimental to the pro- gress of humanity. The idea that obviously occurs to us on reading this statement of the objects of the war, as held, we are told,. by." four-fifths of the English nation," is the freshness and novelty of the theory. It is indeed a marvel, that if "four- fifths of the English nation" advocated the war 'on these grounds, the matter has been kept private until the 15th December 1855! However, 'let that pass. I must request the writer's attention to some very awkward! obstacles to the satisfactory realization of this same theory. I suppose it is admitted - -that the a:gg.resesee war now waged on Russia is a joint affair of France and England. - Probably, also, it will be admitted, that if France withdraws from the struggle, the war must cease and determine. Now, are we gravely to be informed that France began the war with Russia, and 'is now carrying it on, "in furtherance of the cause of free institutions" ? Louis Napoleon—for, remember, "every despot must be held to represent his nation"—Louis Napoleon fighting for free institutions? Is Saul amongst the prophets ? The Bourgeois Gentilhomme of Moller° was delighted to find he had been unconsciously speaking prose all his life. Louis Napoleon, with the unsophisticated innocence so peculiarly his characteristic, has been waging war on Russia in furtherance of the cause of free institutions, and was quite unaware of the fact until the 15th December 1855! But if the notion that Louis Napoleon is fighting for free institutions is preposterous, it is then plain that, according to the novel theory now propounded, France is fighting for one thing and England for another ! This is not a very auspi- cious state of affairs, and is likely to end either in a dead-lock or a thorough break-down. To add to the confusion, I am obliged to remind the writer that the present French Government exactly answers to the description with which he has favoured us, of a government "detrimental to the progress of humanity. It is a government which does not allow the freest indi- viduality in man and woman." Moreover, whilst we may respect the loyalty and good faith evinced by Napoleon the Third towards this country since the commencement of the war, and whilst we may make allowances for his present „position, resolutely hostile as it is to the cause of freedom all over the world, we cannot forget the coup d'etat; whilst the obvious answer to a despot proposing to abate the nuisance of despotism in countries other than his own is evidently, " Physician heal thyself ! " This much, however, is clear. Louis Napoleon is at present master of the situation. He can bring the war to a close the moment it ceases to be beneficial to himself. And whemwill that moment arrive ? Precisely then when the cause of freedom throughout Europe begins to revive. He is now supreme amidst the sove- reigns of Europe. Our policy has made him so. Of what system is he the champion and representative ? Your readers will have no difficulty in an- swering the question. I think we May now quit thesubject of "free insti- tutions."
If I rightly gather the meaning of the writer, he admits that aggressive , -annexations may be borne with if the condition of the annexed people be improved. I do not entirely agree with him on this point ; but if it be con- ceded, then Russia stands acquitted, for, notwithstanding the writer's furious invective, I firmly believe that the condition of the annexed people has been on the whole improved by the change. Mere assertion proves no- :thing; but I think Mr. Iti'Culloch's opinion is entitled to respectful at- tention, Ind I therefore beg leave to transcribe it. "No doubt, her rulers e. Russia's) have had the same desire to extend her territories as these of France, • England, and other powers ; but certainly they are net in this respect in any degree peculiar.' In point of fact, too, by. far the greater part of the territorial acquisitions of Russia have °mutated of mere deserts, or of countries occupied by roving barbarians, and are worth little or nothing. Her really valuable acquisitions have been confined to those on the side of Polend and the Black Sea... Her conquests in this direction have added materially to her power ; and it is but fair to add, that they have also added very materially to the wellbeing and civilization of theinhabitants." It remains to be proved how far we Can scowl with virtuous indignation at Russia's maltreatment of conquered provinces, while we reflect upon our own gross misgovernment of the Indian empire, our long' aequteseence in the horrors of Juggernaut, of widow-burning, and of torture; and our Mani- fold sine of omission and commission towards the inhabitants of that neg- lected region. I do not dispute that much cruelty and much corruption pre- vail in Russia • but it is equally certain that improvement in the condition of all classes of the people has commenced, and was steadily progressing an- terior to the present war. As for the notion of surrounding the people of Russia with a "ring of enemies," after the manner of human battue, and carefully putting them to death, until the survivors drop on their knees and humbly ask for Magna Charts the Public Health Act, Trial by Jury, Bases Pale Ale, liechi'a Razor-at:cps, and other blessings of civilization,— as for this notion, besides its eccentric ferocity, there is this little difficulty —you cannot form your ring. The Germans are not anxious to assist France to wreak vengeance on Russia for the merited disasters of 1812. I am glad, however, to learn that Turkey is to come in for her share of wholesome cor- rection. This is at least consistent. "If Turks be incapable of marching in line with the civilization of other nations, they will have to retreat from Europe." This is most satisfactory, and signifies what the Yankees term "reforming them off the face of the earth." I could have wished the writer had thrown a little' of the fiery ardour with which he denounced Russia into his sentence of condemnation on the Turks, the brutal oppressors of our fellow Christiana, women-slayers andchild-murderers, whose atrocious cruelties are matters of history, whose social vices travellers shrink from describing. I could wish he had come out a little stronger ; but I thank him for that phrase—" The Turks must retreat from Europe." Only, how will it square with the celebrated " hen-roost " illustration which has figured so much in the last few numbers of the Spectator? That unlucky hen-roost is doomed after all ! Or, to turn to another familiar illustration, that of the "sick man." Nicholas after all was not so far wrong in his proposi- tion for dividing the estate. We could not trust each other, and therefore we fought over the spoil. A few more _words, and I have done. I respect- fully the assertion of your correspondent that he has given us the view of the objects of the war taken by four-fifths of the English nation. The bulk of the nation earnestly desires peace • a safe and honourable peace,'. lie doubt, but yet peeve. Your correspondent, if I understand him aright, de- sires no such thing. Ile desires to conquer, to devastate, and to destroy, without hearkening to any concessions which Russia may propose for our ac- ceptance. I believe that here he represents but a small minority of Our countrymen, and I"rejoice to think so. For were the nations of Europe models of virtuous self-government and guileless magnanimity,—whioh they certainly are not, but very much the reverae,—I should still with slimy heart protest against the bloody doctrine that we are warranted in carrying fire and sword into the midst of an innocent population, not for the purpose of extorting just concessions, but simply to reduce the strength of the nation, and inflict wounds that may be long in healing. I am, Sir, faithfully your', Animus H. ELTON.
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