22 FEBRUARY 1851, Page 2

Vthatrg net rnirthugs in Varliamtut.

PRINCIPAL BIISINESS OF THE WEEK.

HOUSE OF Loans. Monday, Feb. 17. Adjourned after a half-hour's sitting. Tuesday, Feb. 18. Agricultural Distress ; discussion raised by the Earl of Hard- wicke, on presenting Petitions.

Thursday, Feb. 20. Court of Chancery; Government Measure announced, and Conversation respecting another Vice-Chancellor.

Friday, Feb. 21. New Vice-Chancellor ; Bill brought in by Lord Langdale, and read a first time—Criminal Procedure Bill, read a second time—Registration of Titles Bill, brought in by Lord Campbell, and read a first time.

HOUSE OF COMMONS. Monday, Feb. 17. The Budget ; statement by the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer; debate to be resumed on Friday—Passenger's Act Amend- ment Bill, read a second time—Municipal Councils in Counties ; leave for a Bill given to Mr. Anstey—Valuation of Rateable Property in Ireland ; leave for a Bill given to Sir William Somerville.

Tuesday, Feb. 18. Van Diemen's Land ; Petition against Transportation pre- sented by Sir William Molesworth—Assimilation of Poor-laws in the Three King- doms; Mr. Poulett Scrape's Motion for a Select Committee: House counted out.

Wednesday, Feb. 19. Admission of Jews to Parliament ; Notice of Resolution for Monday the 24th, by Lord John Russell—Compound Householders Bill, read a second time—Expenses of Prosecutions ; Sir George Grey's Bill to regulate, read a first time—Smithfield Market Removal Bill, introduced by Sir George Grey ; read a first time, and referred to Private Bills Committee.

Thursday, Feb. 20. Water for the Metropolis; Committees on Bills postponed till after Easter—Carriage-duty, Timber-duty, Court of Chancery, National Gallery, County Courts ; questions and Ministerial statements—Law of Partnership ; Select Committee granted to Mr. Blaney—Elective Franchise; Mr. Locke King's Motion for extending the 101. franchise to Counties, carried against Ministers by 100 to 52— Passengers Act Amendment and Mills and Factories (Ireland) Bills considered in Committee.

Friday, Feb. 21. Church Discipline; question by Sir Benjamin Hall, answered by Lord John Russell—Ministerial Crisis: the Budget discussion put off till Monday.

TIME - TABLE.

The Lords.

Hour of Hour of

Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday 6h .... 55 39m Tuesday 5h .. 9h 30w Wednesday No sitting.

--ursday 5h 45m

511 .... 55 45m

'veek, 4; Time, eh 30m

12; — 19550m

The Commons.

Hour of Hour of

Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday 4h .... Ilh 45m

Tuesday 411 Oh m

Wednesday Noon .... 25 15w Thursday 4h „... 9h m Friday 4h .... Oh m Sittings this Week, 6 Time, 19h ro — this Session, 15 ; — 5411 Ora

THE BIGNISIS, The CHANCE.LLOR of tke EXCHEQWCR agile his promised financial statement to the House of Commons est Monday, in Committee of Ways and Means.

Itassuising Unit, for obvious seasons, his statement is made unusually early, and may be somewhat corroded by eyelets, lie •preceeded to state separately the probable estimate of incense and expenditure up to the 5th of April next, and thence up to the 5th of April 1852.

Last year, he estimated that the income for this year would be 52,285,0001.: the income of the year ending January last was actually 52,810,0001.; the present quarter will slightly decrease this amount, so that the year ending on the 5th of April next will yield 52,656,0001. ; the actual receipts will therefore exceed the estimated receipts by 371,0001. The ex- penditure -up to April next was -estimated at 60,785,4001.: the actual ex- penditure of the year ending last January was 50,776,0001.; the actual ex- penditure of the year ending the 5th April next will be about 50,144,000/. ; showing that Ministers have administered the funds intrusted to them by the country so as to effect a reduction of expenditure below their own esti- mate to the extent of 641,0001.

The probable surplus of actual receipts over actual expenditure, on the 5th of April next, will be 2,521,0001.

As to the year beginning on the 6th April next and ending the 6th April 1852, he gave these detailed estimates. In the Customs, there will this year be a further reduction of the Sugar-duties under the act of 1848, but he thinks that the gross receipt of last year will be maintained ; the gross Cus- toms may be expected to reach 20,400,0001. In the Excise there will be a decrease. The barley crop of 1849 was remarkable, and the make of malt and spirits proportionately great : but the last crop was light and inferior, and the same amount of tax will not be rendered. However, the "Chair- man of Excise is very sanguine," and he allows Sir Charles to state the amount next year at 14,000,0011/. Under the late reductions the Stamp- duties will, as was calculated, fall off about 500,000/., reducing the estimate of the revenue from Stamps to 6,310,0001. for next year. The Assessed Taxes will be about stationary, and may be taken for next year at their present amount of 4,348,000/. The remaining items are estimated thus—Property- tax, 5,380,000/. ; Post-office, 830,000/. ; Crown Lands, 160,000/. ; Miscellaneous receipts, 262,000/. ; old stores, 450,000/. ; making a total of receipts for the year ending 5th April 1852, of 52,140,000/. In the same year the charge of the Debt, including the charge for certain newly-created Terminable Annuities, will be 27,688,000/. ; the charge for Exchequer Bills, 40,0001. ; for the Civil List and other charges, 2,600,000/. ; making a total charge on the Consolidated Fund, on account of the Debt, of 30,692,0001. The only increase occurs on the An- nuities, which will be compensated ultimately by the lapse of the annuities altogether. The charge for the Army, including the Commissariat, will be 6,593,945/. ; for the Navy, 6,537,055/. ; for the Ordnance, 2,424,171/. There is a small reduction on these Estimates; one which would have been larger but for exceptional circumstances. The money compensation to sailors for the curtailment of grog allowance cost 80,0001. ; stoppages for rations from soldiers' pay, 60,0001. In the current year, the estimate for the United Ser- vices and the Miscellaneous amounted to 20,012,000/. ; for the year ending 5th April 1852, they will amount to 19,555,000/. ; making a reduction of 4.57,000/. From this reduction, however, a vote for naval excess, taken last year, must be deducted ; which will leave it at 246,000/. There is no re- duction of forces. The Government is of opinion, that in the present un- settled state of affairs on the Continent, any reduction of our naval or mili- tary forces would be inconsistent with the best interests of the country (General cheers.) " I never have been," said Sir Charles Wood, " and

not now be, an alarmist on this subject ; but there is the widest difference between unnecessary alarm and absurd confidence. Those who are best ac- quainted with these matters are aware that our outports and arsenals are not placed in such a state of defence as is desirable. The Government has there- fore applied a sum—though not a large one—to continuing the works at Pembroke and Portsmouth Dockyards. It is my firm conviction, that, how- ever strong may be the feeling in favour of economical reduction within these walls, a majority of a British House of Commons will never consent to leave the country in an unprotected state." The Miscellaneous Estimates of the current year were 4,065,0001.; next year, notwithstanding they will be swelled by an exceptional charge never yet borne by them, but borne by the local rates, (of 110,000/. for taking the census,) they may be taken at 4,000,000/. The total expenditure for the year ending 5th April 1852 will be 50,247,171/. The estimated surplus of receipt over expenditure, for the year ending 5th April 1852, will therefore be 1,892,8291.

The Income-tax and the Irish Stamp-duty are estimated to produce 5,500,0001.; if those taxes are not renewed, there will be a deficiency in April 1852 of 910,000/., and in succeeding years of about 3,610,000/. Now, the Income-tax was imposed in 1842 on account of a deficiency of only 2,100,000/. Sir Charles Wood could not but suppose that a permanent de- ficiency. exceeding by a million and a half the one which imposed the tax is a sufficiently strong rearm' for continuing it; as he cannot for a moment think that any person with a knowledge of these matters could deem it pos- sible to save 3,500,000/. on an aggregate of 15,000,0001. of annual expenses. On the other hand, it would be quite impossible to reimpose any of the taxes from which of late years the industry and consuming power of the country have been relieved. Indeed, he hopefully expects advance in the course on which we have entered in this respect.

Of course Sir Charles has received remonstrances enough against many parts of the Income-tax scheme. "The reduction of schedule A and the abolition of schedule B have been suggested to me, while the injustice of schedule D has been pressed on my attention. I am quite ready to admit, that exceedingly good arguments may be adduced for exceptions and allow- ances in every schedule except perhaps that of D; but for the maintenance of that, as well as the others, let us remember that the Fundholder has our plighted faith. I can only say that, having considered the question most anxiously—having read through every word of every debate which has taken place on the Income-tax since it was first proposed by Mr. Pitt down to the present time, as well as many publications on the subject besides—I have come to the conclusion, that, upon the whole, the only practicable mode, and the best mode, taking one circumstance with another, of levying the tax, is that which every person who ever proposed the tax has advocated—namely, by a uniform rate on all descriptions of income, from whatever source de- rived. The question of the mode of levying the duty in schedule B will doubtless be raised in the discussions on the bill." Sir Merles thinks that the advantage to the tenant by any change is overrated ; but is ready to discuss the matter fairly as the bill proceeds. Ireland must still be exempted. Proposing, therefore, that the Income-tax and the Irish Stamp-duty be granted again for three years, he expressed a hope that the House would de-. tide on the question of the Income-tax as speedily as possible. He ought to be in a position to proceed immediately with the measures dependent on it. "On the other hand, if the Income-tax is to be refused, it must obviously be necessary that the gentleman who will then occupy the situation I have Inow the honour to occupy, should have as much time as possible to prepare his financial scheme." Sir Charles Wood now addressed himself to the subject of chief interest the disposal of his surplus ; introducing a very long parenthetical discourse on the incidence of taxation. Mr. Hume had requested returns to illustrate this question of the incidence of taxation : Sir Charles objected, that any such returns must be returns of opinions rather than of facts; but he stated the result of a classification of imposts which he has had prepared. The general result of his calculations is, that the imposts national and local on property may be reckoned at about twenty-five and a half millions, while those which do not fall on property, but on industry and consumption, may be reckoned at about forty-five and a half millions. From this Members -would see how large a portion of the taxes of the country arc derived from the consumer. Mr. Cobden proposes, instead of the gradual relief of industry and consumption, the great reduction of taxation—disregarding any risk of recovering the revenue : Sir Charles objects to " a revolution every year" in finance. Mr. Cobden has said that any surplus would be due to the great means placed at the disposal of Government, rather than to any reductions made : but examination will show that the income of 1850 exceeded that of 1847 by only 739,000/. ; while the expenses of the three items of Army, Navy, and Ordnance, in 1850, were 3,000,0001. lees than those of the same services in 1847. In dealing with a surplus, the first claim upon us is for

some reduction of our debt. I am not one of those who think it desirable that we should make a great effort for the reduction of our debt ; but I do think that we ought from year to year to maintain a reasonable surplus, so that, with no actual necessity for increasing the expenditure, there should be a certain amount applicable to the reduction of our debt." With more plea- sure than he could express, he stated that in the course of last year we paid off debt incurred in 1848, with interest, amounting to 2,330,000/. ; and the state of the receipts is such that we may hope to pay off an equal sum in the course of the ensuing year. "Now that we have got our expenditure and in- come into a fair state—I mean, now that we have got our expenditure below our income—it is only necessary that we should exercise a little self-denial in the remission of taxation in order to achieve the object to which I have referred. I am not disposed to put the surplus at which we should aim very high; but I am of opinion that we ought never to start the financial

• year with a less surplus than 1,000,0001., or the fiftieth part of our expendi- ture." Of all the claims next succeeding the one which bears upon the health, the comfort, and the well-doing of the lower classes, the Window-tax has the first claim to notice. But a total and unconditional repeal of that tax, which yields 1,856,0001., would absorb the whole surplus; and such a result would be injustice to many other classes. The strongest and most pressing objections to the tax—those which are founded on its ill operation against the health of the people—may be removed without a total repeal. " I pro- . pose to remit a considerable amount of it ; and the more because I believe it presses harder upon country houses than houses in towns, and, under pre- sent circumstances, I am not unwilling to give this relief." (Seine loughto. from Opposition Members.) Dryly reminding the Opposition that he was now yielding to the recent eloquent advocacy of the Member for Dorset, a very good exponent of the opinions and desires of the Country party, Sir .Charles proceeded to say, that the present tax is levied on the number of windows; but he proposes to abolish the Window-tax, and in lieu thereof, to levy .a House-tax, which in the case of existing houses shall be a certain proportion of the Window-tax at present paid, and in the case of houses hereafter built shall be a certain proportion of the annual "value of the house"—" the rent it will fetch." Sir Charles Wood seems to have adopted the value of the house as his fundamental criterion of the tax, but to have been deterred from carrying the principle out in all cases, from fear of ex- isting interests. lie has " benefited by the lesson he got last year in at- tempting to reform the various anomalies of the Stamp-laws." The principle of value, rigidly applied, would in some instances increase the tax now paid. Anomalies cannot be removed without sacrificing revenue, through the adop- tion of a scale beginning too low, or else, without creating among those who would have to pay an increase a dissatisfaction greatly outweighing the gra- titude of those who would pay less, or be exempted. This rent criterion of value will therefore only be applied in the case of houses hereafter built: in the case of existing houses, the tax at present paid on win- dows will be the criterion of value. Such appear to be the prin- ciples of Sir Charles Wood's scheme; which he did not explain with either scientific or practical exactness. The duty will be levied on the two categories of new houses and old houses. In both classes, all houses of a value not amounting to 201. will be tax-free. On new houses worth 20/. and upwards, a tax of one shilling in the pound or five per cent of the rental will be levied. On old houses worth 20/. and upwards, now paying window-tax, a house-tax equal to two-thirds of the window-tax now paid will be levied. On old houses worth 201. and upwards, now exempted, (of which there are some 30,000,) a house-tax of two-thirds of the lowest amount of window- tax payable under the present law—that is to say, 12s.—will be levied. On all houses of which a part is used for a shop, on all houses licensed to sell beer to be drunk on the premises, and on all farm-houses occupied by ten- ants, the poundage levied will be ninepence instead of one shilling. It fol- lows from the fact that the window-tax is "done away with," that a man may put as many windows into a new house, or open as many. windows in his old house, as he pleases. If any house not worth 201. be increased in value up to 20/. and above, it must pay the poundage levied on new houses. The operation of the proposal would be, " to exempt altogether from taxation about 120,000 houses which now contribute to the window-tax ; to bring into taxation, at the rate of 128. a piece, two thirds of the lowest window-duty,) about 30,000 houses ; to exempt, as far as I can judge, the great majority of farm-houses in the country, because I believe very few, rated alone, would amount to 20/. a year ; upon the remainder to impose iitax equivalent, I be- lieve, to about half the window-duty."

The financial results would be these—" The produce of the Window-tax is 1,866,000/. I calculate that the loss from exemption of houses under 201. will be 150,0001. ; that leaves 1,706,0001. payable on the new scale by houses at present paying the Window-tax. Of one-third of that they are to be re- lieved; leaving 1,137,0001. I expect to receive 18,0001. from 30,000 houses at 128. a piece ; making the produce of•the future house-tax 1,155,0001. The loss to the revenue, therefore, will be 701,0001."

Sir Charles then called attention to the duties on coffee. He briefly re- ferred to a belief which he has heard is widely spread, that he is interested

in the growth of chicory : this is not the fact. never," said Sir Charles Wood, "grew a root of chicory in my life • 'to the best of my belief, not a single root was ever grown upon my property; and, so far as I know any- thing of it—I never saw it, except upon the road-side—I do not possess an acre of land from which chicory ever will be grown." The coffee-duty is declining in productiveness, and last year the decrease was no less than 77,000/. The duty on British coffee is 4d._ per potind, and that on Foreign coffee is 6d. per pound. From 1846 to 1850, the import of British Colonial coffee has increased from 23,794,716 pounds to- 28,892,722 pounds—reaching 30,146,707 pounds in 1848. The import of Foreign coffee in the same period fell, through yearlydiminutions, from12,998,346 pounds to 2,335,546 pounds. The differential duty is therefore telling too strongly against foreign coffee ; end Sir Charles proposes to levy on all coffee, and on all roots used to mix with coffee, an equalized duty of 3d. per pound. The fact that our shipbuilding yards are busy in the execution of foreign orders, shows that we can still compete with the foreigner and beat him : but this is more particularly true of ships of high class ; with regard to ships of inferior class, our Sunderland builders are under some disadvantage in the price of their timber, which comes chiefly from the Baltic. In consideration of the expediency of reducing the cost of raw materials in this country, he proposed to reduce the duties on foreign timber to one half their present amounts—that on sawn timber, from 20s. to 10$., that on hewn timber from 15s. to 7s. 6d.

The agriculturist suffers great injustice from the duties on seeds, waich are a raw material of his trade : on clover and grass seeds alone, from 30,000/. to 35,000/. are levied. It is proposed to relieve these raw materials from the present heavy duties, and levy one uniform rate of la. per hundred- weight.

The last proposal of reduction was prefaced by some observations on the political objections to any large transfer of local burdens upon land to the Consolidated Fund. "My firm conviction is, that the safety of this country depends upon the number of persons who, in one part of the country or another, take their share in the administration of its affairs ; that it is to the local magistrates, to jurors, to the boards of guardians, to the local commissioners, to the boards of finance, of lighting arid of pa- ving, and to the municipal bodies in the various towns, that we must look for the best administration of local government ; and I believe no greater mistake could possibly be made than to adopt the system to which I au sorry to see there is at present, for different reasons, a great tendency—to displace the local bodies and vest the administration entirely in a central govern- ment. I believe that if you transfer local payments to the control of the Government, vou must also transfer to them the management of local affairs ; for the paymaster is always the real controller of these matters." There is one charge, however, a portion of which may be safely transferred— one of a very exceptional nature, and one recommended to the favourable con- sideration of Parliament by more than one Committee— the charge for the expenses of pauper lunatics. Some counties have incurred great charges for the erection of county lunatic asylums, and such counties are entitled to consideration. The Chancellor of the Exchequer proposes " to take a por- tion of the maintenance of pauper lunatic's, and to take a larger share of the maintenance of those confined in county asylums than of those confined in private establishments." The estimated charge for this purpose is 150,000/. The proposed reductions, and their total, are as follow : " On sneer, 330,000/. ; on windows, 700,000/. ; on coffee, 176,000/. ; on timber, 286,000/. ; and on agricultural seeds, 30,000!. ; making altogether a gain to the public amounting to I,522,000/." But the loss to the revenue will not he greater than 1,280,000/.' deducting this from the surplus, there remains for the years after April 1852 a net surplus of 612,000/. In conclusion, Sir Charles ood recalled to mind that a proposal was made to allow the loan granted for drainage last year to be extended to farm-buildings: the agriculturists rejected the boon—with Sir Charles's cor- dial assent as a country neentleman ; but if they wish to change their mind, they can do so, for ample funds are still in the hands of the Government, and no objection will be made by Sir Charles as Chancellor of the Exchequer to the application of it for construction of farm-buildings, as well as exten- sion of drainage.

The statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer occupied upwards of two hours and a half.

Mr. Jimmies complimented the speech for its clearness, but claimed ample time for consideration before giving consent to the question of im- mense importance, the maintaining of the Income-tax. He suggested that Friday would be soon enough to renew the discussion. Lord JoaN RUSSELL assented to the suggestion, as one he thought perfectly fair. Mr. Hume then led the advance of a crowd of dissatisfied critics, with complaints that the Window-tax is not to be repealed uneond#ion- ally, and the military establishments reduced, especially by the transfer of the maintenance of troops in the Colonies to the shoulders of the Colonies., subject to their option of dispensing with the troops altogether ; and with objections against redeeming at a high rate debts contracted at a low rate, instead of further relieving industry. Viscount DUNCAN and Mr. WAK- LEY enforced the claims of the payers of tie Window-tax ; Alderman SIDNEY, Sir BENJAMIN HALL, and Lord DUDLEY Six.tier, those of the payers of Income-tax ; Mr. HoDees, Mr. FREWEN, and Mr. Hort:, com- plained that hop-growers are still denied any help in their deep trouble. Mr. NEWDEGATE, Mr. FREWEN, Sir WILLIAM JOLLIFFE, and Mr. BANKES, testified a keen sense of the mockery of relief which is offered to distressed agriculture generally. Mr. WAKLEY closed the conversation with the declaration of his firm conviction that the proposal on the subject of the Window-tax will be so hostilely received that Sir Charles Wood will find it impossible to carry it out.

AMENDMENT OF THE RATEPAYING CLAUSES IN TILE REFORM ACT.

The second reading of the Compound Householders Bill was moved by Sir WILLIAM CLAY, with a brief explanation of the defects in the Re- form Act which it is meant to remove.

The bill is exactly the same as the one brought in last year. One of the points of qualification in the case of ten-pound householders under the Re- form Act, is that the claimant shall have been rated and have paid parish- rates. As there were and are many instances in which the rates of small houses are compounded for by the landlord, the act provided that the tenant might claim to be rated himself, and have his own name entered on the rate-book on tendering any arrears. But there may be half-a-dozen dis- tinct rates in a year, and the courts of law have decided that the claimant must make a fresh claim on the striking of every fresh rate. The trouble of doing this is so annoying, that it has operated to disfranchise many thou- sands of well-qualified voters in the Metropolis and the other large boroughs. The bill is drawn to correct this evil.

Mr. FORBES MACKENZIE objected, that the bill dealt largely with the ratepaying clauses of the Reform Act : such a bill should not be brought in year after year by private Members. Time for full consideration should at all events be given; he therefore moved that the second reading be taken that day fortnight. Mr. SPOONER backed the demand for full time.

Lord ROBERT GROSVENOR hoped there would be no delay : the bill was fully canvassed last year, so the House cannot be taken by surprise.

LIAM CLAY wished to exclude the slightest opening for fraud, and to give ample time for consideration. The amendment moved by Mr. Mackenzie was withdrawn ; the bill was read a second time, and the Committee fixed for Wednesday the 12th of March.

PARLIAMENTARY FRANCHISE.

Mr. LOCKE KING renewed on Thursday the motion which he made

'last session, for leave to bring in a bill to make the franchise in Counties in England and Wales the same as that in Boroughs, by giving the right of voting to all occupiers of tenements of the annual value of ten pounds.

Mr. King congratulated himself that this time he has completely over-

come the chief objection made last session by the Government, and re- moved the difficulty which they then felt in the way of agreeing to his mo- tion, by bringing it forward m the middle of February instead of July. His plan is so simple, moderate, and practical, that it would pave the way for the great and comprehensive measure of reform with which the House is to be favoured by Lord John Russell when " the proper time" shall have ar- rived. Lord John last year declared his opinion that a condition of every re- form of the Parliamentary franchise should be, that the mode of election should be compatible with and consistent with a Monarchy and a House of Peers. Surely the present small and insignificant measure would tend to strengthen rather than weaken both the Monarchy and the House of Lords. The act last year passed for Ireland, which was so unfortunately marred in its de- tails, affirmed a principle which should be extended to England ; indeed, it would be insulting to suppose that the people of Ireland should be more trusted in the exercise of the franchise than the people of England. One of the strongest arguments used in the discussion on the Irish measure was, that the constituencies had actually decreased : so have the constituencies of the English counties. Since 1836 there have been these diminutions—in Berks, 1039; Devon, 1123 ; Dorset, 488 ; Hereford, 319 ; Salop, 505; West- moreland, 747; Wilts, 585; Worcester, 475. Even since 1843 there has been a very considerable decrease. Comparing the total number of county, electors in 1843 with that of 1850, he found that in 1843 the num- ber was 484,073, in 1850 it was 461,413; showing a decrease of 22,666 in seven years, while in the boroughs there had been an increase of 50,000. These facts encouraged him to hope for Lord John Russell's support, on the same principle that Mr. King made the motion— that half a loaf, or even fragment, is better than no bread. He trusted that he who had made the greatest, best, and most important social revolution which had ever been effected in modern times, would not object to remove those great anomalies which now exist with respect to the re- presentation, when it could be shown that it could be done without incur- ring the slightest risk. He claimed the support of Sir James Graham, on the ground of his declaration last session, that he saw "the greatest danger in erecting an immense superstructure on a narrow electoral basis." He owned also, that after all which has recently occurred, not only in the House but out of it, particularly at an election which lately occurred in not the least aristocratic part of England, [South Nottinghamshire,] he thought he might fairly claim, and perhaps expect, the support of those honourable gentlemen who have up to a recent period supported Protection : for be be- lieved it would be found that those who had only very lately repudiated the principle of Protection would find it exceedingly difficult to reobtain their seats unless they appealed to constituencies with an extended suffrage. The admission made by Mr. Disraeli on behalf of his party encouraged the hope, that with the enlarged views he has lately adopted he will not coalesce with the voters under the Chandos clause for a political purpose ; but that he will go for an extended suffrage, and so completely renounce the dangerous doc- trines of Protection, which is very much akin to Communism in its worst shape—for Protection may be regaraed as the few taking from the many, and Communism generally as the taking from all. That the tendency of the motion would be to complete the triumph of Mr. Cobden, is a matter of joy to Mr. King, inasmuch as his own father fought the battle of free trade single-handed for many a year before either Mr. Cobden, or Mr. Villiers, or even the people of England, directed their attention to it. Lord Jens:- RUSSELL felt that Mr. King had stated his case as fairly and with as little exaggeration either as to its merits or nature as he could have done.

Not only is the objection as to the season of making the motion obviated,

but "with respect to the nature of the motion itself," Lord John made a further admission. "I do not think any reasonable objection can be urged against the class of persons whom the honourable Member proposes to in- clude within the franchise. I admit at once that they are persons who if in- trusted with the elective franchise would probably use it with intelligence and integrity." But the question Lord John asks of himself on all these pro- posals is, whether they will effect] an improvement in our representation ? Will the general result be advantageous to the country ; and will the con- sequence of the changes be, that the House will fully and fairly represent the intelligence and will of the people ? Lord John considers that the in- troduction of the Chandos clause tended to weaken and enfeeble rather than strengthen the independence of the representation ; and the admission of a larger number of voters by occupation would tend to a further diminution of the power of the valuable class of forty-shilling freeholders. At present the fifty-pounds occupiers are in a minority; of the county electors, 100,000 are Afty-pound voters, and 375,034 are voters of all other kinds : the proposal rnow made would admit 350,000 householders, and would "so deluge the forty-shilling freeholders as to diminish their importance in county elec- tions." Lord John prizes the variety of rights of voting, and would regret -the introduetion of " this uniformity?" As the forty-shilling freeholders are abolished in Ireland, you would introduce "a new inequality" between the franchise privileges of that country and this.

However, Lord John is of opinion that "some extension" is desirable ; but there are reasons of policy, both particular and general, why it would be =- advisable to propose it this year. It is absolutely necessary to commence the session with financial measures ; there are questions relating to the adminis- tration of justice in the Court of Chancery, and in Ireland, which should be proceeded with ; after the great political changes abroad, anything showing that we are proceeding quietly with the maintenance of our institutions, would be an advantage to this country. "But I can see no reason why, after this session has passed, there should not be laid before the House at the commencement of the next session a proposal on the subject of the ex- tension of the suffrage ; and if I should then be a member of the Govern- ment, I should feel it my duty to present my views on the question to the House.'

Mr. HUMS briefly warned Lord John Russell, that in opposing this motion he is blind to his own position, and to that of the Members who support him.

Mr. COBDEN rose to express his pleasure at the declaration made by Lord John Russell, that he would next session propose a measure for the -extension of the suffrage ; and being on his feet, he offered a few remarks in support of the motion.

Mr. Cobden particularly dwelt on the fact that in the recent county. elec- tions the electors and the mass of the inhabitants have been at variance. Take the elections for the lot few weeks in Herefordshire, Glamorganshire, Nottinghamshire, Idontgomeryshire, and the elections now going on in North Staffordshire and Bedfordshire. In those six counties or divisions of counties, there could be no doubt that the mass of the people were just as de- termined as ever to maintain free trade. But at all these elections there was not a free-trade candidate who had a chance; and why ?—because the representation of the counties was not in accordance with the opinions of the mass of the people in those counties. The landlords and the tenants might be tolerably unanimous, but they constituted only a small fraction of the population ; and so long as this state of things continues, there will be no security for the permanent enjoyment of free trade, and great peril to the institutions of the country, from our inability, to uphold this vital principle. Mr. PHILIP HOWARD briefly supported the motion ; and the Holum divided—

For the motion 100 Against it 52 Majority against Ministers 48 The announcement of the numbers was received with a burst of cheers.

AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS.

Some of the most determined of the Protectionist Peers raised a dis- cussion on agricultural distress in the House of Lords on Tuesday. The Earl of HARDWICK.E presented several petitions, and then, according to notice, reviewed the subject. He quoted letters and local statistics in proof that Cambridgeshire is in great agricultural distress ; tried to es- tablish from more general political facts that our exports to the European Continent and to America have been least when we imported most corn, and largest when we excluded corn and protected home agriculture - angrily ridiculed the suggestions of the Times newspaper that noble Lord; should grow cabbages and kitchen-stuff for the profitable supply of the towns ; and complained that the landowners are not allowed to grow tobacco. The Duke of RICHMOND declared, that if the farmers are any more taunted with the fewness of agricultural paupers, they will discharge the immense masses of labourers whom in charity they now employ to a quadruple degree beyond the wants of the land ; and if they do this—re- member that crime follows idleness. The Earl of STR&DBROOKE vouched the reduction of rents in Suffolk; the Earl of Wneerrusee averred unprecedent- ed and alarming numerousness of unemployed labourers ; and the Earl of MALMESBUBY spoke at Sir James Graham (who was in the House of Lords at the time) for his Arcadian exaggerations of the condition of Cumber- land, with its holdings unchanged and rents punctually paid. The Earl of GRANVILLE, Lord WODEHOUSE, and Earl FITZWILLIAM, did battle for im-

pugned free trade ; admitting the distress of Cambridgeshire the harvest in the fens having been notoriously disastrous ; reestablishing by fresh proofs the patent fact of general prosperity ; and quoting the Journal des Dibats to show that our free-trade example is now producing imitative legislation throughout Europe and America, and is deemed by the lead- ing men in France a policy of which it is "quite impossible there should be any change."

ARREARS IN CHANCERY: NEW VICE-CHANCELLOR.

Lord BROUGHAM questioned the Lord Chancellor, on Thursday, as to the intentions of Government in reference to a remedy for the almost in- tolerable obstruction of justice in the Courts of Chancery by arrears of business.

It was at Lord Brougham's instigation that a clause was introduced into the bill of 1841, to the effect that when a vacancy in the office of -the third Vice-Chancellor should occur the office should not be filled up. A review of the business, which went back to 1813, had shown that the judicial power had increased in a greater degree than the business. But there have been most material changes in the circumstances of the court since that time—to mention only one change, the Railway aystem has brought to the court a class of cases of a most laborious as well as difficult description ; and the ob- struction of business has become such as to oyerbalance the objections which had force in 1841 to the continued appointment of a third Vice-Chancellor. He asked whether any steps would be taken for the continuation of a neces- sary office ; and expressed a hope that the measure would not be postponed to wait the event of larger changes which might be in contemplation with reference to the Keepership of the Great Seal or the Chancellorship.

The Loan CHANCELLOR said, that the indispensable necessity of meet- ing the difficulty alluded to had been very much pressed on her Majesty's Government, and undoubtedly they desired to find a remedy as early as possible.

There are some very important alterations both in the establishment of the Court of Chancery and in the forms of proceeding in contemplation ; and in course of next week a bill is to be introduced to effect those objects. Her Majesty's Government is distinctly averse to make alterations in the present system before that bill is submitted; but the state of business may require relief before that bill comes into operation : it therefore seems that her Majesty's Government will find themselves pressed of necessity to adopt the measure suggested before they may be able to carry the larger measure into effect.

Lord CRANWORTH explained the nature and extent of the difficulty arising from the want of judicial strength in the Court of Chancery.

A portion of the business is proverbially subject to great delay; but there is a vast quantity of interlocutory applications which are brought on hur- riedly, and disposed of more quickly than any other causes before any other tribunals in the country. For instance, a party complained of something done by another party which he thought would pull down his house : with- in twenty-four hours after the injury happened or was supposed to happen, an application would be made to the Court of Chancery on the subject ; and the hearing would occupy half a day. He was perfectly persuaded that his statement would be accurate when he said that two-thirds of his time were occupied in these summary proceedings. What is the consequence ?—he had only two days in the week to bestow on other eases. Supposing he were the only Vice-Chancellor, the effect of adding another Vice-Chancellor would multiply the period allotted to those other cases, not by two, but by four • because the summary business would occupy himself only two days and his colleague two days, and each of them would have four days to give to the ordinary business of the court. An application had been made to him by the i

counsel in his court asking him to sit in the evenings as well as the morn- ings. But, with• every anxiety to assist in relieving the present pressure, he had said he could not do it ; he had neither physical strength nor mental energy to undergo the labour. Any man whose mind was devoted uninter- ruptedly to questions of this sort from ten o'clock in the morning to four in the afternoon would find, that having to look at those matters on which he could not make up his mind before, and having to consult authorities, the plan of sitting four hours longer in the evening would lead to the result that a greater quantity would be heard, but that papers would only accumulate in the judge's house, and nothing more could be done to dispose of the busi- ness. The want of the new officer alluded to by the noble and learned Lords is most urgently and severely felt. He could not age that the appointment

would in the slightest degree interfere with any arrangement which may be contemplated by her Majesty's Government with reference generally to the Court of Chancery.

Lord STANLEY said, that from the statements made it seemed impos- sible that the measure for appointing the additional Vice-Chancellor should wait till the other measure was introduced.

In the House of Commons, on the same evening, Lord JOHN RUSSELL, after ascertaining that Mr. John Stuart will bring forward his motion on the Court of Chancery on Tuesday next, stated that he hopes "very soon" to bring forward a measure on the Court of Chancery.

Assududerrozr OF POOR-LAWS: FHIST COUNT-OUT OF THE SESSION.

Mr. PouLorr SCROPE moved on Tuesday for a Select Committee "to consider the expediency of assimilating the Poor-laws of England, Scot- land, and Ireland, and promoting the productive employment of able- bodied paupers."

He only asked for a Committee to take evidence which might throw light on the state of the poor, and report their opinion to the House. The differ- ences in principle and detail between the Poor-law system in England and the Poor-law systems in Ireland and Scotland, together with the want of a law of settlement in the last two countries, cause a vast influx of Scotch and Irish labourers into this country, to the serious detriment of the English 1 ibourer.

Mr. Scrope was continuing, when a Member drew attention to the thinness of the House ; and the SPEAKER finding only twenty-seven Members present, adjourned the House, at six o'clock.

EXPENSES OF PROSECUTION : PUBLIC PROSECUTOR.

In the course of a discussion on the bill introduced by Sir GEORGE GREY to amend the law relating to the expenses of prosecutions, some at- tention was directed by Mr. Recorder STUART WORTLEY to the subject of a public prosecutor.

In a great majority of cases, there is no one responsible for the prosecu- tion. The depositions are placed in the hands of the judge, who has no pre- vious knowledge of the case, and is unable to direct his immediate attention to the points : the consequence is, that cases are very much lengthened, and that undoubtedly guilty prisoners escape. The system places both the judge and the administration of justice in peril. It is said that the judge ought to be counsel for the accused : that may have been so in times when the pri- soner could not have counsel for his defence, but now that the accuser and the prisoner are on equal terms in this respect, the judge should hold him- self impartial between them. These observations may seem to tend towards the creation of a public prosecutor, but Mr. Wortley does not believe it ne- cessary to go to such an extent : however, he is decidedly of opinion there ought to be some person to see that the depositions are in a proper form, and that the case is properly brought before the jury.

Sir GEORGE GREY referred to these remarks, and stated his opinion that "there is great difficulty in insuring justice without a public prosecutor." Mr. HENLEY said, that "without offering any opinion on the appoint- ment of a public prosecutor, he felt something must be done to prevent the miscarriage of prosecutions."

CounTv Corm IN SCOTLAND.

In reply to Mr. HUME, it was stated by Mr. Fox Maim; that it is not the intention of Government to extend the provisions of the County Courts Act to Scotland ; as there are no complaints on account of the existing jurisdiction of the Sheriff's Courts, and those courts work well.

LAW OF PARTNERSHIP.

The motion of Mr. BLANEY for a Select Committee to consider "the Law of Partnership, and the propriety of limitations of liabilities with a view to encourage useful enterprise and the additional employment of labour," was not opposed by Government. Mr. LABOUCHERE suggested, that instead of the words "the propriety of limitations of liability," there should be substituted the words "the expediency of facilitating the limi- tation of liability." With this modification of object, and " improve- ment " of literary composition, the motion was agreed to.

SMITHFIELD MARKET REMOVAL BILL.

The Government bill for the removal of Smithfield Market to some point out of London was introduced by Sir GEORGE GREY, with par- ticular explanations of the desire which had been felt to put the office of improvement into the hands of the City authorities themselves. The Cor- poration having declined the office of carrying out the recommendations of the Committee of the House and of the Royal Commission, the Govern- ment is obliged to undertake the duty.

The bill _proposes to empower the Crown to appoint a Commission of five persons to be incorporated under the name of the Metropolitan Cattle-Mar- ket Commissioners. These Commissioners shall choose a site for a new cat- tle-market, and shall erect thereon a market, raising the money by mortgage of the tolls which they will be empowered to levy. They shall regulate the market by their by-laws ; and shall publish their accounts and make an an- nual report to the Secretary of State to lay before Parliament. The Com- missioners shall also provide a convenient meat-market. As soon as the markets are ready for use, a notice shall be inserted in the Gazette, of the day on which the markets will be opened ; and after that day, Smithfield shall cease to be a market, and no new cattle-market shall be opened within five miles of St. Paul's. The Commissioners shall inquire into the state of all slaughterhouses ; and those places shall be licensed by Justices at quarter- sessions. The Metropolitan Commissioners of Police shall have authority to regulate the routes and hours for the driving of cattle to and from the market. As the bill partakes of a private character, it must be referred to the Standing Orders Committee.

Mr. Bucx. [North Devon] could not allow the opportunity to pass Without saying that the farmers would feel much indebted to Government for the great convenience the bill would afford them; and Mr. ELLis [Leicester] stated that the bill would be hailed with great satisfaction by the graziers in his part of the country. But Mr. A. STAFFORD objected, that these agricultural thanks were premature ; and he warned the Minister how he brought in a bill which would meet an opposition he little ex- pected in another place, where charters are more carefully regarded than in that House.

Mr. STUART WORTLEY asked the House for full consideration of the claims of the Corporation with which he is connected. Though considerable difference of opinion exists in the Corporation as to the removal of the market, there is an unanimous wish to make the greatest improvement consistent with private rights : he thought, therefore, that it would be only fair to refer the rival schemes to the same Committee, for their decision as to which is the best. It is generally known, though not mentioned, that the intended site of the new market is somewhere about Holloway.

The bill was read a first time, and referred to the Standing Orders Committee.

NATIONAL GALLERY.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL hopes to state to the House before Easter, the steps which it is the intention of Government to take with respect to the National Gallery : he will move for a Select Committee.

Vex DIEMF-N'S LAND: CONVICTS.

Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH presented a petition from the Northern division of Van Diemen's Land, signed by the Bishop, clergy, magistracy, and other inhabitants of the colony, to the number of 1700. The pe- titioners complained that the Colonial Office has broken faith with the colony by continuing transportation—a breach of faith derogatory to British honour ; and they prayed for an immediate cessation of trans- portation. Sir William Molesworth gave notice that he should found on that petition a motion for the abolition of transportation to Van Diemen's Land.

MAJORITY ON MR. LOCKE KING'S COUNTY FRANCHISE MOTION. Adair, Hugh E. Adair, It. A. S. Al,orh, Thomas Anderson, Arthur Anstey, Thos. C. Bass, IL Thos. Blake, Martin J. Blewitt, R. James Bright, John Brocklehurst, John Brotherton, Joseph Brown, William Bunbury, E. Herbt. Calvert, F.

Carter, John B. Chaplin, Wm. J. Clay, James Clifford, Lt.-Col. H. Cobden, Richard Colebrooke, Sir T. Collins, William Crawford, W. S. D'Eyncourt, Chas. Drummond, Henry Duncan, Viscount Ellis, John Adderley, Chas. B. Duncuft, John Hood, Sir A. Bart. Arbuthnott, Lt.-Gen.Dundas, Admiral J. Ilornby, John Armstrong, Sir A. Hondas, Sir David Knight, F. Winn Baring, Sir F. T. Bt. Elliot, Hon. J. E. Labouchere, Itenry Barrow, W. H. Freestun, Col. W. Lascelles, Wm. S. Bellew, Richard ILL Frewen, C. H. Lewis, G. Cornewall Berkeley, M. F. F. Grace, Oliver D. J. Motile, Rt. lIn. Fox Blair, Stephen Grey, Rt. 'In. Sir G. Napier, Joseph Brernridge, Rich. Grey, Ralph Wen. I'aget, Ld. Clarence Brockman, E. D. Hatchell, John Paget, Lord George Buck, Lewis Wm. Hawes, Benjamin Parker, John Campbell, Hon. W. Heald, James Power, Niel'. 131. Cowper, Hon. W. F. Henley, Joseph W. Romillv, Sir J. Craig, Sir Wm. G. llobhouse, Sir J. C. Russell, Lord J.

Seymour, H. D. Seymour, Lord Somerville, Sir W. Stanley, Edward Stanton, W. H. Turner, George J. Verner, Sir W. Bt. Williamson, Sir II Wilson, James Wood, Sir Charks

TELLERS. lIayter, W. G.

Hill, Lord A. M. C.

ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES ASSUMPTION BILL.

A Bill to prevent the Assumption of certain Ecclesiastical Titles in respect of Places in the United Kingdom.

(Note—The words printed in italics are proposed to be inserted in Committee.) Whereas by the act of the tenth year of King George the Fourth, chap. 7, after reciting that the Protestant Episcopal Church of England and Ireland, and the doctrine, discipline, and government thereof, and likewise the Protestant Presby- terian Church of Scotland, and the doctrine, discipline, and government thereof, were by the respective Acts of Union of England and Scotland, and of Great Britain and Ireland, established permanently and inviolably, and that the right and title of archbishops to their respective provinces, of bishops to their sees, and of deans to their deaneries, as well in England as in Ireland, had been settled and established by law, it was enacted, that if any person after the commence- ment of that act, other than the person thereunto authorized by law, should as- sume or use the name, style, or title of archbishop of any province, bishop of any bishopric, or dean of any deanery in England or Ireland, he should for every such offence forfeit and pay the sum of one hundred pounds : and whereas it may be doubted whether the recited enactment extends to the assumption of the title of archbishop or bishop of a pretended province or diocese, or archbishop or bishop of a city, place, or territory in England or Ireland, not being the see, province, or dio- cese of any archbishop or bishop recognized by law ; but the attempt to establish, under colour of authority from the See of Rome or otherwise, such pretended sees, provinces, or dioceses, is illegal and void, and the assumption of ecclesiastical titles in respect thereof is inconsistent with the rights intended to be protected by the said enactment: and whereas it is expedient to prohibit the assumption of such titles in respect of any places within the United Kingdom : be it enacted therefore by the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of rho Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament asseuibled, and by:the authority of the smile, that I. If after the passing of this act any person other than a person thereunto au- thorized by law in respect of an archbishopric, bishopric, or deanery of the United Church of England and Ireland, assume or use the name, style, or title of archbishop, bishop, or dean of any city, town, or place, or of any territory or district, (under any designation or description whatsoever,) in the United Kingdom, whether such city, town, or place, or such territory or district, be or be not the see or the province, or coextensive with the province, of any archbishop, or the see or the diocese, or co- extensive with the diocese, of any bishop, or the scat or place of the church of any dean, or coextensive with any deanery, of the said United Church, the person so offending shall, for every such offence, forfeit and pay the sum of one hundred pounds, to he recovered as provided by the recited act.

II. Any deed or writing made, signed, or executed after the passing of this art by or under the authority of any person, in or under any name, style, or title which such person is by the recited act and this act, or either of them, prohibited from assuming or using, shall be void.

III. Where by any assurance, transfer, will, limitation, or declaration of use or trust, or other instrument, made or executed after the passing of this act, any real or personal property', or any profit or advantage to be had therefrom, is assured, given, or made applicable, or expressed or intended to be assured, given, or made applicable, directly or indirectly, for or towards the endowment or maintenance of any archbishopric, bishopric, or deanery, intituled or in anywise designated or descnbed as an archbishopric, bishopric, or deanery of any city, town, or place, terri- tory or district, in the United Kingdom, (except the archbishoprics, bishoprics, and deaneries of the said United Church,) or for any purposes connected with or refer- ring to the maintenance or continuance of any archbishopric, bishopric, or deanery, (except as aforesaid,) so intituled, designated, or described, or of the titular province, see, diocese, or limit thereof, or where by any such assurance, transfer, n ill, limitation, declaration, or other instrument, any real or personal property, profit,. or advantage, or any power, authority, or discretion, (whether for private or per- sonal benefit, or for charitable or other purposes,) to be exercised over or in relation to any real or personal property, or such profit or advantage as aforesaid, is assured, given, or vested, or expressed or intended to be assured, given, or vested, to or is any person by any name, style, or title of archbishop, bishop, or dean, which by the recited act and this act, or either of them, such person is prohibited from assuming or using, or to or in any person who in such assurance, transfer, 'trill, limitation, declaration, or other instrument is in anywise designated, mentioned, or referred to as being or claiming to be, or as being called or known or reputed to be archbishop, bishop, or dean, under any name, style, or title, which such person is so prohibited from assuming or using, or to or in any other person therein described as chaplain or other subordinate of the person so designated, mentioned, or referred to, or to or in any person in anywise described by means of a reference to a name, style,

Evans, Sir De Lacy Lushington, Charles Slaney, Rob. A. Evans, 'William Mackie, John Smith, It. Vernow Ewart, William M•Cullagli, W. T. Smith, John 13. Fagan, William M`Cregor, John Stansfield,W. R. C. Forster, Matthew Al • Taggart, SirJ.Et. Strickland , Sir . Fox, Willis,,, J. Mangles, R. D. Stuart, Lord Dudley Gibson, Rt. Hn. T. Meagher, Thomas Sullivan, Michael

Granger, Thomas C. Moffatt, George Tancred, II. W . Hall, Sir B. 13t. Molesn unit, Sir W. Tenison, Edw. K. Harmer, Sir J. Bt. Moore, George II. Thicknesse, R. A.

Harris, Richard Hunts, George F. Thompson, LL- Col. 'Leslie, Alexander O'Connor, Feargus Thornely, Thomas Hastie, Archibald O'Flaherty, A. Trelawny, J. S.

Ileadlam, T. E. Oswald, Alexander 'Villiers, 1 ton . F. W.

Hodges, Thos. Law Pechell, Sir G Walley, Thomas Howard, Philip II. Perfect, Robert Walmsley, Sir J. Humphrey, Ald. J. Pilkington, James Wawn, John T. Hutt, William Pinney, William Williams, John Jackson, William Power, Dr. Williams, William Keating, Robert Rice, Ed. Royd Wilson, Matthew Kershaw, James Robartes, T. Jas. A .Wood, Wm. Page Langsstou, James H. Salwey, Col. Henry Lawless, HIE C. J. SeholAeld, Wm. TELLERS. Leonard, Thos. B. Scrope, G. Foulett King, Hon. 1'. J. L.

Locke, Joseph Shafto, Robert D. Hume, Joseph Loreden, Pryse Sidney, Ald. Thos, MINISTERIAL MINORITY.

or title of which by the said act and this act, or either of them, the assumption or use is prohibited, all the real or personal property, profit, or advantage aforesaid, or such estate or interest therein, as but for this enactment would have been in any- wise applicable to any of the purposes aforesaid, or would have vested in or enured to the use of the person to or in whom the same is so expressed or intended to be assured, given, or vested, shall without any office or inquisition found, vest in and euure to the use of her Majesty, and shall and may be disposed of and applied as her Majesty shall be pleased by warrant under her sign manual to direct, whether such direction be to apply the same according and pursuant to the intents and pur- poses declared in and by the instrument hereinbefore mentioned or otherwise ; and all such power, authority, and discretion as aforesaid, so far as the same but for this enactment might lime been exercised by the per on in which the same is so expressed or intended to be vested, may be exercised by such persons and iu such manner as her Majesty may be pleased by warrant under her sign manual to direct.

IV. Every person who may be liable to be sued for any penalty imposed by the recited enactment and this act, or either of them, shall in any suit or proceeding in equity in relation to any such assurance, transfer, will, limitation, declaration of use or trust, or other instrument as hereinbefore mentioned, or in relation to any se- cret or other trust, or other matter whatsoever, be compellable to answer upon oath notwithstanding his liability to such penalty in the same manner as if no such lia- bility existed : provided that no answer of such person in any such suit or proceed- ing as aforesaid, nor any matter disclosed or made known only by means of sach an- swer, shall be admitted as evidence against such person in any action for the re- covery of such penalty.