A NEW DEAL FOR INDIA
By " Z "
IT will bring satisfaction to all friends of India that before the dissolution Government should have seen their way to reaffirm their policy in regard to the future government of India and to announce plans by which the transition may he facilitated to full self-government. It is matter for satisfaction also that in this they have the whole-hearted support of the Opposition. The people of India have the assurance that what is presented to them is not a scheme the fate of which depends on the fortunes of a general election, but one on which all parties are agreed. The average citizen of this country, whatever may be his party affiliation, desires to see not merely the ending of the Indian deadlock, but the fulfilment of the legitimate desire of the Indian people that their nation should have the same freedom as any of the other nations of the world. An unprejudiced study of the White Paper, of the speeches of Mr. Amery and the 'Earl of Scarbrough in presenting it, and of the speeches of those who followed them in both Houses, should convince anyone that it is the sincere purpose of Government and of Parliament to do everything possible to contribute to the fulfilment of this desire. For what has been achieved and for the hopes of future achievement the public both in this land and in India are aware how much they owe to the wisdom, understanding and sympathy of Lord Wavell.
People are asking two main questions regarding the proposals which the White Paper contains. The first is: What are the merits of the proposals themselves? The second is: What are the prospects of their being accepted by the leaders of the political parties in India? We may look at the second question first. A tradition of political controversy has grown up in India in accordance with which it is almost inevitable that the first reaction of politicians to any proposal that is not " framed by themselves and hammered on their anvil " should be unfavourable. Quite a long time before the White Paper was published there began to appear hostile criticisms of what were rumoured to be its contents. Since its publication there has been criticism both of the whole conception of the scheme and of its details. But there has been a remarkable amount of appreciation, and the attitude of the leaders of the larger parties has been on the whole encouraging. The Hindu Mahasabha has offered radical criticisms, particularly of the provision that in the Viceroy's Coun- cil, as it is proposed immediately to re-constitute it, there should be equal proportions of Caste Hindus and Muslims. But on the whole the omens are good. There is evidence that there is a general desire for a settlement of the constitutional question, and there seems to be little disposition summarily to reject the scheme.
What are the merits of the proposals themselves? This is a large question to which even one who has known India long and with some degree of intimacy will not venture to give more than a tenta- five and partial answer. It is very important to observe that White Paper has in view a final settlement, and the opening pa graphs are concerned with this. " The offer of March, 1942, sta in its entirety, without change or qua'fication," but the work' out of a new constitutional settlement is a task for Indians themsels In this " His Majesty's Government are at all times most anxi to assist the Indians," but they cannot impose self-governing insti tions upon an unwilling India. With this every thinking man mu agree, but one might wish that Government had gone a step further that they had emphasised the urgency of the need for a final settle mein ; that they had declared their own purpose to bring togeth within a certain fixed period of time representatives of the van parties for the work of framing a constitution ; and that they h declared their determination to do everything in their power t secure that these representatives, once convened, should not separa until they had finished their work.
There are at least two strong reasons for this suggestion. Firstly there is a real danger that in public discussion of the White Pap as well as in the official Conference the propeised transitional arrang ment may be given a prominence and importance far greater th the statements regarding a' final settlement. That this is a r danger will be recognised by everyone who recalls the fate of Cripps Scheme. It broke down because the transitional propos did not provide for all that might be looked for in a final settlemen Congress insisted on having independence at once. They may so again, but one earnestly hopes they will not. Nevertheless the ri is there, and one wishes that the political leaders could have be faced immediately with their two-fold task, and made to see the ma parts of it in proper perspective. A second reason is that if the transitional scheme be accepted and brought into operation, with a without modifications, the whole nationalistic movement may withi a short time start over again. For it is a curious fact that eve advance towards self-government has led not to greater but to le contentment. It must be made clear to every eye that any trans. tional arrangement is actually in process of passing. The only wa in which it can be demonstrated to India that the transitional sche is not a substitute for, but a preparation for, full self-government that the work of planning a constitution for a free India should bem_, immediately the temporary structure has been set up.
With these reservations it may be admitted that the transitional proposals are generously and wisely conceived. They do not provide for full self-government, but they do provide for a government which will be in a very real Sense representative. They will give to India a position of weight and authority among the nations of the world. They do not involve any pre-judgment of the many and difficult questions which will have to be settled before a permanent constitution can be adopted. They provide for the preservation of the unity of India, and it will be great gain if the advocates of Pakistan fmd in them a way to the realisation of their ideals without the breach of unity to which they desired to resort. The fact that they will bring together, in co-operative thinking and working, parties which have not willingly worked together in the past may mean much for the development of the co-operative spirit in the days to come. If in this spirit they are accepted and worked they will do much to facilitate the attain- ment of the final goal.
Great difficulties will have to be faced in the coming weeks, and no one who knows anything of Indian political life will regard them lightly. It will mean much if Congress and the Muslim League can compose their differences. But there are other large parties and powerful minorities which will have to be won. There are also great bodies of people which have not reached the stage of full political consciousness, and which are largely unorganised and inarticulate, whose interests nevertheless demand consideration. The Viceroy has invited to the forthcoming Conference one leader of the Depressed Classes. Upon him will devolve a very heavy responsibility ; for any scheme of reforms, whether transitional or permanent. will lose much of its value if justice is not. done to this great congeries of oppressed communities, the total membership of which is said to be sixty millions—two-thirds that of the Muslim community. There are also great agricultural communities wh‘,11 are not politically minded, but which will be profoundly affected by any political change. It will be no easy task to hold together
d td guide a conference which will have the duty of providing or so many and such Varied interests. Lord Wavell has given. a agnificent-lead, and the hearts of multitudes both at home and India will go out to him in the heavy tasks that still lie before° m. Above all, they will be with him in his desire to create that pirit of goodwill which is essential for any happy solution.
Previous page
