22 MARCH 1851, Page 1

Schwarzenberg and lianteuffel are as inadequate to the task of

giving Germany a constitution as Von Gagern or Robert Blum. Austria and Prussia appear to stand at present in pretty much the same relation to each other in that country that Lord John Russell and Lord Stanley do here. Each is able to neutralize the other's efforts to organize an efficient general government, but neither can of itself accomplish anything. The latest news is that the Dresden conferences are suspended, and not likely to be resumed ! To this seemingly well-substantiated fact is appended a large volume of more apocryphal revelations, based partly upon conjecture, partly upon stories of court intrigues at Berlin and -Vienna, which have found their way into French journals, and may per- haps emanate from ministers incapable of keeping secrets, or perhaps from kitchen eavesdroppers. When the one grain of truth is winnowed from this bushel of chaff, the real state of affairs is probably nearly as follows. Austria desires to be re- ceived into the Germanic Confederation with all her subjects, ter- ritories, and populations, and to obtain the presidency of the Fe- deral Executive. If Austria obtain these objects, the Emperor be- comes de facto sovereign of Germany, with power to avail himself of the resources of that nation to establish and consolidate his au- thority. throughout his dominions. The people of Germany have an obvious interest in opposing such a scheme, inasmuch as under it their money and soldiers might be wasted in contests which no- ways concern them. The Princes of Germany are also threatendi by the arrangement. Under the Empire, a theoretical distinctitn at least was made between the Emperor and the Grand Duke' or Elector of Austria: As Emperor, he was liege lord of all the Ger- man Princes, but fts Grand Duke he was merely the equal of the other Electors. On the death of each Emperor, his successor had to undergo an election. From the time of Sigismund the Imperial dignity had remained in the house of Austria, but in virtue of an elective title. The other Princes could still flatter themselves, that if in the course of events the power of Austria should decline and the power of any other house increase, that other might in time mount the Imperial throne ; and, looking to the progress of Prussia, it could not be deemed that such a transfer of au- thority was impossible. To concede the claims now advanced by Austria, would be to invest her with a preeminence and power over the other German Princes such as she never possessed under the Empire. From such submission the policy and pride not only of Prussia but of all the sovereign states that have risen on the ruins of the Empire alike recoil. The German Princes (Prussia included) are willing to join with Austria to put down the revolution, but they are not willing to make them- selves vassals of Austria. Austria, however, appears resolute not to ally herself with them on any other terms. Nor are they in a favourable condition for exacting better terms. An honest league among themselves to counteract Austria is out of the question; for Prussia is as intent as Austria upon " mediatizing" the other governments, and one and all of them have broken with the Ger- man people.