Lit nn Vrurrttrings ut artiamtut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEER.

HOUSE OF LORDS. Monday, March 17. Law of Patents promised-Registration of Assurances Bill, explained by Lord Campbell, read a second time, and referred to a Select Committee.

Tuesday, March 18. Ceylon Question ; Notice of Motion by Lord Torrington. Thursday, March 20. No business of interest. Friday. March 21. County Courts Extension Bill, read a second time.

House or COMMONS. Monday, March 17. Westminster Bridge ; Royal Commis- sion to inquire concerning a new site-Mr. Baillie's Ceylon Motion postponed-Ec- clesiastical Titles Bill ; adjourned debate continued, and again adjourned. Tuesday, March 18. The Census; conversation raised by Mr. Ooulburn on the Returns-Order of Public Business-New House of Commons ; progress-Tithe Bent-charges in Ireland; Mr. Sadleir's Motion debated and withdrawn-Rajah of &Marsh ; Mr. Anstey's Motion dropped for want of a seconder-Papal Aggression; adjourned debate continued, and further adjourned till Thursday. Wednesday, March 19. Mr. Frewen's Hops Bill, thrown out on second reading- Mr. Williams's Sunday Trading Bill, read a second time, and referred to a Select Committee-Expenses of Prosecution Bill, Apprentices and Servants Bill, and Ap- pointment of a new Vice-Chancellor Bill, passed through Committee. Thursday, March 20. Elective Council for New Brunswick-Passports ; Mo- tion by Lord Mahon, for an Address to the Queen for further facilities, withdrawn, on Lord Palmerston's favourable assurances-Papal Aggression; adjourned de- bate continued, and adjourned till Friday-Consolidated Fund Bill, read a second

time.

Friday, March 21. Public Business-Arctic Expedition-Papal Aggression ; ad- journed debate continued, and adjourned till Monday-Steam Navigation Bill, leave given to Mr. Labouchere.

TIME- TABLE.

The Lords.

Hour of Ilona of Meeting. Adjournment, Tfonday 5h .. 71,50w

Tuesday 59 59 45m

Wednesday No sitting. Thursday se . eh 15m

Friday Sh . 79 15m

The Commcns.

Hour of Hour of

Meeting. Adjournment. Monday 49 129 loin

Tuesday 49 .... 12h SOm Wednesday Noon .... 54 513m

Thursday 49 ..(at) lh in Friday 49 1211 30in Sittings this Week, 4; Time, 7h Sia Sittimpt this Week, 6; num-M

.b 28ro

this Session, 27; — 4711 this Session, 28; - 11319 59m Mn. BAILLIE'S MOTION UPON CEYLON.

Soon after the commencement of public business on Monday, Lord JOHN RUSSELL asked Mr. Baillie, whether he had made any arrangements with the other Members who have precedence over him on the 25th in- stant, so as to enable him to bring forward the motion of censure against Lord Torrington and the Government on that day ? Mr. Human regretted that he was absent on Friday, when Lord John wished to put a question to him on this subject ; but before he proceeded to give an answer, he must take the liberty of observing, that he thought he had great reason to complain of the course Lord John seemed about to take.

Lord John had said that the motion of which notice had been given for the 26th of this month was a motion of censure upon her Majesty's Minis- ters, and that therefore he would not bring forward the financial measures of the session so long as the motion respecting Ceylon remained unde- termined. That was putting Mr. Baillie in the invidious position of seeming to obstruct the public business; and it also put the motion itself not on its real merits, but as a question of confidence or want of confidence in the Go- vernment, and that at a time when the noble Lord was aware that there was • no other party in the country prepared to take office. The question which

• he desired to bring forward was one of long standing; and he could not help feeling some surprise at the virtuous indignation which the noble Lord all of a sudden seemed to feel at it. Surely the noble Lord o been for the last three years looking forward to the dis- 14 h a proposition. Notice was given by himself last see- '.- by the refusal of evidence ; and he submitted • T ut he did not abandon his intention, and he now moved mg in the least influenced by factious motives, or liable t he wished to oppose impediment to public business. till

He could perfectly understand the dibbnitins in which the noble Lord found himself placed. Lord John, perhaps; anticipating a defeat on this question,

was anxiousotimeroid the trouble of preparing those measures which it was %is duty talent before Parliament : but the noble Lord was much mistaxen if he supposed that Mr. Baillie would allow himself to be rendered instru- tnental to any plan for enabling the noble Lord to escape from those func- tions which he had assumed and the public exigencies called on him to dis- charge. The course then, which lay before him was perfectly clear : he should for the present remove his motion from the notice-book, reserving to himself full power to bring it forward when he thought proper ; which would be at such a time and in such a state of the public business as would not render him obuoxious to the charge of impeding the great financial measures of the Government.

Lord jOHN RUSSELL said that Mr. Baillie had somewhat mistaken him- " The honourable gentleman has attended for about three years to the affairs of Ceylon. He stated at the commencement of these proceedings, in moving for the Ceylon Committee, that he wished to censure the conduct of the Secretory of State for the Colonies and the local Government. He has continued in these opinions, and he wishes to bring forward a resolution in

conformity with those opinions. To that course I have no objection : that to which I object, and to which I have a right to object, is that any honour- able Member, after making a charge involving an accusation of wanton cruelty against a late Governor of one of her Majesty's possessions,. and of full, complete, and unqualified approbation by the Colonial Se- cretary of State of those proceedings of wanton cruelty, should not imme- diately bring that question before the House. (Cheers.) This I can venture to say, that not only among numerous precedents of accusation, but of mo- tions of censure brought before the House, there never has been an instance of an honourable Member giving notice of that which was clearly and dis- tinctly a vote of censure against a great department of the Government, with a Secretary of State at the head, and refraining from bringing that question to an immediate issue. (Cheers.) It was in reference to that point that I put my question to the honourable gentleman. I did not com- plain of him, because I naturally supposed that he was anxious to bring on the motion upon the day named by himself. What I said, and what I was justified in saying, was, that the Government, with such an accusation hang- ing over their beads-with a motion of censure in abeyance, upon which no opinion had been pronounced-could not begin any great measure not al- ready introduced, and must pause until this House gave an affirmative or negative to that motion. What I am about to state I am exceedingly sorry to say, because it may comprehend not only the honourable gentleman, with respect to whose opinions I have nothing to say, but may regard others who intend to give support to the honourable gentleman's motion. With re- spect to late transactions it was said, and justly said, of all the par- ties in this country who might be expected to desire or assume the administration of affairs, that their conduct was perfectly fair and, honourable to each other, and that, engaged as they had been in political conflicts, no feeling of personal dissatisfaction, still less of personal animosity, was exhibited. I rejoice that an opinion was thereby spread among the public of the honourable conduct of parties, and that such was the feeling of those engaged in those transactions: but I must say, if it is to be the conduct of a of party to say that they have a charge of wanton cruelty against a Peer of the realm, and late Governor of a colony,. and a charge against the Secretary of State of the Colonies of approving of that wanton cruelty, and at the same time to hang up the charge indefi- nitely, never to state when they will bring the question before the House and put it to issue I must say that the opinion with respect to the fair and honourable conduct of public parties, at least as regards the supporters of such a motion, must be greatly changed." (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI reminded the House, that a very large volume, contain- ing the evidence taken before the Ceylon Committee, had only been re- cently delivered, and could not yet have been perused with sufficient at- tention; besides, a mass of important documents, submitted to the Com- mittee, were not yet in the hands of Members, nor would they be ready for a fortnight yet to come : under such circumstances it ought to occa- sion no surprise that Mr. Belle withdrew his motion from the notice- book for the present, for, had he brought it on he must have done so dis- advantageously. The House should remember that the question was in its nature a grave judicial inquiry ; that the documents were not yet before them ; and, though his honourable friend had fixed the 25th, yet, if Members did not go on with their notices from early days to later, they would not be able to obtain,. as it were, that locus standi in the notice-book which would eventually assure them of an opportunity of getting their questions discussed. (Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) It was manifestly necessary to make these preliminary attempts as to the time of bringing forward motions. Nor was this all. At the recommendation of the Committee a Commission was sent to the colony to inquire into circumstances of great interest. The report of that Commission was laid on the table, but with no copy of the evidence- taken before it, though that evidence was sent to this country. When the- honourable Member for Inverness-shire inquired of the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies the reason of that, he was told that by an un- fortunate circumstance the evidence which had arrived had been sent back to Ceylon, on account of its being necessary for a court-martial in Ceylon on the conduct of Captain Watson. But from the papers before the House it appeared that the Commissioners in Ceylon had sent to this country their report, and not the evidence, but an authenticated copy of the evidence. Now, let them mark this. A copy of the evi- dence taken before the Commission couldnot be required by the court-martial at Ceylon, because the authenticated copy of the evidence would not be an official document before the court. The court-martial ought to be and must be in possession of the original evidence. What necessity, then, was there for sending back the copy ? The reason, therefore' given by the Under- SecretaryUnder- Secretaryof State for sending back the copy was not only extraordinary but unparalleled, and under all the circumstances, to say the least of it, most unsatisfactory. Yet, under these circumstances, the House having only just received the evidence taken before a Committee which sat two years-and having just experienced these strange and suspicious circumstances with re- spect to the evidence taken before the Commission sent to Ceylon-the First Minister of the Crown, in a tone of virtuous indignation appealed to the House against what he called the unfair conduct of a great party. ("Hear!") If that Minister were in the position which he desired to be, he would have been the last man to wish the House of Commons to arrive at a conclusion upon a judicial question in the absence of the necessary evidence. Sir GEORGE GREY called on the House to mark the difference between the reasons given by Mr. Billie, and those of his friend, leader, and pro- tector, Mr. Disraeli. While the honourable Member for Inverness-shire professed to de- sire not to stand in the way of more important measures, the real reason escaped from the honourable Member for Buckinghamshire,-namely, that the honourable Member was not prepared, and dared not, under present cir- cumstances, bring forward the motion. The honourable Member for Inver- ness-shire said he would withdraw the motion, reserving to himself the right to bring it forward at some future period ; but the honourable Member for Buckinghamshire, exhibiting great zeal for his friend, said that when the notice was put on the paper the honourable Member for Inverness-shire knew that he had not the remotest chance of bringing it forward on the day named, and had not the inateritils at hand by which he could substantiate a charge he had allowed to circulate through the country. (Cheers.) Agree- ing with Mr. Disraeli that this is a judicial question, Sir George hoped that this was not a specimen of the spirit with which that inquiry would be com- menced and conducted on the part of gentlemen opposite. ("Hear, hear ! ") Mr. ROEBUCK stated his understanding of the ease, pro and con.

The noble Lord was wrong in this matter ; the honourable Member for Inverness-shire was wrong, but of all who were wrong none were more wrong than the honourable Member for Buckinghamshire, who had shown .rie was totally unacquainted with the whole matter, and had brought for- ward a charge against the Colonial Office wholly unconnected with the mat- ter in hand, and who fabricated—if he might use the expression without dishonour—an accusation which the honourable Member for Inverness-shire never thought of. Nothing could be more evident than that this mode of proceeding had been adopted for party purposes. Let the people then under- stand that all their great interests—colonies, finance and other important matters of legislation—were all now in abeyance, because the pretensions of some twenty gentlemen who have been in the habit of monopolizing the administration of the country-, cannot be agreeably settled. ("Hear, hear !") . . . . He knew very little of the motion, and he should not say anything as to what might be the verdict of a jury ; but he would say that the accuser was bound- as a man of honour to come forward—the country-lead a right to demand that he should justify his accusation, which involved a crime no less than mur- der, said to have been committed by the governor of a colony while represent- ing this country. If there were any great crimes that was one. Ile honoured a man for bringing a great criminal to justice; but he could not say he ho- noured that individual who made a grievous accusation, and who after- wards, he might say, skulked from it. Sir BENJAMIN HALL justified Lord John Russell for the course he had taken ; and suggested that, without inconvenience to the public business, the subject might be taken up in the other House, where both Lord Tor- rington and the Colonial Secretary were present to answer for themselves.

Next day, in the House of Peers, Lord Town:eel-on gave notice that on Tuesday the 1st of April he should move, "That a message be sent to the Commons for a copy of the report with the evidence of the Ceylon Committee." This appeared to him the earliest moment at which it would have been right or desirable for him to call their Lordships' attention to the matter on which he now begged their momentary indulgence.

"The affairs of Ceylon, during my government, have been matters of noto- riety in this country, and have caused considerable sensation. I have been most anxious to take the earliest opportunity to vindicate myself before your Lordships and the country from the charges which have been made against me. I have been anxious for an opportunity of doing so; but, considering that the matter has been under the consideration of the other House of Par- liament for nearly two years—that motions have been made and notices given with respect to it—I felt that it would be improper and presumptuous in me to present myself to your Lordships' notice until the matter should be settled and decided in the other House. I now call your Lordships' attention to the fact—and I trust I am not out of order in doing so—that an honour- able Member .of the House of Commons lately placed on the books of that House a motion of a most grave nature, visiting my noble friend the Secre- tary for the Colonies with severe reprehension, and charging me with parti- cipating in acts of a grave and fearful nature, and, moreover, as it appears to me, charging those who -acted under my authority, and to whom I gave power at a dangerous and critical time to punish certain persons whom it ap- peared to me, and, I may say, every man in authority us Ceylon, desirable to punish for rebellion. Notice was given that this motion would be brought forward in the other House of Parliament on the 26th of this month. The notice has gone forth to the world stating that the representative of the Sovereign in a distant colony has been guilty of acts of inhumanity, and, in fact, charging me with grave and fearful crimes. Those who know me will hardly suppose that I could wantonly have committed or allowed to be com- mitted sots of so fearful and grave a nature ; but will believe that none but the difficult circumstances in which I was placed, and which it will be my duty at another time to explain to your Lordships, could have induced me to adopt the course I took. I believe I acted rightly as an houourable repre- sentative of my Sovereign under difficult and trying circumstances in a dis- tant country. I cannot help eelling your Loedships' attention to the fact that when ex-parte statements were made with respect to these transactions, I felt it my duty to submit silently- to the charges directed against me ; be- ing assured that when. the time should arrive those members of the Govern- ment who were acquainted with the facts of the case would come forward and prove that the charges and ex-parte statements were incorrect, unjustifiable, and unfairly prejudicial to me. In consequence, however, of the-notice of motion given in the other House of Parliament having been withdrawn, I find myself placed in this position, that the charges against me have gone forth to the world ; and I appeal to your Lonlahips to put yourselves in my situation and say, what must be the feelings of my family and relations when they see chaeg.es so gravely made—made by one well ac- quainted with the facts, by the Chairman of the Committee, who knew the evidence and had no excuse for saying that he'had not the facts before him —so lightly withdrawn. I am fully aware of the reasons assigned by that gentleman for the withdrawal of his notice ; and, though I am conscious that the financial affairs of the country are at this moment of paramount importance, still I am inclined to think that the honour and eharacter of a member of your Lordships' House—the honour and character of a principal member of the Government, and I hope I may say, without contradiction, the honour and character of her Majesty's troops at Ceylon—ought not lightly to be placed in the balance against a mere question of finance ; but that the case should have been brought forward, argued, and decided. That course not having been taken, I think it my duty to bring the subject under your Lordships' consideration by moving for papers; and I will then make a plain unvarnished statement to your Lordships. I have no mystery—I have nothing to keep back—I have nothing to conceal. I believe I have -done my duty faithfully and honestly to my Sovereign, under difficult and trying circumstance. I will make a plain,' ungarbled statement of facts. -I have nothing to conceal. I desire to have the honest judgment of your Lordships and the country upon my conduct. I will not conceal my acts, and I am ready to suffer punishment if I be proved to be guilty. I have thought it right to allow a considerable interval to elapse before bringing forward my motion, in prder that your Lordships may become fully aware of -the facts of the case, and that any member of your Lordships' House who may require explanation may have at opportunity of asking questions or making a motion, if he should think it necessary to do so. I know myself -to be one of the most humble and inefficient members of your Lordships' Rouse; but at the same time, I have the same feelings that animate you all with regard to character and family ; and I am anxious that the position I occupy in the world should be maintained, and that those who succeed me -should find their name untarnished by any act of mine. Feeling that I have been hardly dealt with—feeling that the charges made against me have not been pursued with vigour, I have come down to this House to an- nounce that on the day mentioned I will make a statement to your Lord- ships; and in appealing to the highest judicial tribunal of the country, I am sure that justice will be done to me, and that your Lordships will put aside all statements which have been made elsewhere. I shall have to claim the kindness and attention of the House, and I am satisfied I shall be able to prove to your Lordships that I have done my duty to my Sovereign and say country." (" Hear, hear 1" from the Treasury bench.) l'untee RUSIN ESS.

Replying to Mr. Dtsnanu, on Monday, the CuAncau.on of the Ex- CHEQU E It said that the Budget should come on after the close of the debate on the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill : the first open day, however, must be de- voted to the Army Estimates : Government could not tix a day for the Budget.

PAPAL AGGRESSION : ADJOURNED DEMTE.

CThe very brief notice of the debate on the second reading of the Ecclesi- astical Titles Bill, on Friday the 14th, in our last week's Postscript, omitted to state that the Earl of ARUNDEL and Sulu= moved as an amendment, that the bill be read a second time on that day six months.] The main features of the adjourned debate on Monday night were the speeches of the SOLICITOR-GENERAL and Mr. GOULBURN in favour of the measure, the speech of Mr. Cannwm.a against it, and three maiden speeches by new Members, two of them for and one against the bill.

The Somerron-GuenuaL, who spoke the last but one in the debate, devoted himself to the exposure of an egregious fallacy pervading the speeches of those who had opposed the bill, that because we have granted to the Roman Catholics the free and unfettered exercise of their religion, we must grant the establishment of their hierarchy.

But the means adopted to establish the hierarchy involve a breach of our municipal and constitutional law ; and aro a violation of the public law of Europe, of the sovereignty of our state, and of our national independence : to declare that such measures must be tolerated by the Government and Par- liament of this country, because some people think that the Roman Catholic Church would be better governed by archbishops and bishops than by vicars- apostolical, is a proposition monstrous, untenable' and impossible to be con- ceded. Traversing familiar grounds of argument, the Solicitor-General sup- ported the special position that tho brief for establishing the hierarchy has a more than spiritual scope and effect, by legal deductions from its formal erection of "sees "—" in the Northern district, the see of Ifexhiun' " &c. By what authority did the Pope erect cities within the United King- dom? Was not that an act of territorial sovereignty ? If any town or place were appointed to be an episcopal see, it became ipso facto a city. All towns were raised to the rank of cities by becoming the seats of bishops—did any one deny that ? They would find that every city derived its rank from being now or having been in times past the seat of a bishop ; and so inherent was this privilege or distinction, that, though the bishopric might be dissolved, the title of the oity remained : for instance, Westminster—there the bishopric was dissolved, but the title of city re- mained. Surely, then, when the Pope raised, or rather attempted to raise, English towns to the rank of cities, he must have meant that civil conse- quences were to ensue ; civil consequences necessarily attached to such acts, and he did not see how any one could successfully contend that such steps did not involve territorial jurisdiction and sovereignty. If the Roman Ca- tholics had wanted important changes, they should have come to Parliament for them, and pursued their objects by legal and constitutional means, and "not by what is called an insult "—though the Solicitor-General.-would not apply that term, as he "did not think any insult was intended." It was nothing to say that the measure was too small to meet the whole mag- nitude of the evils flowing from the attack : we can deal with our own sub- jects without recourse to measures beyond our shores; but it is not worth while for a great country like this to enter into hostilities with the Roman 'Pontiff for such acts as these, or for anything he can do. It will at all events be sufficient to prevent the pontifical and hierarchial encroachments : the measure will effect that much. They could not have episcopal jurisdiction, they could not introduce canon law, they could not assemble in synod, to frustrate, perchance, the decrees of the Imperial Parliament, unless there were bishops with those territorial titles which the bill prohibits them from assuming.

Mr. GOULBURN did not deny that with an at of aggression, taken in -a religious sense, he might not bo prepared to deal ; for he believed that every religion that has sincere disciples is natu.rally aggressive. But here is a civil aggression, an invasion of the authority of the Crown by deal- ing with temporal titles the conferring of whieh belongs to the Crown.

He had heard, but was indisposed to believe, that the act of the Pope was in revenge for some supposed misconduct of the noble Lord opposite, for having lent himself to some proceedings in Romp which led to the Pope's expulsion. The measure was unprovoked ; but, as well as unprovoked, A was unnecessary. The difference between vicars-apostolic and bishops in ordinary is immaterial to the Roman Catholics, but most material to the Protestants. In the commission appointing the vicars-apostolic, though they have jurisdiction given them over "onuses personas," yet it applies only to the Roman Catholics within the jurisdiction; and on amount of this limitation, the words occur "non sine visterum commotione." But every one who has been baptized, equally with the member* of the Roman Catholic Church, is subject to the bishop and the laws which the Pope enables him to give -ettbot to.

While supporting the measure, Mr. Goulbum slid not give his vote with any approval of the mode in which the aggression has been met. He quite thought that more moderation on the part of the Government in the first in- stance, and a leas disposition to aggravate the feeling that prevailed through- out the country, would have led to a more calm and deliberate discussion of the subject than had taken place ; and he could not but feel that the discre- pancy between the measure which it was proposed to introduce, and the ori- ginal excitement to which the act of the Government had in a great degree contributed, was calculated to produce a prejudicial effect. It is a favourite argument that the Pope never can withdraw a bull once issued; but history

does not unction the argument ; and only lately the Pope recalled the „bishop appointed to the diocese of Goa on the coast of India. The Pope can withdraw the bull by which he constituted these dioceses in England, if he please, and if he wish to conciliate the Food-will of the people of this coun-

try. Having not now to legislate ab initio, but to reject or adopt the bill before him, Mr. Goulburn would adopt the bill, as a measure directed against an encroachment upon the sovereign authority of the Queen' upon the Protestantism of England, and upon our Protestant Eatablished Church." Mr. CARDWELL, who spoke last in the debate, expressed the great dis- appointment which he felt on comparing the conclusions of the Solicitor- General with his comprehensive exordium.

If the municipal arid national law bad been violated, the honour of the country attacked, and the rights of the Sovereign aggrieved, where were her Majesty's Government all the while ? If the Roman Catholic hierarchy will have.temporal power as well as spiritual, and will introduce the canes law,

is the present bill of one clause a measure to prevent all that ? The mea- sure contained no possibility within itself of remedying the evil ; for however it restrained the assumption of titles, the real hierarchical and synodical power, and the introduction of canon law, would be untouched, and the whole usurpation would be left as entire and complete as it is found. Ad- hering to the settlement of 1829, he had uniformly assisted in removing all obsolete enactments only offensive to the feelings and irritating to the tran- quillity of large bodies of his countrymen ; he had done that in earnest hope and expectation—though not without a misgiving, which he hoped his Ca- tholic friends would forgive—that by mutual moderation they might live calmly and peacefully together. It might be that the spirit of the Roman Catholic religion and of the Protestant religion could not har- moniously coalesce ; but he earnestly hoped that the day of struggle would be averted • for of all wars the worst is a little civil war about religious mat- ters. As he believed that by supporting this bill he should rather offer an affront than comply with the desire of Protestant England—that he would be doing much to render Ireland ungovernable—and that upon him would rest a share of the responsibility of that social strife which might arise on a subject in which they were now in the right—he refused his consent to the second reading.

The maiden speeches of the evening were two of considerable length, by Mr. Lorrus WIGRAM, the successor of the late Mr. Law as Member for Cambridge University, and Mr. CALVERT, the successor of Lord Nugent in the representation of Aylesbury—both in favour of the bill ; and a brief speech by Mr. H. D. SEYMOUR, the Liberal successor of the late Conservative Mr. Robinson in the representation of Poole—against the Mr. WIORAM surveyed the nations of the Old and New World oeographi- eally, for proofs of the position that the ecclesiastical system of Roman Ca- tholicism is degrading to human nature, while the adoption of Protestantism .has been consentaneous with advancement in liberty and civilization ; and he quoted from the Jus Canonicum Room of Reiffenstuel, the modern tenet that "the Pope, as vicar of Christ on earth," has, "it must be confessed, a certain supreme power for the good estate of the church, if it be necessary, of judging and disposing of all the temporal goods of all Christians." Mr. CALVERT rejected the assumption of jurisdiction over him "by a man setting up an archbishop's throne in the neighbourhood of Lambeth under the authority of a foreign potentate." He called peculiar attention to the carefully-guarded phraseology of all our statutory enactments in reference to the Episcopal Church in Scotland,—which refer to "the pastor in an Episcopal meeting and congregation," "the pastor or minister of any Episcopal con- gregation in Scotland," and to "bishops of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Scotland "; always "using language to mark the distinction between an authority over places and an authority over congregations." He admitted the smallness of the measure ; was willing to afford a locus penitentise to the Pope ; and has great confidence in the Premier. Mr. SEYMOUR held that there is a regular crusade going on by a portion of the Roman Catholics against the Protestants ; with the ultimate aim, after success against us, to turn their arms against "the 'Whig party' of their own church, as they have been called by the eminent historian Hallam." But the act before the House is a violation of civil and religious liberty, which he cannot approve. Regretting to oppose those with whom in general he most cordially agrees, he must vote against the bill, though he knew that he hazarded his seat by the step. The other speeches were, three against the bill, by Mr. Moons—whose plain-spoken declaration that there has been a spiritual aggression, and defence of aggression, as a vital principle of the Christian religion, sup- plied Mr. Goulburn with matter for allusive admission ; and by Mr. E. B. ROCHE and Sir HENRY BARRON, froth the Irish Roman Catholic point of view ; and one by Mr. CHARTER'S upon the special ground that the in- troduction of the canon law would not be touched by the measure, and also on the general principle embodied in the declaration of Mr. Wynd- ham, that "if conversion to Popery be an evil, law is not its proper re- medy; if proselytism exists, it is a disgrace only to the clergyman in whose parish it takes place."

The debate was adjourned till Tuesday.

The principal speakers on Tuesday evening were Lord ASHLEY and Mr. -SIDNEY HERBERT; the former in a characteristic style of fervid Pro- testantism; the latter with tolerant and comprehensive charity. Lord ASHLEY pointed out an infringement of the act of 1829, in the no- mination of one of the new Sees, as that of "St. David's Mefioneth and Newport,"—a feature recently disclosed in an authorized Roman Catholic translation of the brief. In the tone of Napoleon at his most haughty and terrible days, the Pope virtually declares that the house of Hanover has oeased to reign. If the Parliament of England submitted to that, he could tell them that the Queen would not—(Cries of l " Order !")—We.1, the Crown would not, nor the people. In France, the spirit of persecution is so revived by Popery, that schools are empty—he could prove it by authentic documents ; public worship forbidden ; and, excepting the dragonade, the Protestants of France are, as a body, as piteously oppressed as under Louis the Fourteenth. It behoves the Legislature to enter a record on the statute-book, that all these things are the work and for the behoof of a foreign power—not a person, but a power—which we utterly repudiate and abhor. The weak residue of a measure now before the House, is altogether inadequate ; but being so, he rejoiced the people of England should know it. The task is how to repress the onward march of Papal domination ; how deal with such a Pro- tean power? The forms of our free constitution and our Parliamentary sys- tem seem infantine before its machinery—so vast, so complete, so utterly impenetrable. Yet, by God's blessing, we will deal with it. "Penal laws, objectionable in principle, are ruinous in practice. While Ireland lay under penal laws, the spirit of Protestantism was heavy and asleep ; when they were repealed, and men could no longer trust to statutes, she awoke like a giant refreshed with wine. (Cheers and laughter.) Her progress is rapid ; and, say what you will, we will make in Ireland more converts in a year than you shall throughout this realm of England in the whole of a century. Everywhere there is preparation for a religious war. Austria, espousing the quarrels of the Pope, is panting to put down nascent liberty in Sardinia ; another Simon de Montfort may head another crusade against the re- covered rights of the Waldensian Christians; France, supporting Papal tyranny in Italy, and busy in unprecedented persecution of Protestants at home, may soon seek political aggrandizement under pretexts of religion. This realm of England may stand alone, but it will not give way by sub- mission; no, not for an hour. What may be the issue to the empire, no man can foretell ; but, for ourselves, happen what may, we will, by God's blessing, stand immoveably on our immortal faith, which we have neither the right nor the disposition to surrender." (Continued cheering.) Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT held, that in tolerating any form of Christianity, they could be scarcely said to be tolerating error. The vastness of the truth of redemption is Bo great, that an admixture of error could not overpower its effects on the human mud. Under this persuasion, be marked the theolo- gical character of the debate, and instilled charity. The people of England confuse bishoprics with titles; their abstract idea of a bishop is a person

with 50001. a year and great temporal advantages. If we had possessed an Episcopal Dissenting body, the distinction would have been clear : and if the Pope had called the Bishops " overseers," so complete is our slavery to words that probably no notice would have been taken of the proceeding. In reference to the measure, if it is meant to make a protest and declaration, why not simply protest and declare, and not legislate—or, by trying to legislate, fall into the present inextricable confusion.

Lord PArareasTori repudiated the word " toleration" ; deeming that the principle established by the Emancipation Act was the far greater principle of religious freedom. But churches are, like all corporate bodies, encroaching. The bill fills a gap in the act of 1829 ; and as the Church of Rome obeyed that act, he believes they will obey this.

The other speakers on Tuesday were, in favour of the bill, Mr. WALTER, believing that if the people get an idea that their social relations and deathbeds are not to be protected by law from the dangers which threaten them, they will take the law into their own hands ; Sir RALPH LOPES, in hopes of salutary enactments in Committee : against the bill, Mr. BLE- wrrr ; and Mr. ANSTEY, who advised Government to drop legislation against titles, and legislate against the real aggression on her Majesty's prerogative of justice when their Charitable Bequests Bill should come under dis- cussion.

Debate adjourned till Thursday.

The debate on Thursday was opened by Mr. NEWDEGATE ; who devoted himself especially to the aggression on the temporal sovereignty and civil independence of this nation by the sending hither of a Cardinal selected from the Senate of the Pope, as a legate a latere to regulate, preserve, and extend his temporal authority. From the earliest periods of our history it has been against the con- stitution and law of this country that a Legate of the Pope, especially

a Cardinal, should come into this country without the leave of the Sovereign, and without an oath that he would attempt nothing against the realm or the liberties of the people. Cardinal Beaufort needed a special statute to permit his entry ; Cardinal Wolsey came at the ex- press desire of Henry the Eighth, and departed when he opposed that King; and Cardinal Pole was specially invited by Queen Mary. The Nuncio sent by the Pope in the time of Queen Elizabeth was stopped in the Nether- lands, by her, on the distinct ground that the ancient statutes of the realm forbade that any Legate from the Papal Court should reside in England. Synodical action can only be prevented by preventing the entry of a Legate a latere, for by such alone can a synod be canonically summoned, and with- out his presidency the proceedings are not valid. The regular orders are the instruments of Cardinal Wiseman, who only delays interfering with our social, civil, and temporal affairs, until the House shall have separated for the recess. In 1847, the monasteries in England were eight ; in 1851, they are seventeen. The convents in 1847 were 34, in 1851 they are 53. There were no Jesuits'

missions in London till Cardinal Wiseman became Vicar-Apostolic ; since that event they have enormously increased, and spread over his district. Mr.

Newdegate spoke from communications made to him by peaceful and orderly men, when he told the Minister that they were content to be protected from these aggressions by law, but if they were not protected by law they would take the law into their own Lands.

Mr. Exox (of Dungannon) expressed the indignation of his constituents at the conduct of the Government in reference to this bill ; and declared that they would consider the omission of Ireland a breach of the Union. Dr. POWER marked the Exeter Hall tone of some speeches he bad heard ; and the perpetual cry of "the Church in danger raised by an esta- blished church against every reform. Mr. HENRY DRUMMOND prefaced a speech which led to very dramatic de- velopments in the House, by declaring his opinion that the question to be discussed was "nothing short of this—whether the Roman Catholics should remain a tolerated sect under the spiritual dominion of the Queen, or whether the Queen should be a licensed heretic under the spiritual do- minion of the Pope." (Loud cries of "Hear, hear ! " )

He warned the House against relying implicitly on anything asserted by a Roman Catholic Member, though such a Member would not be guilty of wil- fully deceiving the House ; and in proof he referred to the contradiction by Mr. Reynolds, M.P. for Dublin, that there is any distinction between the Church and the Court of Rome, when Dr. M'Efale expressly said on oath be- fore the Irish Education Commission, "We distinguish between the Court of Rome and the See of Rome "—as the former may be "the scene of intrigue and cabal." Throwing sarcasm on the "philosophers," who would leave the

dog to beat the hog or the hog to beat the dog, he quoted the wise decla- ration of Napoleon's Minister, that to ignore religion is to abandon the most powerful engine to the hands of knaves and demagogues ; and then quoted from a modern Pope this declaration made in reference to the expulsion of the profligate Cardinal Bouillon from France— "With regard to other ecclesiastics, these are born, indeed, subjects of their King; but so soon as they receive any orders from the Church, they become exempt from all lay power, in order to become subject solely to the Apostolic See ; and the King is endangering his eternal salvation if he thinks otherwise." Quoting the Archbishop's oath, he asked, "Can any man take that oath and then go and take an oath to the Queen ?" ("Hear, hear !" and one cry of" Yes.") "Yes!" but to which was he to he ? To the one or the other he must. (Loud cries of "Hear, hear ! ") Examine their pastorals, and you would not find one without a falsehood in it. The question is asked, "Who asks for this protection ?" he replied, Did the Negro slaves come to ask protection ? Did the factory children ? Did the poor girl, locked up in that prison till she was starved or flogged to death, till the priests should get her money, did she want protection ? (Cries of "Oh, oh ! ") Why raise the cry of " Oh" ? He spoke from what he had seen with his own eyes. Nunneries were either prisons or brothels ; honourable Members might take their choice of the expression. (Cries of" Oh, oh! ") The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY, Who just then entered the House ap- pealed with earnestness to the Speaker, whether it were in order to refer to those nunneries, in which resided ladies—(Loud cries of " Hear !")—devoted to the service of GO, who endeavoured to attain to the perfection of the evan- gelical precepts, whether it was in order for Members te refer to those nun- neries in terms so disgraceful ? (Cries of "Hear, hear! ") The SPEAKER said, that nothing had fallen from Mr. Drummond incon- sistent with that freedom of debate allowed to all Members.

Mr. Griserrew and Mr. MOORE rose successively: the latter suggested that it was not consistent with the dignity of the House to make observations provocative of retort and retaliation. Mr. DRUMMOND acknowledged the suggestion, and proceeded with less in- terruption. He believed that Rome has now succeeded, for the first time since the Conquest, in her darling object, the introduction of her own canon law on the rums of the ancient homely canon law of England. Extracts, which Mr. Drummond had at his side, but would not read, from twenty-one Popes, showed that they all, down to the present time, claim to be lords paramount over temporalitiea as well as over spiritualities" : one of them says that persona denying this are "wild beasts, asinine, the body of Satan, members of the Devil and Antichrist " ; and no fewer than seven Councils

confirm those views. Cardinal Wiseman had published an edition of the Exercises of Loyola ; in the preface to which he says-

' That we may in all things attain the truth, (that we may not err in anythin,%) we ought ever to hold it (as a fixed principle) that what I see white I believe to be black, if the hierarchical church so define it (to be)." ("Hear, hear !") This was the sort of evangelical holiness that he taught. These men really appeared to be like Thugs. ("Oh, oh !") The Thugs were murderers, but they committed murder as an act of worship. These men told their lies as an act of worship. (" Oh, oh ! " ) There were plenty of liars in the world ; but that made no difference. Here was a man who openly declared that if they believed a thing to be white, they were bound ne- vertheless to call it black. ("Hear, hear !" and "Oh, oh !") "Au honest man's the noblest work of God!" not a quibbling theologian. (Great up- roar.) It mattered not in his eyes what sect a man belonged to if he were allowed to lie. (Renewed uproar; noises of all descriptions.) If the leaders and their parties throw the people over—if you refuse to give them efficient protection—the people will take the law into their own hands ; and the only way of preserving the peace is to give them a bill with adequate powers. (Cheers, and cries of "Oh, oh ! ") When a nation is excited —(" Oh, oh !" and cries of ",Order !")—when a people are excited, a great many motives are brought out ; but, if there is one thing on which they are at the present moment more unanimous than another, it is in an honest John Bull hatred of imposture. Everything like imposture they detest; and, above all, they scorn those who are importing cargoes of blinking statues, bleeding pictures, liquifying blood, and drops of the Virgin Mary's milk. (Groans, cockcrowing, exclamations of "Olt, oh !" and all 80718 of inex- plicable noises.) " 1Vhy do you call 'Oh, oh' ?" Mr. OTLAHERTY spoke to order ; submitting that the language of Mr. Drummond was "as worthy of his taste as of his judgment." Mr. Jens: O'Cosrarann moved, and Mr. Pinup HOWARD seconded, the adjournment of the debate. The SPEAKER rose to calls of "Chair !" and asked gentlemen not to interrupt the regularity of debate ; at the same time he " hoped " that on so delicate a subject gentlemen would abstain from the use of expressions tending to wound the feelings of others. Mr. DRUMMOND re- sumed, and was again interrupted. A voice exclaimed, "We can't sit here US be insulted" ; and Mr. JOAN O'CONNELL insisted that Mr. Drummond, reprimanded by the Speaker, should apologize to the House. "He is called upon by every sentiment of good feeling"—The SPEAKER called Mr. John O'Connell to order, and disclaimed the "reprimand." As Mr. DRUMMOND rose, a number of Members again started up, and there was a new scene of confusion ; and after that yet another ; until the SPEAKER peremptorily called upon the House to support him in maintaining order— responded to with loud cheers. Mr. DRUMMOND continued with less interruption. He believed the ex- tension of the bill to Ireland to be manifestly unjust and uncalled for. He would pass a law to prevent all cardinals from coming to this country, de- clare all deeds done under the canon law null and void, and extend the mortmain act so as to protect deathbeds.

A number of Members endeavoured to catch the Speaker's eye. Sir lamrs GRAHAM was successful. He began to speak after the usual pause of ten minutes for the Speaker's refreshment- " I am glad that a short pause has taken place in our proceedings. I did not think it possible, until within the last half hour, that anything could have aggravated my sorrow on account of the revival of those most painful discussions which the subject of religion is always more or less calculated to excite ; but I must say, that what has just occurred has far exceeded my worst apprehensions. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear !") I have seen a gen- tleman, an accomplished gentleman and a scholar, 60 much heated by the subject we are now discussing, as entirely to forget what I must say is due to the feelings of a large body sitting in this House on terms of perfect equality. (Loud cheers, principally from the ROM1171 Catholic Members.) I will not sully my lips by repeating the words which fell from him, not only as respects the individual honour of Members of this House—with refer- ence to their veracity, but also as respects, what I shudder to think of—the allusion which he made to the female relatives of those gentlemen, who had devoted themselves to the service of God, according to their consciences, in lives of seclusion, but of chastity. (Renewed cheers.) Although the order of the House, according to its letter, may not have been violated by the ho- nourable gentleman, yet if Catholics are to sit here and take part in our de- bates, I must say that the rules of order can hardly be said to be preserved in spirit if scenes like the one we have just witnessed are allowed to be re- peated. I say that assertions have been broadly made in a tone and manner which must not be repeated, if the freedom of debate and the rules of order be anything else than a name." (Prolonged applause.) At the outset, Sir James repeated his two recent admissions,—his opinion that the language used by the Pope in his rescript, and by Cardinal-Wise- man in his letter, was extremely and needlessly offensive to the feelings of the great Protestant community in this country ; and his belief that it would have been extremely difficult for the servants of ths Crown to pass by so deep an offence to Protestant feeling in silent contempt. But he would not discuss the mode of a Royal proclamation, resolution and addresses by the two Houses, or direct special embassy of remonstrance. The principal objections to the present bill are, that it is an extension of penal enactments, and a reversal of the policy which we have been pursuing for the last twenty-two years. Sir James established these points by an historical survey of the modern policy on the subject,—the letters, full of wisdom and warning, of Lord Cornwallis to Lord Castlereagh, in which Mr. Pitt's projects of Emancipation were advocated as a means to the great end of perfect civil equality for Roman Catholics with some endowment of the Catholic clergy; the mode, not partial or hesitating, in which Emancipation was carried ; the sub- sequent steps by which it has been developed—the Dissenters Chapel Act, the Maynooth Grant and Charitable Bequests Act, and the Relief Act of 1847, re- pealing the statute of Elizabeth which prohibited the receipt of bulls from oine. He reminded the House, that the clause in the act of 1829 against the assumption of titles was, at the time, pronounced to be no safeguard by the Duke of Wellington, then the foremost man in the world ; the most learned Bishop of Durham repudiated it altogether; the Lord Chief Justice Tenterden and Lord Malmesbury deemed it inoperative, and opposed it. Dr. WI:Tale's ostentatious transgression of that clause was passed deliberately over by Lord Melbourne, with the hearty approbation of the Duke of Wel- lington. In reference to the theological point, there can be no doubt that the Pope has at all times claimed spiritual jurisdiction over all baptized souls within this realm. "The real question IS, are you prepared to deal with the pre- tension itself? I say that our forefathers were wiser than to attempt it, and till I see you commit the error I believe that you will be wiser than to attempt it. Why, this pretension lies at the very root of the Roman Ca- tholic religion. Would you attack that religion ? I feel that you will never do so ; but should you attempt it, away with such a bill as this. You must return to the blood-stained code of Elizabeth : and then what prospect of success would you have ? The code has already signally failed. So much so, that in my time, almost with common assent, all greatest and ablest men in this House—men who agreed in nothing else—concurred in designating the penal code as a national disgrace, and not the less so because it had proved per- fectly inefficacious." From the earliest times in framing the statute law of

this country, great care and skill have been expended in maintaining a strict definition between the temporal and spiritual power of the Pope. The statutes of Provisors and Praimunire were not framed in denial of the Pope's spiritual power, but in recognition of it. No attempt was ever made to deny, as incident to his spiritual power, the right of the Pope to appoint bishops ; but only to provide that if he should translate them without the consent of the Crown the temporalities should not follow the appointments. Later, a Vicar-Apostolic in Ulster, was convicted under the statute of Richard, because he " trenched on tempomlities" : that and other cases prove that for defending the regality and sovereignty of the Crown no new laws are required. But if you seek to put down the spiritual supremacy which the Pope exercises over the Roman Catholics, you

embark in a fearful contest—a contest, which in its past progress disgraced England by shedding the blood of Sir Thomas More—a contest which for

centuries disturbed England and ruined Ireland—which brought sorrow and disgrace on that unhappy land. The essential part of this spiritual supre- macy is the right to appoint bishops. In 1812, Sir John Cox Hippesley, acting for our Government, proposed to the Pope that he should no longer govern England by vicars-apostolic, but establish a regular hierarchy : the Pope refused to establish a hierarchy independent of himself. The Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland has made distinct recognitions of the territorial divi-

sion which is incident to hierarchical government. Sir John Romilly, in the discussions on the Diplomatic Relations wills R91110 Bill, said—" At pre-

sent the Pope might divide this country into bishoprics and archbishoprics ; but if we had diplomatic relations with him, the British Government might interfere to prevent such a division." The real cause of the jealousy dis- played by the Established Church is that the thrones of the Roman Catholic Bishops are side by side with those of the Protestant Bishops. But that ground was weighed in the balance during the debates on Emancipation, and was found wanting. "If you weigh the religious and political tendencies of the Roman Catholic Church, and come to the decision that the Church of England is in danger from that cause, this is not the legislation that can sa- tisfy the country. You must go much further. You must revert to the principles which existed before the Toleration Act, repeal the Emancipation Act, and reenact the penal laws." Sir James Graham pictured the difficulty of the Ministerial position, with their mutilated and emasculated bill. You are in a dilemma : if you cut down your measure and reduce it to insignificance, you cover it with con- tempt : but while impotence is disgraceful, vigour is dangerous—" so dan- gerous, that I do not dissemble that the danger which relates to Ireland is the danger of civil war." (Cheers from the Irish Members.) Mr. Reynolds the other night read to the House a collation of phrases of the Bishops of the Anglican Church with respect to the Roman Catholic Church. "We have had acrimonious language here tonight. That was used in the heat of de-

bate. But the Prelates of the English Church have used this language de- liberately in answer to the addresses of their clergy. And I think that they

ought to have remembered that the religion so denounced is, after all, the rehgion of the far greater portion of Christendom, and deserving on that ac- count of their respect. They ought not to forget—as I cannot forget—that it is a religion that justly boasts the tempered zeal of Fenelou, that warmed the eloquence of Massillon, that touched with fire the tongue of Bossuet, and that inspired, as if from Heaven, the pen of Pascal." Looking to the back of the bill itself, Sir James expressed surprise at the names he read. "Russell !—is that the Russell chosen by the City of Lon-

don as the champion of religious liberty ? Grey !—is it the nephew of the

patriot nobleman who sacrificed the ambition of hisdife and the fervour of his heart in the assertion of the claims of the Roman Catholics ? The Attorney- General !—and who is he ? is he not sprung from a family which sought England as an asylum from religious persecution ; and is he not the son of that illustrious man who adorned by his genius and by his virtues the coun- try of his adoption—the ornament of the bar, the pride of the House of Commons—the untiring and unflinching advocate of civil and religious li- berty on every occasion ?" Lord John Russell had referred proudly to the names of Mackintosh, Romilly, Horner, Grey, and Althorn; but, alas ! he omitted the great name of Grattan, n lying lyg in the Abbey by the side of Pitt, Fox, Canning, aud Wilberforce : does Lord John in hte heart and con- science believe they would approve of this measure ? [Lord John .Russell nodded his head.] Appealing then from the dead to the living, does Plun- kett approve of it ? does Brougham approve of it ? does Denman approve of it ?—oh that he were here to announce for himself !—does Macaulay, the great historian of the Revolution, approve of the minciple of this measure ? "There may have been some movement towards Rome on the surface of what are called the higher ranks ; but the deep under-current of the feeling of this country is essentially Protestant. It is written in their very hearts' core ; what is more, it is written in those Bibles to which they have access : and while they enjoy those privileges and possess those feelings, we have no occasion for a bill like this. I say there is no danger in England which jus- tifies it—every feeling in Ireland condemns it. • It is a brand of discord cast down to inflame the passions of the people ; and, with confidence in the wisdom of Parliament, I hope, and confidently predict, the bill will never pass into a law." (Sir Ia»tes Grahant sat down amidst bursts of cheering, which were renewed repeatedly, and were continued for several moments.)

Lord Toms RUSSELL was greeted on his rising with a renewal of the cheering, but also with such vigorous ironical cheers from the Irish Mem-

bers that he was unable to address the House immediately. He hoped that the House would indulge him while he defended the general principle of the bill.

For many years since the restoration of Louis the Eighteenth, the Court of Rome has endeavoured to revive pretensions, assert a domination, and re- store a supremacy, that ninny thought had been for ever abandoned. Aus- tria now surrenders to her that which had been pertinaciously withheld. If, after the sense of indignation this country has expressed, the Government should now recede, the friends of liberty throughout Europe would think that, in addition to all other conquests, the Court of Rome has obtained a con- 'pest and triumph over the minds of the - House of Commons of Eng- land. The securities which Mr. Grattan said we might obtain in 1817 were rejected ; and according to his prophecy—that we should see the Roman Catholic clergy incorporated with the Church of Rome and the Catholic laity (liscorporated from the people of England—we have now seen by the declarations of the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Beaumont, and Lord Camoys, how few indeed are the men who will now sepa- rate themselves from any pretensions of the Court of Rome. It behoves us to see what is the danger threatening us. Upon that point we will not be satisfied with the declaration of Roman ecclesiastics, that "this or that matter is ecclesiastical, and belongs to our religion." Suppose they should declare the Irish Board of Education dangerous to their faith; or say that no man who sanctions that system can remain in the police or military ? The moderation of the See of Rome as to the distinction between temporal and spiritua4 is one of the worst securities_you can have. Dr. 1Visenian states in the Dublin Review, that the statute of Henry the Eighth, setting aside the authority of the Apostolic See, is null and void ; and upon this follows the brief of the Pope declaring that certain sees in England no longer exist, and that the appointments to them are void. Look at the nature of that aggression. The indictment of Lalor was not for encroaching on the temporal privileges

of the Crown, but for usurping episcopal jurisdiction. Very possibly, the Pope may have done some of these very things for which Lalor was convicted: what would be thought if we proceeded against Dr. Wiseman in the same way with Lalor ? If Lord Stanley, at the head of Government, had pro- posed resolutions, Lord John might, from respect to the Government, have supported them ; but in the absence of any other definite proposal, arid though the bill may not be the best possible course, he claimed the support of the House.

Lord John referred to his letter to the Bishop of Durham ; and, while adhering to everything he there said, pointed out that its promises were "sufficiently guarded" : the letter "merely says that the propriety of taking any proceedings should be deliberately considered." But it would be far better to fall somewhat short of what the occasion might seem to justify, than to exceed in any degree the absolute necessity of the case. He again said, he would not conceal that this bill may not meet every danger we may have to encounter : if the spirit lately shown be not checked—if further aggressions should take place—if it be attempted to deprive the people of Ireland of the benefits of mixed education—or if those who serve the Crown are to be menaced with the withdrawal of religious consolations—then other measures may be necessary : for, while remaining a friend to religious liberty, Lord John would never confound that cause with the cause of Papal encroachment.

The debate was again adjourned.

REGISTRATION OF ASSURANCES.

The second reading of the Registration of Assurances Bill was moved by Lord CAMPBELL on Monday. He at considerable length, and with much vivacity of manner, recounted the great evils which a general re- gistry of deeds would cure ; with chronological detail sketched the re- peated endeavours which have been made to enact such a general re- gistry—from the time of Sir Mathew Hale and his successors, when the measure often approached near to being passed by the Legislature, to these latter days, when the country solicitors have very successfully opposed it. Then he explained his own bill. The main features of his plan are, that he will have one register-office in the Metropolis for the whole king- dom, and not a registry locally distributed in the provinces round centres in the country towns ; that he will register the original deeds dealing with the interests in the land of the kingdom, and not memorials of those deeds, as is the use in some existing local re- gistries; and that reference to the land dealt with will be made not in the present mode of setting out the bounds and metes by wordy descriptions, but by simple letters of reference to an index-map prepared from the maps of the whole country which are now available under the Ordnance survey, and the official surveys which have been made for the purposes of tithe commutation and parochial assessment. Lastly, he proposes to do away with the existing doctrine of notice, and to enact that no third person shall be affected by any deed that is not re- gistered, whether he have notice [knowledge, direct or indirect] or not. Lord BROUGHAM testified his high satisfaction that the country is about to reap the inestimable benefits of a general registry : but everything will depend upon the details of the measure. The registry might well be made to include wills before as well as after the death of the testator : for many important documents are lost—put aside in old chests, or stuffed by accident into the fire-grate, as he has actually known—for want of a safe depository. Lord BEAUMONT entered into further explanations of the measure; displaying the result of extensive inquiry and careful thought on the subject as one of the Commissioners who sat on the question. On the ground of analogies suggested by his own experience as an extensive copyhold proprietor—copyholds, with all their other dis- advantages, having generally the one highly appreciated advantage of a simple title shown by the registry of the court roll—he stated his belief that a good general registry will enormously increase the value of land, both as an investment and a security for money. Lord Ce_arravoarn wished it to be generally known that there is no legal mystery in this question, and that any member of the Legislature is able to appreciate its bearings. At present, on selling an estate you must prove a negative—that there are no other deeds affecting the estate : a registry will throw the onus on the other side, and demand proof against you that there are other deeds. —Bill read a second time, and referred to a Select Committee.

SUNDAY TRADING IN LONDON.

The second reading of the Sunday Trading Prevention Bill, moved by Mr. WILLIAMS, was opposed by Mr. BARING WALL, in a speech strongly setting forth the necessities of the poor purchaser and the poor dealer, and the capricious exceptions in the bill itself. Sir BENJAMIN HALL, calling to mind the division of opinion on the subject, suggested that the bill be referred to a Select Committee. Both parties agreeing, it was read a second time, and referred accordingly.

HOPS—SUSSEX AND KENT.

The second reading of the bill advanced by Mr. Frewen was vigorously opposed. The Kentish Member Mr. DEEDFS, Mr. BASS the brewer, and Mr. DRUMMOND of Surrey, resisted the proposal to repeal the existing rule that the parish or county in which the bops arc grown shall be marked on the pocket : hops can only be judged by the place of their growth, and Sussex hops are inferior. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHE- QUER resisted the proposed reduction of the duty; also a clause which he had accidentally discovered, mulcting him of half the duty already due ! An amendment, to read the bill a second time that day six months, was carried by 131 to 9.

TITHE-RENT CHARGE IN IRELAND.

Mr. SADLEIR made an attempt to improve the mode of estimating the charges in lien of tithe-rent in Ireland, by a motion for substituting the English system. In Ireland, the averages are fixed by the price of corn and oats in Dublin alone ; in England, by the prices of wheat, barley, and oats, in a hundred and fifty towns. Sir GEORGE GREY intimated, that if Mr. Sadleir brought in a measure, probably Government would not oppose it ; on which assurance the motion was withdrawn.

REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT FOR NEW BRUNSWICK.

To a question by Mr. ROEBUCK, Mr. lissuass replied that the general principle of an elective Council for New Brunswick is admitted ; and therefore there is "some foundation" for the report that an elective Council has been given to that colony.

ENGLISH FOREIGN OFFICE PASSPORTS.

Lord Memos moved for an address to the Queen, praying inquiry as to -whether further improvements might not be made in the system of pass- ports for English travellers abroad. Lord Mahon acknowledged the im- provements lately made by Lord Palmerston. Lord Rummer-ma stated

that his recent arrangements are entirely experimental ; and promised, that if he find, as most likely he shall find, that he can make further im- provements, he will gladly carry out his arrangements for giving in- creased facilities to the English traveller abroad.—Motion withdrawn.

THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT.

Replying to Lord DUNCAN, Mr. GREENE stated the opinion of Mr. Barry, that the walls of the New House of Commons will soon be dry enough to proceed with the finishings, so as to admit the Members by Whitsuntide.