22 NOVEMBER 1845, Page 12

PEACE AND WAR.

A CORRESPONDENT, belonging to the Society of Friends, re- proaches us with a bellicose inconsistency on account of the paper in our last number on "National Defence." In order that we may not understate the charge ag, ainst us as he puts it, we shall give his letter entire, and shall then endeavour to show that the imputed change of "principle" does not exist.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SPECTATOR.

11 Mo. 17, 1845.

RESPECTED FurEsp—The Spectator, as a public journal, has been deservedly complimented for its ability and general consistency: it is therefore a cause for regret to the writer of these lines, to find any deviation from that fixity of prin- ciple which constitutes its peculiar value as a public instructor. The Spectator, though not an avowed advocate of the principles of permanent and universal peace, has nevertheless rendered good service to the cause in many an able article, more particularly that on War in the last volume of that journal; and the regret is not the less for the loss of such an efficient ally, than that its columns should be the vehicle of such opposite sentiments as the subjoined extracts serve to illus- trate. In an article published in the Spectator about a twelvemonth since, enti- tled "Yankee Meditations on European War," is the following passage—!We leave it to the decision of Lord Palmerston's organ, orof the editor of the National himself, whether it is likely to add to the dignity of England and France to begin pecking and cuffing each other, that the United States may grow rich by taking up those lucrative pursuits which we relinquish to indulge in that amiable amusement." In contrast to the above, is the following paragraph, concluding an article entitled "National Defence" in last week's Spectator—" Till war be ab- jured by other races and classes as well as English merchants and shopkeepers, we should like to see a rifle and a sword in every house, with leisure to exercise them, and encouragement for hardy games—something rougher than cricket— even on the Sunday green; the plain serviceable uniform of a militia more fami- liar than the workhouse costume; every cliff and every strand fortified against sudden invasion."

The moral of all this is, that the influence which a writer possesses over the mind of his reader arises mainly from the supposition in the latter's mind that he is perusing the real sentiments of the writer. But the confidence induced thereby is materially shaken in meeting in the same journal with such discordant senti- ments as these quotations exhibit. I remain, respectfully, A SUBSCRIBER.

Our correspondent's mistake arises from his viewing different, perhaps opposite parts of the same thine.. In the paper of 1844 which he quotes, we were arguing against all war. 14inding. a continuance of such threats as then menaced us, with other cir- cumstances indicating a more exposed condition on the part of this country, we write, in 1845, to prevent the importation of war within our own confines. On both occasions the reader has per- used "the real sentiments of the writer " ; and they have under- gone no variation. Last week, we were less suggesting par- ticular measures, than reflecting on the past—on that change in the national habits which has perchance made the bulk of the people more effeminate and less hardy to resist aggression. We have no wish to revive the days of Crecy and Poitiers ; but we would have the people meet the invader with a front not less de- termined, an arm not less athletic, than when the Spanish Armada was broken to pieces in its fruitless attempt at invasion. We de- sire peace all over the world ; but there is no peace in the intent of many that surround us, and we must be prepared to keep them off with a strong arm. It is true, that if all the nation belonged to the same society as our respected censor, the moral influence of that passive resistance might go far to disarm aggression, at least from civilized races. Short of an universal observance of that dig- nified quiescence, the effect must wholly fail. It is, in our opi- nion, quite idle to behave as if war had already ceased throughout the world, when France keeps the sword for ever half unsheathed and tries the aim at our vulnerable points ; when America bears herself less as a friend than as a foe ; and domestic traitors are ostentatious of the mine which they have prepared within our lines. War has not ceased in the world ; and pretending that it has, would not enable us to keep it off our territory. The general arguments against war bear the same relation to measures for na- tional defence that popular education does to the policeman : we count upon the progress of education for diminishing the tendency to crime, but until the criminal disposition be laid aside we must maintain the policeman. And it is well for the peace that he should be strong; for not only is he then the better able to quell tumult, but the very aspect of a stalwart peace-constable helps to keep the unruly in order. We would have England set the ex- ample of repudiating all aggressive warfare ; and in like manner we would have her prepared to show that she can repel aggres- sion and enforce the peace at least within her own territory.