Fr h faro nut( Vrort_ttaugn in Igurtinnitut. PETISHIP AS BEEFINESS

OP THE wain.

Horse or Loans. Monday, April 18. Affairs of Europe ; Lord Malmesbury's Statement.

Tuesday, April 19. Royal. Assent to the Exchequer Bills (18,277,4007.) Bin,. the Consolidated Fund (Appropriation) Bill, the Manor Courts llreland) Bill, the Evi- dence by Commission Bill, the Medical Act (1858) Amendment Bill, the Indemnity Bin, the Nottbigham Charities Bill, the Marriage Validity Bill, the Recreation Grounds Bill, the Local GovermuentSupplemental Bin, the Manslaughter Bill, the Public Offices Extension Bill, theConflrmation and Probate Act (1858) Amendment Bill, the Naval Medical Supplemental Act Bill, the Remission of Penalties Bill, the Affidavits by Commission Bill, the Superannuation Bill, the Combination of-Work- men Bill, the. MunicipalElections Bill. Prorogation ; the Queen's-Speech.

Hausa or Commits. Monday, April .18. Affairs of Europe; Mr. Disraeli's Statement.

Tuesday, April 19. Prorogation.

THE ITALIAN- QUESTION.

The Iong-promised: explanations respecting _the Dalian. question were made in both Houses, on Monday ; in the House of Commons, by, the Chancellor of. the Extegner, in the House of Lords by the Earl of Malmesbury. Mr. Diorama brought up copies of treaties relating to. the' Italian States, and moved they should be laid on the table in order that any NI-ember who pleased might make remarks, with all the reserve consist- ent with the exercise of a public duty. In treating of the exigency Mr. Disraeli went back to its origin. At the close oflast year the Go- vernment became aware of a- sense- of imitation between France and Austria;. and at the-beginning of the year the misunderstanding became matter of public notoriety. At that time England had no misunder- standing with any power of any class. Her good offices, therefore, might tend to maintain the general peace ; and the British Ministers at Paris and' Vienne- were instruoted'.to inform themselves of what wore the probable motives of the want of cordiality between Austria and France. There were several; but the permanent cause was found in the existing state of Italy. Lord Cowley was directed to ascertain the views of the Emperor of the French. In the view of her Majesty's Government the state of Italy was unsatisfactory. It was felt to be unwise to disturb the settlement of 1815, when, unsought by Austria, a prepon- derating power in Italy was ennforred on her, and when Sardinia was strengthened at the same time. Bid it was felt to be extremely un- satisfactory that Central' Italy should be occupied bye foreign army, and that Austrian influence should beexercised over independent states. The Government desired to mitigate these things rather by public opinion than by war. Lord Cowley was made acquainted with these views. He reported that his interviews and conversations with the Emperor were satisfactory ; he heCtime aware of the intentions and'viewe of the Empe- ror, and he was sent to Vienna, though not in an official capacity, to dis- cover how far it- was practicable: for -Austria to meet' the policy indi- cated.by the French Emperor. "The mission of Lord Cowley waseeni- neatly, and not merely eminently but entirely successful. It was a mission of mediation." Austria candidly and cordially considered all the points suggested' by the Emperor of the French. Lord Cowley and the English Government had not a dirubt that the mediation had been aim- oessful. But before Lord Cowley could .arrive at Paris, the Court of St. Petersburg had, proposed, a Congress of the five Great. Powers, and the Emperor of the French had accepted the proposal. The British Government had now to consider whether the arrangements begun by Lord Cowley could be completed; since another plan, "in actual emu- lation with our own," had been Bandit/nett-at Paris, In order not to lose precious time Government notified its willingness to agree to the plan providing it was formed upon these four conditions. "That the Congress was not to interfere with the settlement of 1815 was universally admitted. The four conditions on which it was proposed that the meeting of the Congress should• take place were—firstly, the evacuation of the Boman States by foreign troops.; secondly, the reform of the adminis- tration of the Roman States; thirdly, the best means of preventing a war breaking out between Austria and Sardinia; and, fourthly, the providing a-substitute-for theaeparate treaties which had been entered into between Austria. and. the. Central. States of Italy. Those four conditions were accepted by France, by Russia, and by Prussia. They were also accepted by Austria with a fifth condition, which waereally nothing more than a fair interpretation of the third,. which, as I said before, involved the considera- tion of the best means of preserving; peace, between Austria and Sardinia. This fifth condition, was, I repeat, nothing more than an interpretation of the' third, for it simply furnished a defini- - tion of-the best means of irresterringpettee; winch, in the opinion of Aus- tria, were to be found in the disarmament of Sardinia." Govenunent, not approving this, propoied that Fiance and England should guarantee Sar- dinia-against= attack from Austria providing Sardinie, disarmed. That ofinr was.not aeeepted,- and at thatraoment the proposal of a Congress.was not accepted. The Government again brought the question before the Court of Vienna, and Austria, " in that spirit of dignified conciliation," which 'she has shown throughout, waived the invidious condition of the disarms- 'meat' of Sardinia, and proposed a general disarmament of the European Powers. The English Government accepted the proposal, and submitted it to " the Court of the Tuilleries " where it was accepted. But no agreement had been cometo whether the diver:ea/sent shall take place before or after the assembling of the Congress. As. yet, said Mr. Disraeli, Sardinia had not accepted the principle of a general disarmament because she has not been invited to the Congress. Now although of late there has been "much that was embarrassing, perplexing, and even ambiguous." in the conduct of Sardinia the feeling its thisOottntry' towardsher is not wanting either in justice or kindness. Government have put the most generous in- terpretation on- her conduct; and therefore considered the question 'of her presence at the Congress without prejudice. The eroposal was for a Congress- of the five great Powers. How. could Sardinia appear at such a Congress? Sardinia was represented at the Con- gress of Paris, but she had won her place there by great deeds and sacrifices. If Sardinia was represented, why not Portugal or Holland, • ar the .other Italian states?- Government were anxious that the wee- dente of the Congresses of La bath and London should be followed, and that means should be found to set forth the interests of the Italian states. " We are, therefore, Sir, in this condition at the present moment— France and Austria-have alike accepted the principle of a generaldisarma- inent, although orrthe immediathmannerin which that disarmament should be carried into effect they are not agreed. Sardinia has not agreed to the disarmament, on account, it is.understhod, of her not having been, sum- Monedin person to the Congress. It might he hoped, under these circum- . stances, that the difficulty on the. part of Sardinia would, at least,-not prove insurmountable; but-I have the satisfaction, to inform the House that this morning the Margros celzeglio arrived in this country on a special mis- sion from.Purin. Re hashed an interview with the-Secretary of State al- ready, and I augur from it beneficial effects. The Sardinian Minister is a ' man of enlightened and temperate opinions, and I cannot but believe that under his guidance Sardinia will take that course which,.. in my opinion, will be the one most condnoive, not only to her advantage but to her repu- tation. I cannot believe that in the present circumstances of the ease there insmy Power in Eu,rope which:would wantonly provoke a war. There is a Power which may hot be present at this Congress when it takes place, but which is greater than, emperors and congresses, and that. is the power of public opinion. I do not believe-that in. this day that is a power which can . be wantonly outraged. Sir, I should: think it a gross outrage of public opinion if under the circumstances in which we- now find ourselves with respect to the Italian question, no solution should be found but that of the sword. On the contrary, it appears to me that the elements of a settlement are in existence, and, although I know it is dis- heartening in conducting nvotiations to find that you do not rapidly arrive at the result you desire, still, on the whole, I cannot but-trace in. all that has-occurred. a predominant wish that the solution should be one of peace. I do not wish to concealfrom this Rouse and the country that the issue is no mean one. A war in Italy is not a war in a, corner. An Italian war may be, and probably will be, an. European war. The waters of the Adri- atic cannot be disturbed without agitating the waters- of the Rhine. The Germanic of Trieste is not merely an Italian pert: it iseiport whieh.belongs to the Germanic Confederation, and an attack on.the port of Trieste is not an at- tack on Austria merely, but on Germany. If„. then, a war spread beyond the precincts of Italy,' England is interested, not only from those enlight- ened principles of civilization which make her look with an adverse eye on any attempt to disturb the peace of the world, but England. may be in- terested from material considerations of the most urgent and momentous character."

LordParannurrox said that be would. not say anything that would tend to add to the difficulties of the Government. They had acted from a sense of duty in undertaking an it:dermal, mediation between Prance and Austria, but- perhaps had they obtained some formal acceptance of their good offices the negetiatione might not have been interrupted by any other proceeding; He did not blame Russia for interposing. It was natural she should desire to take an adequate part in thesettlement of a great European transaction. She would' have had' no part in• the mediation conducted by Great Britain ; she will: have her proper part in the proceedings of the Congress..

It is natural that Austria should desire that negotiations should be either preceded or accompanied by disarmament; but it was unreasonable to pro- pose that Sardinia should disarm ; wince,. if negotiations broke off, Sardinia would be at the mercy. of Austria. "I am glad to hear that both France and Austria have agreed to the principle of disarmament, because, when these two great Powers admit that principle, it seems to me that we are not too sangumein hoping thatthe.negotiationt following upon that must eventu- ally tend towards a continuance of the peace of Europe. But-I must say it appears to me that-going into along discussion on the question,oectuanna- meat, instead of going at once:Ifeto the Congress to consider the real ques- tion at issue is somewhat of waste of time. If the Powers are really will-

ing to adopt four propositions Which the right honourable gentleman has stated to the House, thernein, and.principal one.of which is the evacua-

tion of foreign troops from Central and implying, I presume, an en- gagement that those troops shepldnot at any future time return—(" Bear, hear . anda-laugh.)—why should; the C,eweresenot meet at-once and settle that point, for that point not settled .everytherrelse weal& be nugatory with the ?row to the establishment of dipleenatio-negetiations e" The expression general disarmament is vageee Tt menet be dime in a-week or a month, and if the-operations it will reqn3re are the preliminaries to negotiation, the negotiation will be indefinitely pribened. knter, therefore, into Congress, and discuss at once the real question, " I amnoegoing to suggest the de- tails ; but no man, whohaslooked ist the state Mettle Continent can shut his eyes to the fact that it is-the disturbed, restless, and uneasy condition-of the Italian Stateewhich endangers the peace of Europe, and that that restless and uneasy condition results from had government on the South of the Po. To this is to be added the confidence on which the rulers of the different • states in that part of leaky rest, that, in.thirevent of anydisturbance on the part of their subjects against their oppression and tyranny' Austrian-troops will come- to their aid and quell the disturbance. Well, then, I say, let Prance and Austria. agree- immediatebyto withdraw the troops that now occupy Central Italy, and let them.commto a formal anclpublic engagement that, under no circumstances, and at no- future time shall they reoccupy those places ; and then Congress may go rote the questions-eonneeted with the amelioration of Italy in- general. But r am inelined'to believe that this single agreement, when it was once made publicly known, would lay the foundation of a progressive improvement in every' state South of the Po," The' Italians. are not so, impatient and eseited'as they were in 1848 ; and there is a much better understandimc-among.them ; and sure foundations-of • progressive improvementwill be laid if the Gomrnments and natives are left to themselves to settle their reciprocal diffrrenees. Lord Palmerston then deocribed the difficulty existing-at that moment aw arising from the indispo- sition of Sardinia to disarm • and to express his opinion that if Austria re- tired-from the frontier and reduced her army, Sardinia would-do the like; As to her presence at the Congress, her position is analogous 03 that she held in 1856. She is not now a belligerent because there bee been no war; but she is•one.of the parties givingeise to apprehensions- of conflict, and one of the parties-called-on to disarm ; and it is therefore fair the be present at the discussion-on-this question of disarmament. "If, on the other hand; it should be found that there are invincible objections to-Sardinia being ad- mitted ae a member of the-Congress, I think yew ought not to impose upon are members of the Congress. One of these two courses you ought to adopt—either adinit Sardinia te the Congress', and require her to-be a party to the general disarmament, or say that as she is not a member of the Con- gress you trust to her good sense• to renew the example-of France and Ausl. bin to disarm. With regard to the general' subject I think that the state- ment of the right honourable gentleman gives us well-founded hopes that the peace of Europe will not be distui bed. effheerey There may be, and them. are .occasions when war is necessary ; and, wbew war is.neeesietry, it becomes just. But to enter upon war veithout irstreng necessity- is an act of injustice which, reversing the well-known saying of the old diplomatist, is not city a flute but a crime.' And I treat linen Government- will be so blind to the duties they owe to themselves, to their subjects, to Euroke, and to mankind, as to enter now upon a war for which there is not onlyeio necessity but no legitimate or plausible pretext." (Cheers.) Mr. Thome Detects made a short speech, recommending the-at- pulsion of the Austrians from Italy altogether as the only remedy for her troubles. Lord Palmerston had not spoken out in the manner the people expected he would ; and Mr. Buncombe hoped.Lord John Russell week' say something. Mr. GLADSTONE said that Mr. Buncombe's remarks widened the ffeld ef discussion in a manner to be regretted. He would not adopt a toile of accusation; but some expressions fbll from the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer to which he would revert. Mr. Disraeli said that Austria lied adopted a tone of dignified conciliation, while the conduct of Sardinia had presented many things embarrassing, perplexing, and even am- biguous. Now, eitherthere is unknown-much meritorious conduct on the pert of Austria, and much questionable conduct en the part of Sardinia, or elee the spirit of her Majesty's Government is not one of entire impartiality. I do not adopt that eenclusion, and therefore I am sure my right honourable friend will excuse my calling his attention to whatseems to me the natural bearing of what he uttered. I am bound to say, so far as the facts of the case are known to the public, I can see nothing to justify the drawing such a distinction.. The Chancellor of the Exchequer has is us an instance otthe conduct of the Cabinetof Vienna, which, if it is a specimen of that conduct, hardly appears to me to justify the description of dignified conci- liation, because he says it was the proposal of the Cabinet of Vienna that while the great Powers of Europe met in Congress, in which Congress Sar- dinia was not to have a place, France and England were to insist that Sar- dinia,-and Sardinia alone, as a condition anterior to the meeting of that Congress, should proceed to disarm.. (Cheers.) I eau only say that I see no dignified conciliation in making. such a proposition, and I must further say, that the withdrawing such a proposition was merely a coneessionee the obvious demands of decency, propriety, and necessity." (Cheers.) Mr. Gladstone urged strong reasons why disarmament should not be enforced on Sardinia, and implored the Government not to be kept back from negotiations by any difficulty of a formal or ceremonial character, but to accelerate the oommeneement of' those discussions which alone seem likely to lead to the maintenance of peace. Mr. Gladstone seemed to desire an explanation of Mr. Disracl's allusion to Trieste, which is not an Italian port. Did it imply that if the war extended beyond the bounds of Italy, England might become a party to it ? [To this question no answer was returned beyond some vague cries of "No."1 Several. Members took part in the conversation. Mr. Cosnwonan-fol- lowed the line of Mr. Buncombe. Lord TORN RUSSELL concurred com- pletely in the observations of Lord Palmerston. Ile also intimated-to Ministers that they must not commit. the country to any course involving burdens on its finances until the new Parliament meets. Mr. MILNES emphatically expressed• an opinion that unless the Congress relieved Italy from the dominion-of brute force, it would be totally useless. Sir Toner WALSH thought that before all things war should be averted. Sir Marty VERNEY and Sir HENRY WILLOEORINE were both desirous of peace.

The papers were ordered to lie on the table.

In the Upper House there were three speakers—the Earl of Malmes- bury, the Earl of. Clarendon, and the Earl of Denby. Lord HALRESBURY with some modifications of language and less con- fidence of tone, told eubstantially the same story as Mr. Disraeli.. No one, he. said, ;ill deny the undoubted' right of Austria. to her Italian pos- sessions. They are here by inheritance, by eenquest, by treaty. Those treaties must be held sacred. But- while our feeling for Austria is leas sympathetic than it would be were she not a despotism, had she wisely restricted herself to her own affairs, and not played the unpopular part of constable in Italy, our sympathy with Sardinia rode on her constitu- tional government. But Sardinia has forgotten that her mission in Italy harem of example, and that military glory, although it may be the ap- pendage is not the object. of constitutional government. Another °Tepee, France, has determined to interfere in Italy. Great Britain could. only see that with regret, and could not easily understand. why Prance. ap- peared to be desirous of taking part in a contest in which she has no-di- rect niftiest. With this exordium, Lord Malmesbury entered into a de- tail of the steps taken by. the Government as described by Mr. Disraeli, not disguising his chagrin at the intervention of Russia, giving his opinion in favour of a previous disarmament, expressing a strong.sense of the responsibility of his position, asserting that Ministers have ne- glected no step to avert the disasters of war, and pray.ing that God might pardon those who, if they do occur, will be the occasion of them. Lord CLARENDON'S speech was, with some differene.es, the•counterpart of Lord. Palmerston's. Thus he said that assuming sincerity on the part of the Governments concerned, " assuming that they are not par- suing a hidden policy which they dare not avow," it is difficult to com- prehend how matters have arrived at their present stage. All profits- abhorrence of war ; yet on all sides there are gigantic is for war. This does not bear out the assumption that there is an honest de- sire to keep the peace. In making a statement of policy similar to that made by Lord Palmerston, Lord Clarendon said that Austria is bound not to exceed hy one hair'ic breadth the rights conferred on her by treaties-; that her claim to reduce independent Italian dates% vasellage is contrary to those treaties and to international law ; and that it bein the interest of. Austria that her special treaties witit the Italian :eines should. terminate.. Re also described the French occupation of Barnette a "great misfortune for France," since it places her in ie false position. Ile thought the foreign armies might be safely withdrawn, lie saw no pretext for war. Bathe expressed his opinion that war, which woulddeso- late Italy, would not settle the Italian. question;, that the annexation- of Lombardyto Piedmont, would prove distasteful knee proud aristocracies--of Lombardy and Venice, who would not like to be dependents upon the Pied- her an immediate disarmament, which ought to apply only. to those who inontese. ; and that Piedmont would find too late that she had been only the pioneer and advance guard of France. In grasping at the shadow Piedmont would sacrifice the substance of liberty, and French domina- tion would prove as odious as Austrian. An attempt to unite all the Minor states in one confederation would be the act-of a victor—of Frame, and the Pt inoe chosen, whether nail:ever. French, would require the support of a French army. Lord. Clarendon emphatically remarked that the Congress could perform no more useful task than to establish the prin- ciple of non-interference—the peinciple of' letting the Italian states alone. In conclusion. he Tin:muted that party spirit---although lord Mabnesbury'sname has been used lip his friend, for party preiPnsstf- should not prevent Lord Clarendon and those who at with him,, bout

Malting the fullest allowances for all the difficulties with which Lord lialmesbury may have to contend, or damp the satisfaction with which they will learn that success has crowned his efforts. (Loud sheers.)

The speech of Lord DERBY was remarkable for several points. It bore testimony to the fairness of Lord Clarendon, with whose speech, from beginning to end, Lord Derby heartily concurred. It attributed to the speech of the King of Sardinia much of the distrust, anxiety and prepare- ton we have to lament. It condemned, as injurious to Italy and Aus- tria, the special treaties between Austria and the Italian states, while in- sisting that Austria had a right to make them. It admitted that there is a mystery about the proposed evacuation of the Roman states. Austria had begun to evacuate them ; why no further progress has been made he knew not. Finally, Lord Derby said that these negotiations cannot be longer protracted. The time has nearly come when England having ex- hausted her power of persuasion, must reluctantly withdraw, reserving to herself the right to take what course she may think fit. If war arises it will be a war of principle and passion, extending beyond Italy, wrap- ping Europe in one general conflagration. Even England could not look with total indifference on any alteration in the occupation of the Adriatic or its shores.

" England is deeply interested in the maintenance of peace. She is pre- pared to make almost any sacrifice for that object ; but, in the interest of peace, she cannot assume a position which would place her in a helpless and defenceless condition, and if war breaks out, whatever be the consequence, our neutrality, as long as it may last, must to a certain extent be an armed neutrality, enabling us to take our part on that side, whatever it may be, which the honour, the interests, and the dignity of the country may indi- cate as best deserving our support. Such is the course which I hope the Government will be supported in taking by the unanimous opinion of Par- liament and the country ; for such, I am certain, is the only sound and ra- tional policy which we can pursue. God grant we may be spared the ne- cessity of entering upon so dangerous a path ! God grant that in the coun- cils of Europe there may yet prevail greater moderation, greater wisdom, greater temper ! God grant that this storm may pass by without bursting forth in the violent and terrific manner which we have now too much reason to anticipate. But I am sure, as I said before, that if the chances of peace depend in great measure upon the unanimous assent of Parliament to the principles so ably and eloquently expressed by my noble friend and the no- ble earl opposite, they will be materially strengthened if it be within the knowledge of Europe that England will not be allowed to remain a helpless or feeble spectator of events which may compromise her dignity and honour, but that a serious responsibility, with all its results, will be laid upon the head of the Power, whatever it may be, which, without due provocation and without the most urgent necessity, seeks for its own ambitious purposes to involve Europe in the calamities of a long and bloody war." (Loud cheers.) THE PROROGATION.

Parliament was prorogued by Royal Commission on Tuesday morning. Few Peers were present in the House of Lords ; but there was a goodly show of ladies. Mr. Disraeli, Lord John Manners, and others came at the summons of Black Rod from the Lower House, and the Royal assent having been given to many bills, the Lord Chancellor read the following speech. My Lords and Gentlemen—We are commanded by her Majesty to in- form you that it is her Majesty's intention forthwith to dissolve the present Parliament, with a view to enable her people to express, in the mode pre- scribed by the Constitution, their opinion on the state of public affairs. "Gentlemen of the House of Commons—We are commanded by her Ma- jesty to thank you for the wise liberality with which you have granted the necessary supplies for the military and naval defences of the country ; and for the provision which you have made for the exigencies of the other branches of the public service during the interval which must elapse before the estimates for the year can be considered by the new Parliament, which her Majesty will direct to be immediately called. " My Lords and Gentlemen—Her Majesty commands us to inform you that the appeal which she is about to make to her people has been rendered ne- cessary by the difficulties experienced in carrying on the public business of the country, as indicated by the fact, that within little more than a year two successive Administrations have failed to retain the confidence of the House of Commons : and her Majesty. prays that, under the blessing of Divine Providence, the step which she is about to take may have the effect of facili- tating the discharge of her high functions, and of enabling her to conduct the government of the country under the advice of a Ministry possessed of the confidence of her Parliament and her people.

The LORD Creasiczenon, by virtue of the Commission, then prorogued Parliament till Thursday, the 5th of May next; and so the proceedings terminated.

In the House of Commons Mr. THOMAS DIINCOMBE asked Mr. Disraeli when the dissolution would actually take place. Mr. Drarteem replied that on Saturday morning a Council would be held, when the Ministers would advise her Majesty to dissolve the Parliament, so that the writs would go out upon the Saturday evening.

So ends the Parliament. It has been in existence seven days short of two years, having met on the 30th April 1857.